Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 31.11

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[1] When this news came, the senate voted that¹ Gaius Aurelius the consul should order that the army, for which he had

[2] designated a date on which to assemble in Etruria, should come together the same day at Ariminum, and that either Aurelius himself, if the interests of the state permitted, should set out to suppress the Gallic revolt, or else he should notify

[3] the praetor that when the legions from Etruria joined him he should send in their stead five thousand of the allies, to serve as a temporary garrison for Etruria, and that he himself should march to raise the siege of the colony.

[4] The senate also voted that ambassadors be sent to Africa on a mission to Carthage and likewise to Masinissa in Numidia.²

[5] Their message to the Carthaginians was that their fellow-citizen Hamilcar, left in Gaul — it was not certainly known whether he was from Hasdrubal's earlier army or the later expedition of Mago³ — was

[6] making war contrary to the treaty and had raised armies of Gauls and Ligures against the Roman people; if they wanted peace they should recall him and surrender him to the Roman people.

[7] At the same time they were ordered to give notice that the Roman deserters had not all been restored to them, but that, according to report, many of them were openly living at Carthage; these were to be sought out and arrested, for return to Rome according to the treaty. Such was their mission to Carthage.

[8] As to Masinissa, they were ordered to congratulate him because he had not only recovered his ancestral possessions but had also enlarged them by the addition of the most prosperous⁴ part of the territory of Syphax.⁵

[9] They were also to say that war with King Philip had been begun, because he had sent aid to Carthage;

[10] because he had, by attacking the allies of the Roman people when Italy was being consumed by the flames of war, compelled the dispatch of fleets and armies to Greece, and, by dividing their forces, had been a chief cause of postponing the invasion of Africa. They were to ask that Masinissa send assistance in the form of Numidian cavalry.

[11] Ample gifts — vases of gold and silver, a purple toga, a tunic adorned with palms, an ivory sceptre, a robe of state and a curule chair — were given them to be presented to the king.

[12] The ambassadors were directed to promise him that if he pointed out anything he needed to strengthen and enlarge his kingdom, the Roman people would make every effort to secure it for him, in recognition of his services to them.

[13] At this time ambassadors to the senate came also from Vermina, the son of Syphax, who sought to make excuses for his mistakes, which were due to his youth, and placing all the blame for them on the bad faith of the Carthaginians:

[14] Masinissa, they said, had become a friend to the Roman people after having been their enemy; so Vermina too would strive earnestly not to be outdone by Masinissa or anyone else in services to the Roman people; they asked that he be named king and ally and friend by the senate.

[15] The senators replied to the ambassadors that his father Syphax, once an ally and friend, had suddenly and without cause become an enemy of the Roman people; that Vermina himself had spent the beginnings of his youth in harassing the Romans in war.

[16] Therefore he should seek peace from the Roman people before asking for recognition as king⁶ and ally and friend, the honour of which titles the Roman people usually conferred in return for conspicuous services towards themselves on the part of kings.

[17] Roman ambassadors, they said, would soon be in Africa, whom the senate would instruct to offer terms of peace to Vermina, who was to leave full discretion thereon to the Roman people; if he wished anything added to, taken from, or modified in, these terms, he should make a new request to the senate. The ambassadors sent to Africa with these instructions were Gaius Terentius Varro, Spurius Lucretius and Gnaeus Octavius.

[18] One quinquereme was assigned to each.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 31.11 focus

[1] his litteris recitatis decreverunt, ut C. Aurelius consul exercitum, cui in Etruriam ad conveniendum diem edixerat,

[2] Arimini eadem die adesse iuberet et aut ipse, si per commodum rei publicae posset, ad opprimendum Gallicum tumultum proficisceretur aut Q. Minucio praetori scriberet,

[3] ut, cum ad eum legiones ex Etruria venissent, missis in vicem earum quinque milibus sociorum, quae interim Etruriae praesidio essent, proficisceretur ipse ad coloniam liberandam obsidione.

