Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 28.19

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[1]

Although the Spanish provinces were having a respite from a Carthaginian war, still it was evident that on account of a guilty conscience certain states were quiet out of fear rather than because of loyalty. Most conspicuous both for size and guilt among these were Iliturgi ¹ and Castulo. ²

[2] Although in favourable times its citizens had been allies, Castulo, after the Scipios had been slain with their armies, had revolted to the Carthaginians. The men of Iliturgi, by betraying and slaying those who from that disaster had fled to them for refuge, had added a crime also to their revolt.

[3] On Scipio's first coming, when the Spanish provinces were wavering, vengeance upon those states would have been deserved but not politic.

[4] Now, however, since in a time of peace the moment for exacting the penalty seemed to have arrived, he summoned Lucius Marcius from Tarraco and sent him with a third of his forces to lay siege to Castulo. He himself with the rest of the army reached Iliturgi in about five stages.

[5] The gates had been closed and everything disposed and prepared to resist an attack. ³ So true was it that consciousness of what they knew they had deserved had meant as much for them as a declaration of war.

[6] With this point also Scipio opened his speech of encouragement to his soldiers, saying that the Spaniards by closing their gates had themselves shown what they had deserved to fear. Consequently, he said, they must wage war against them with much more animosity than against the Carthaginians.

[7] With these it was a contest almost devoid of anger in pursuit of power and glory; from the Iliturgians they must exact the penalty for treachery and cruelty and crime.

[8] The time had come for them to avenge the atrocious slaughter of their comrades and the perfidy which would have been brought to bear against themselves if in flight they had reached the same city. It was time also for them by a severe example to ordain that no one should ever account a Roman citizen or soldier in any misfortune as fair game for ill treatment.

[9] Immediately after this exhortation from their general the officers, thoroughly aroused, issued ladders to men picked out of one maniple after another, and dividing the army so that Laelius as lieutenant should command one half, they attacked the city in two places at the same time, causing a double alarm.

[10] It was not a single commander or a number of leading men that urged the citizens gallantly to defend the city, but their own fear due to consciousness of guilt.

[11] They remembered and reminded one another also that the aim was their punishment, not victory; that when every man perished what mattered most was whether he did so in battle and in the line, where the fortune of the fray, making no distinctions, often lifted up the defeated ⁴ and dashed down the victor, or whether later, when their city was in

[12] ashes and ruins, there before the faces of their captured wives and children, after enduring every outrage and indignity, they breathed their last under the scourge and in chains.

[13] Accordingly not merely those of military age or men alone, but women and children also helped beyond their powers of mind and body, bringing up weapons for the fighting men and carrying stones for the builders up to the wall.

[14] The stake was not freedom only, which whets the courage of brave men alone, but all had before their eyes extreme penalties and a hideous death. Bravery was kindled by emulation in toil and danger and by the mere sight of one another.

[15] And so the battle was begun with such heat that that famous army, the conqueror of all Spain, was repeatedly beaten back from the walls by the young men of a single town and thrown into disorder in an inglorious battle. When Scipio saw this, he was afraid that, owing to so many vain attempts made by his men, the enemy's spirits might be cheered and his own soldiers lose heart.

[16] Thinking that he must himself make the attempt and claim a share in the danger, he berated the soldiers for their cowardice, ordered ladders to be brought up, and threatened that if the rest hesitated he would climb up himself.

[17] Already at no small risk ⁵ he had come close to the walls when from all sides an outcry was made by the soldiers, who were concerned for their commander and began to set up ladders in many places at the same time; and on the other side Laelius pressed the attack.

[18] Then the resistance of the townsmen was broken and, once the defenders ⁶ had been dislodged, the walls were occupied.

The citadel also in the midst of the confusion was captured from the side on which it appeared to be impregnable.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

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Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 28.19 focus

[1] Hispaniae sicut a bello Punico quietae erant, ita quasdam civitates propter conscientiam culpae metu magis quam fide quietas esse apparebat, quarum maxume insignes et magnitudine et noxa Iliturgi et Castulo erant.

[2] Castulo cum prosperis rebus socii fuissent, post caesos cum exercitibus Scipiones defecerat ad Poenos; Iliturgitani prodendis, qui ex illa clade ad eos perfugerant, interficiendisque scelus etiam defectioni addiderant.

[3] in eos populos primo adventu, cum dubiae Hispaniae essent, merito magis quam utiliter saevitum foret;

[4] tunc iam tranquillis rebus quia tempus expetendae poenae videbatur venisse, accitum ab Tarracone L. Marcium cum tertia parte copiarum ad Castulonem oppugnandum mittit; ipse cum cetero exercitu quintis fere ad Iliturgin castris pervenit.