[4] legatos item mittendos in Africam censuerunt, eosdem Carthaginem, eosdem in Numidiam ad Masinissam:

[5] Carthaginem, ut nuntiarent civemn civem eorum Hamilcarem relictum in Gallia — baud haud satis scire ex Hasdrubalis prius, an ex Magonis postea exercitu —

[6] bellum contra foedus facere, exercitus Gallorum Ligurumque excivisse ad arma contra populum Romanum; eum, si pax placeret, revocandum illis et dedendum populo Romano esse.

[7] simul nuntiare iussi perfugas sibi eis non omnis redditos esse, ac magnam partem eorum palam Carthagini obversari dici; quos comprehendi conquirique debere, ut sibi eis ex foedere restituantur.

[8] haec ad Carthaginienses mandata. Masinissae gratulari iussi, quod non patrium modo recuperasset regnum, sed parte florentissima Syphacis finium adiecta etiam auxisset.

[9] nuntiare praeterea iussi bellum cum rege Philippo susceptum,

[10] quod Carthaginienses auxiliis iuvisset iniuriasque inferendo sociis populi Romani flagrante bello Italia coegisset classes exercitusque in Graeciam mitti et distinendo copias causa in primis fuisset serius in Africam traiciendi; peterentque, ut ad id bellum mitteret auxilia Numidarum equitum.

[11] dona ampla data, quae ferrent regi,

[12] vasa aurea argenteaque, toga purpurea et palmata tunica cum eburneo scipione et toga praetexta cum curuli sella; iussique polliceri, si quid sibi eis ad firmandum augendumque regnum opus esse indicasset, enixe id populum Romanum merito eius praestaturum.

[13] Verminae quoque, Syphacis filii, legati per eos dies senatum adierunt excusantes errorem adulescentiamque et culpam omnem in fraudem Carthaginiensium avertentes:

[14] et Masinissam Romanis ex hoste amicum factum; Verminam quoque adnisurum, ne officiis in populum Romanum aut a Masinissa aut ab ullo alio vincatur; petere, ut rex sociusque et amicus ab senatu appellaretur.

[15] responsum legatis est, et patrem eius Syphacem sine causa ex socio et amico hostem repente populi Romani factum, et eum ipsum rudimentur rudimentum adulescentiae bello lacessentem Romanos posuisse.

[16] itaque pacem illi prius petendam ab populo Romano esse, quam ut rex sociusque et amicus appelletur; nominis eius honorem pro magnis erga se regum meritis dare populum Romanum consuesse.

[17] legatos Romanos in Africa fore, quibus mandaturum senatum, ut Verminae pacis dent leges, liberum arbitrium eius populo Romano permittenti; si quid ad eas addi, demi mutarive vellet, rursus ab senatu ei postulandum fore.

[18] legati cum iis mandatis in Africam missi C. Terentius Varro, Sp. Lucretius, Cn. Octavius. quinqueremes singulis datae.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.11 focus

[1]

per eosdem forte dies cum Laelius et Masinissa quinto decimo ferme die in Numidiam ¹ pervenissent, Maesulii, regnum paternum Masinissae, laeti ut ad regem diu ² desideratum concessere.

[2] Syphax pulsis inde praefectis praesidiisque suis vetere se continebat regno, neutiquam quieturus.

[3] stimulabat³ aegrum amore uxor socerque, et ita viris equisque abundabat ut subiectae oculis regni per multos florentis annos vires etiam minus barbaro atque inpotenti animo spiritus possent facere.

[4] igitur omnibus qui bello apti erant in unum coactis equos, arma, tela dividit; equites in turmas, pedites in cohortes, sicut quondam ab Romanis centurionibus didicerat, distribuit.

[5] exercitu haud minore quam quem prius habuerat, ceterum omni prope. novo atque incondito, ire ad hostes pergit.