[5] clausae erant portae omniaque instructa et parata ad oppugnationem arcendam; adeo conscientia, quid se meritos scirent, pro indicto eis bello fuerat. hinc et hortari milites Scipio orsus est:

[6] ipsos claudendo portas indicasse Hispanos, quid ut timerent meriti essent. itaque multo infestioribus animis cum eis quam cum Carthaginiensibus bellum gerendum esse;

[7] quippe cum illis prope sine ira de imperio et gloria certari, ab his perfidiae et crudelitatis et sceleris poenas expetendas esse.

[8] venisse tempus, quo et nefandam commilitonum necem et in semet ipsos, si eodem fuga delati forent, instructam fraudem ulciscerentur, et in omne tempus gravi documento sancirent, ne quis umquam Romanum civem militemve in ulla fortuna opportunum iniuriae duceret.

[9] ab hac cohortatione ducis incitati scalas electis per manipulos viris dividunt; partitoque exercitu ita, ut parti alteri Laelius praeesset legatus, duobus simul locis ancipiti terrore urbem adgrediuntur.

[10] non dux unus aut plures principes oppidanos, sed suus ipsorum ex conscientia culpae metus ad defendendam inpigre urbem hortatur; et meminerant

[11] et admonebant alii alios supplicium ex se, non victoriam peti; ubi quisque mortem oppeteret, id referre, utrum in pugna et in acie, ubi Mars communis et victum saepe erigeret et adfligeret victorem,

[12] an postmodo, cremata et diruta urbe, ante ora captarum coniugum liberorumque, inter verbera et vincula, omnia foeda atque indigna passi exspirarent.

[13] igitur non militaris modo aetas aut viri tantum sed feminae puerique supra animi corporisque vires adsunt, propugnantibus tela ministrant, saxa in muros munientibus gerunt.

[14] non libertas solum agebatur, quae virorum fortium tantum pectora acuit, sed ultima omnium supplicia et foeda mors ob oculos erat. accendebantur animi et certamine laboris ac periculi atque ipso inter se conspectu.

[15] itaque tanto ardore certamen initum est, ut domitor ille totius Hispaniae exercitus ab unius oppidi iuventute saepe repulsus a muris haud satis decoro proelio trepidarit.

[16] id ubi vidit Scipio, veritus, ne vanis tot conatibus suorum et hostibus cresceret animus et segnior miles fieret, sibimet conandum ac partem periculi capessendam esse ratus, increpita ignavia militum ferri scalas iubet et se ipsum, si ceteri cunctentur, escensurum minatur.

[17] iam subierat haud mediocri periculo moenia cum clamor undique ab sollicitis vicem imperatoris militibus sublatus scalaeque multis simul partibus erigi coeptae;

[18] et ex altera parte Laelius institit. tum victa oppidanorum vis, deiectisque propugnatoribus occupantur muri; arx etiam ab ea parte, qua inexpugnabilis videbatur, inter tumultum capta est.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Conway, Robert Seymour; Walters, Charles Flamstead; Johnson, Stephen Keymer, editors. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1914-1935. (Oxford Classical Texts)) — 28.19 focus

[1]

Hispaniae sicut a bello Punico quietae erant, ita quasdam ciuitates propter conscientiam culpae metu magis quam fide quietas esse apparebat, quarum maxime insignes et magnitudine et noxa Iliturgi et Castulo erant.

[2] Castulo, cum prosperis rebus socii fuissent, post caesos cum exercitibus Scipiones defecerat ad Poenos: Iliturgitani prodendis qui ex illa clade ad eos perfugerant interficiendisque scelus etiam defectioni addiderant.

[3] in eos populos primo aduentu cum dubiae Hispaniae essent merito magis quam utiliter saeuitum foret:

[4] tunc iam tranquillis rebus quia tempus expetendae poenae uidebatur uenisse, accitum ab Tarracone L. Marcium cum tertia parte copiarum ad Castulonem oppugnandum mittit, ipse cum cetero exercitu quintis fere ad Iliturgin castris peruenit.

[5] clausae erant portae omniaque instructa et parata ad oppugnationem arcendam; adeo conscientia quid se meritos scirent pro indicto eis bello fuerat.

[6] hinc et hortari milites Scipio orsus est: ipsos claudendo portas indicasse Hispanos quid ut timerent meriti essent. itaque multo infestioribus animis cum eis quam cum Carthaginiensibus bellum gerendum esse;

[7] quippe cum illis prope sine ira de imperio et gloria certari, ab his perfidiae et crudelitatis et sceleris poenas expetendas.