[6] et castris in propinquo positis primo pauci equites ex tuto speculantes ab stationibus progredi, dein iaculis summoti recurrere ad suos; inde excursiones in vicem fieri et, cum pulsos indignatio accenderet, plures subire,

[7] quod inritamentum certaminum equestrium est, cum aut vincentibus spes aut pulsis ira adgregat suos.

[8] ita tum a paucis proelio accenso omnem utrimque postremo equitatum certaminis studium effudit. ac dum sincerum ⁴ equestre proelium erat, multitudo Masaesuliorum, ingentia agmina Syphace emittente, ⁵ sustineri vix poterat;

[9] deinde, ut pedes Romanus repentino per turmas suas ⁶ viam dantes intercursu stabilem aciem fecit absterruitque effuse invehentem sese hostem, primo barbari segnius permittere equos,

[10] dein stare ac prope turbari ⁷ novo genere pugnae, postremo non pediti solum cedere, sed ne equitem quidem sustinere peditis praesidio audentem. iam signa quoque legionum adpropinquabant.

[11] tum vero Masaesulii non modo primum impetum, sed ne conspectum quidem signorum atque armorum tulerunt; tantum seu memoria priorum cladium seu praesens terror valuit.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 31.11 focus

[1]

his litteris recitatis decreverunt, ut C. Aurelius consul exercitum, cui in Etruriam ad conveniendum diem edixerat,

[2] Arimini eadem die adesse iuberet et aut ipse, si per commodum rei publicae posset, ad opprimendum Gallicum tumultum proficisceretur aut Q. Minucio praetori scriberet,

[3] ut, cum ad eum legiones ex Etruria venissent, missis in vicem earum quinque milibus sociorum, quae interim Etruriae praesidio essent, proficisceretur ipse ad coloniam liberandam obsidione.

[4] legatos ¹ item mittendos in Africam censuerunt, eosdem Carthaginem, eosdem in Numidiam ad Masinissam:

[5] Carthaginem, ut nuntiarent civem eorum Hamilcarem relictum in Gallia—haud satis scire ex Hasdrubalis prius, an ex Magonis postea exercitu—bellum contra foedus facere,

[6] exercitus Gallorum Ligurumque excivisse ad arma contra populum Romanum; eum, si pax placeret, revocandum illis et dedendum populo Romano esse.

[7] simul nuntiare iussi perfugas sibi non omnis redditos esse, ac magnam partem eorum palam Carthagini obversari dici; quos comprehendi conquirique debere, ut sibi ex foedere restituantur. haec ad Carthaginienses mandata.

[8] Masinissae gratulari iussi, quod non patrium modo recuperasset regnum, sed parte florentissima Syphacis finium adiecta etiam auxisset.

[9] nuntiare praeterea iussi bellum cum rege Philippo susceptum,

[11] dona ampla data, quae ferrent regi, vasa aurea argenteaque,

[12] toga purpurea et palmata tunica cum eburneo scipione et toga praetexta cum curuli sella; iussique polliceri, si ² quid eis ad firmandum augendumque regnum opus esse indicasset, enixe id populum Romanum merito eius praestaturum.

[13] Verminae quoque, Syphacis filii, legati per eos dies senatum adierunt excusantes errorem adulescentiamque et culpam omnem in fraudem Carthaginiensium avertentes:

[15] responsum legatis est, et patrem eius Syphacem sine causa ex socio et amico hostem repente populi Romani factum, et eum ipsum rudimentum adulescentiae bello lacessentem Romanos posuisse.

[16] itaque pacem illi prius petendam ab populo Romano esse, quam ut rex sociusque et amicus appelletur; nominis eius honorem pro magnis erga se regum meritis dare populum Romanum consuesse.

[17] legatos Romanos in Africa fore, quibus mandaturum senatum, ut Verminae pacis dent leges, liberum ³ arbitrium eius populo Romano permittenti; si quid ad eas addi, demi mutarive vellet, rursus ab senatu ei postulandum fore.

[18] legati cum iis mandatis in Africam missi C. Terentius Varro , Sp. Lucretius , Cn. Octavius . quinqueremes singulis datae.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 31.11 focus

[1]

This letter having been read they decreed, that the consul Aurelius should order the army which he had appointed to assemble on a certain day in Etruria, to attend him on the same day at Ariminum;

[2] and should either go in person, if the public business would permit, to suppress the tumult of the Gauls, or write to the praetor Lucius Furius, that, as soon as

[3] the legions from Etruria came to him, he should send five thousand of the allies to guard that place in the mean time, and should himself proceed to relieve the colony from the siege.

[4] They also determined, that ambassadors should be sent to Carthage, and also into Numidia, to Masinissa: to Carthage, to announce that

their countryman, Hamilcar, having been left in Gaul, (either with a part of the army formerly commanded by Hasdrubal, or with that of Mago —they

[5]

did not with certainty know which,) was waging war, contrary to the treaty. That he had excited the armies of the Gauls and Ligurians to arms against the Roman people.

[6]

That, if they wished for peace, they must recall him, and give him up to the Roman people.

They were ordered at the same time to tell them, that

all the deserters had not been sent back; that a great part of them were said to appear openly in Carthage, who ought to be sought after, and surrendered according to the treaty.

[7] Such was the message to the Carthaginians. To Masinissa they were charged with congratulations, on his

having not only recovered the kingdom of his father, but enlarged it by the acquisition of the most flourishing parts of Syphax's territories.

[8] They were ordered also to acquaint him, that

a war had been undertaken against Philip, because he had given aid to

[9]

the Carthaginians, while, by the injuries which he offered to the allies of the Roman people, he had obliged them to send fleets and armies into Greece, while Italy was blazing with war;

[10]

and that by thus making them separate their forces, had been the principal cause of their being so late passing over into Africa; and to request him to send to that war supplies of Numidian horsemen.

[11] Ample presents were given them to be carried to the king; vases of gold and silver, a purple robe, and a tunic adorned with palms of purple, an ivory sceptre, and a robe of state, with a curule chair.

[12] They were also directed to assure him, that if he deemed any thing further requisite to confirm and enlarge his kingdom, the Roman people, in return for his good services, would exert their utmost zeal to effect it.

[13] At this time, too, ambassadors from Vermina, son of Syphax, came to the senate apologizing for his mistaken conduct, on account of his youth and want of judgment, and throwing all the blame on the deceitful policy of the Carthaginians:

[14] adding, that as Masinissa had from an enemy become a friend to the Romans, so Vermina would also use his best endeavours that he should not be outdone in offices of friendship to the Roman people, either by Masinissa, or by any other; and requesting that he might receive from the senate the title of king, friend, and ally."

[15] The answer given to these ambassadors was, that

not only his father Syphax, from a friend and ally, had on a sudden, without any reason, become an enemy to the Roman people, but that he himself had made his first essay of manhood in bearing arms against them.

[16]

He must, therefore, sue to the Roman people for peace, before he could expect to be acknowledged king, ally, and friend; that it was the practice of that people to bestow the honour of such title, in return for great services performed by kings towards them;

[17]

that the Roman ambassadors would soon be in Africa, to whom the senate would give instructions to regulate conditions of peace with Vermina, if he would leave the terms of it entirely to the will of the Roman people; and that, if he wished that any thing should be added, left out, or altered, he must make a second application to the senate.

[18] The ambassadors sent to Africa on those affairs, were Caius Terentius Varro, Publius Lucretius, and Cneius Octavius, each of whom had a quinquereme assigned him.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 31.11 focus

[1]

After the despatch had been read the senate decreed that the consul C. Aurelius should order his army to muster at Ariminum on the day which he had previously fixed for their muster in Etruria.