[8] euenisse tempus quo et nefandam commilitonum necem et in semet ipsos, si eodem fuga delati forent, instructam fraudem ulciscerentur, et in omne tempus graui documento sancirent ne quis unquam Romanum ciuem militemque in ulla fortuna opportunum iniuriae duceret.

[9] ab hac cohortatione ducis incitati scalas electis per manipulos uiris diuidunt, partitoque exercitu ita ut parti alteri Laelius praeesset legatus, duobus simul locis ancipiti terrore urbem adgrediuntur.

[10] non dux unus aut plures principes oppidanos, sed suus ipsorum ex conscientia culpae metus ad defendendam impigre urbem hortatur.

[11] et meminerant et admonebant alios supplicium ex se non uictoriam peti: ubi quisque mortem oppeteret, id referre, utrum in pugna et in acie, ubi Mars communis et uictum saepe erigeret et adfligeret uictorem,

[12] an postmodo cremata et diruta urbe, ante ora captarum coniugum liberorumque, inter uerbera et uincula, omnia foeda atque indigna passi exspirarent.

[13] igitur non militaris modo aetas aut uiri tantum, sed feminae puerique super animi corporisque uires adsunt, pugnantibus tela ministrant, saxa in muros munientibus gerunt.

[14] non libertas solum agebatur, quae uirorum fortium tantum pectora acuit, sed ultima omnibus supplicia et foeda mors ob oculos erat. accendebantur animi et certamine laboris ac periculi atque ipso inter se conspectu.

[15] itaque tanto ardore certamen initum est ut domitor ille totius Hispaniae exercitus ab unius oppidi iuuentute saepe repulsus a muris haud satis decoro proelio trepidaret.

[16] id ubi uidit Scipio, ueritus ne uanis tot conatibus suorum et hostibus cresceret animus et segnior miles fieret, sibimet conandum ac partem periculi capessendam esse ratus increpita ignauia militum ferri scalas iubet et se ipsum si ceteri cunctentur escensurum minatur.

[17] iam subierat haud mediocri periculo moenia cum clamor undique ab sollicitis uicem imperatoris militibus sublatus, scalaeque multis simul partibus erigi coeptae;

[18] et ex altera parte Laelius institit. tum uicta oppidanorum uis deiectisque propugnatoribus occupantur muri. arx etiam ab ea parte qua inexpugnabilis uidebatur inter tumultum capta est:

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 28.19 focus

[1]

Hispaniae sicut a bello Punico quietae erant, ita quasdam civitates propter conscientiam culpae metu magis quam fide quietas esse apparebat, quarum maxume insignes et magnitudine et noxa Iliturgi et Castulo erant.

[2] Castulo , cum prosperis rebus socii fuissent, post caesos cum exercitibus Scipiones defecerat ¹ ad Poenos; Iliturgitani prodendis qui ex illa clade ad eos perfugerant interficiendisque scelus etiam defectioni addiderant.

[3] In eos populos primo adventu, cum dubiae Hispaniae essent, merito magis quam utiliter saevitum foret;

[4] tunc tune iam tranquillis rebus quia tempus expetendae poenae videbatur venisse, accitum ab Tarracone L. Marcium cum tertia parte copiarum ad Castulonem oppugnandum mittit, ipse cum cetero exercitu quintis fere ² ad Iliturgin castris pervenit.

[5] clausae erant portae omniaque instructa et parata ad ³ oppugnationem arcendam; adeo conscientia quid se meritos scirent pro indicto eis bello fuerat.

[7] quippe cum illis prope sine ira de imperio et gloria certari, ab his perfidiae et crudelitatis et sceleris poenas expetendas esse.

[8] venisse⁴ tempus quo et nefandam commilitonum necem et in semet ipsos, si eodem fuga delati forent, instructam fraudem ⁵ ulciscerentur, et in omne tempus gravi documento sancirent ne quis umquam Romanum civem militemve ⁶ in ulla fortuna opportunum iniuriae duceret.

[9] ab hac cohortatione ducis incitati scalas electis per manipulos viris dividunt, partitoque exercitu ita ut parti alteri Laelius praeesset legatus, duobus simul locis ancipiti terrore urbem adgrediuntur.

[10] non dux unus aut plures principes oppidanos, sed suus ipsorum ex ⁷ conscientia culpae metus ad defendendam inpigre urbem hortatur.

[11] et meminerant et admonebant alii alios ⁸ supplicium ex se, non victoriam peti; ubi quisque mortem oppeteret, id referre, utrum in pugna et in acie, ubi Mars communis et victum saepe erigeret et adfligeret victorem,

[12] an postmodo, cremata ⁹ et diruta urbe, ante ora captarum coniugum liberorumque, inter verbera et vincula, omnia foeda atque indigna passi exspirarent.