[2] If the state of public affairs allowed, he was to go in person to suppress the disturbance, otherwise, he was to send instructions to L. Furius requesting him,

[3] as soon as the legions reached him, to send his 5000 of the allied contingent to replace them in Etruria, and then raise the siege of Cremona. The senate also decided to send a mission to Carthage and to Masinissa in Numidia.

[4] Their instructions for Carthage were to inform the government that Hamilcar, one of their citizens who had come with either Hasdrubal's or Mago's army, had been left behind

[5] and in defiance of the treaty had persuaded the Gauls and Ligurians to take up arms against Rome. If they wished to remain at peace they must recall him and surrender him to the Romans.

[6] The commissioners were also to announce that the deserters had not all been given up, a great many of them were stated to be openly walking about in Carthage; it was the duty of the authorities to find them out and arrest them in order that they might be handed over in accordance with the treaty.

[7] These were their instructions for Carthage. To Masinissa they were to convey the senate's congratulations on his having recovered his ancestral kingdom and still more upon his having extended it by the annexation of the richest portion of Syphax's dominions.

[8] They were also to inform him that a war had been undertaken against Philip in consequence of his having lent the Carthaginians active

[9] assistance, and when Italy was wrapped in the flames of war he had inflicted injuries on the allies of Rome.

[10] She was thus compelled to send ships and armies to Greece, and by thus dividing her forces Philip was primarily the cause of the delay in sending an expedition to Africa. The commissioners were further to request Masinissa to assist in that war by sending a contingent of Numidian horse.

[11] Some splendid presents were placed in their charge for the king-gold and silver vases, a purple robe, a tunica palmata together with an ivory sceptre, also a toga praetexta together with a curule chair.

[12] They were instructed to assure him that if he required anything for the security and extension of his kingdom and would intimate what he wanted, the Roman people would do their utmost to meet his wishes in return for the services he had rendered.

[13] A deputation from Syphax's son, Vermina, also appeared before the senate. They made excuses for his mistakes on the ground of his youth and threw all the blame on the faithlessness of the Carthaginians.

[14] Masinissa had once been the enemy and had now become the friend of Rome; Vermina, too, they said, would make every effort not to be outdone in friendly offices to Rome either by Masinissa or by any one else. They ended by petitioning the senate to confer on him the title of "king, ally and friend."

[15] The reply which the deputation received was to the effect that "Syphax, his father, had suddenly without any reason become an enemy to the people of Rome after being their ally and friend, and that Vermina himself had commenced his military education by an attack on the Romans.

[16] He must therefore sue for peace before he could have any title to be styled 'king, ally and friend.' The Roman people were accustomed to confer that honourable distinction in return for great services which kings have rendered to them.

[17] The Roman envoys would shortly be in Africa and the senate would empower them to grant peace to Vermina on certain conditions, providing that he left the fixing of those conditions absolutely to the Roman people. If he wanted anything added or cancelled or altered in the terms he must make a fresh appeal to the senate."

[18] The men who were sent to conduct these negotiations were C. Terentius Varro, Sp. Lucretius and Cn. Octavius; and they had each a quinquereme placed at their disposal.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. B.C. 200

2. Masinissa, king of the Massylii, had fought against the Romans in Spain, but had been won over by Africanus and had served effectively in the last campaigns of the war. His dominions were enlarged by the peace treaty (XXX. xliv. 12). His friendship with the Scipios and his vigour in extreme old age made him a familiar figure in Latin literature.

3. The two brothers of Hannibal, Hasdrubal and Mago, had invaded Italy in 207 B.C. and 205 B.C. (XXVII. xxxix. 2 ff.; XXVIII. xlvi. 7 ff.). Cf. x. 2 above.

4. B.C. 200

5. Syphax, king of Numidia, had been a Roman ally but had gone over to Carthage and expelled Masinissa from his own kingdom. He died a prisoner in Italy, just before or just after Scipio's triumph (XXX. xlv. 4-5), leaving the remnants of his kingdom to Vermina.

6. B.C. 200

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 31.11

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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