[13] igitur non militaris modo aetas aut viri tantum, sed feminae puerique super ¹⁰ animi corporisque vires adsunt, propugnantibus ¹¹ tela ministrant, saxa in muros munientibus gerunt.

[14] non libertas solum agebatur, quae virorum fortium tantum pectora acuit, sed ultima omnibus ¹² supplicia et foeda mors ob oculos erat. accendebantur animi et certamine laboris ac periculi atque ipso inter se conspectu.

[15] itaque tanto ardore certamen initum est ut domitor ille totius Hispaniae exercitus ab unius oppidi iuventute saepe repulsus a muris haud satis decoro proelio trepidaret. ¹³

[16] id ubi vidit Scipio, veritus ne vanis tot ¹⁴ conatibus suorum et hostibus ¹⁵ cresceret animus et segnior miles fieret, sibimet conandum ac partem periculi capessendam esse ratus, increpita ignavia militum ferri scalas iubet et se ipsum, si ceteri cunctentur, escensurum minatur.

[17] iam subierat haud mediocri periculo moenia, cum clamor undique ab sollicitis vicem imperatoris militibus sublatus, scalaeque multis simul partibus erigi coeptae; et ex altera parte Laelius institit.

[18] tum victa oppidanorum vis, deiectisque propugnatoribus ¹⁶ occupantur muri. arx etiam ab ea parte qua ¹⁷ inexpugnabilis videbatur inter tumultum capta est.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 28.19 focus

[1]

As Spain was undisturbed by a Carthaginian war, so it was evident that some of the states remained quiet more from fear, arising from a consciousness of demerit, than from sincere attachment. The most remarkable of them, both for their greatness and guilt, were Illiturgi and Castulo.

[2] Castulo had been in alliance with the Romans when in prosperity, but had revolted to the Carthaginians after the destruction of the Scipios and their armies. The Illiturgians, by betraying and putting to death those who fled thither after that calamity, had added villany to revolt.

[3] It would have been more deserved than expedient to have executed severe vengeance upon these people on his first arrival, while the affairs of Spain were in an uncertain state;

[4] but now, when all was tranquil, as the time for visiting them with punishment appeared to have arrived, he summoned Lucius Marcius from Tarraco, and sent him with a third of his forces to attack Castulo, and with the rest of the army he himself reached Illiturgi, after about five days' march.

[5] The gates were closed, and every arrangement and preparation made for repelling an attack; so completely had the consciousness of what they deserved produced the same effect as a declaration of war against them. From this circumstance Scipio commenced his exhortation to his soldiers:

[6] he said, that

by closing their gates the Spaniards had themselves shown what their deserts were by what they feared, and that therefore they ought to prosecute the war against them with much greater animosity than against the Carthaginians. For with the latter the contest was carried on for empire and glory almost without any exasperated feeling, while they had to punish the former for perfidy, cruelty, and villany.

[7]

That the time had now arrived when they should take vengeance for the horrid massacre of their fellow soldiers, and for the treachery which was prepared for themselves, had they been carried in their flight to the same place;

[8]

and by the severity of the punishment inflicted in the present instance, establish it as a law for ever, that no one should consider a Roman citizen and soldier, whatever his situation, a fit object for injurious treatment.

[9] Animated by this exhortation of their general, they distributed the scaling-ladders to men selected from each of the companies; and the army being divided into two parts, so that Laelius, as lieutenant-general, might command one, they attacked the city in two places at once; thus creating an alarm in two quarters at the same time.

[10] It was not by the exhortations of one general, nor of the several nobles who were present, that the townsmen were stimulated to a vigorous defence of the city, but by the fear which they themselves entertained; they bore in mind, and admonished each other, that the object aimed at was punishment, and not victory.

[11] That the only question for them was, where they should meet death, whether in the battle and in the field, where the indiscriminate chance of war frequently raised up the vanquished and dashed the victor to the ground; or whether, after a short interval, when the city was burnt and plundered, after suffering every horror and indignity, they should expire amid stripes and bonds before the eyes of their captive wives and children.

[12] Therefore, not only those who were of an age to bear arms, or men only, but women and children,

[13] beyond the powers of their minds and bodies, were there, supplying with weapons those who were fighting in defence of the place, and carrying stones to the walls for those who were strengthening the works; for not only was their liberty at stake, which excites the energies of the brave only, but they had before their eyes the utmost extremity of punishment, to be inflicted on all indiscriminately, and an ignominious death.

[14] Their minds were worked up to the highest pitch, both by emulation in toil and danger, and also by the mere sight of each other.

[15] Accordingly the contest was entered upon with such ardour, that the army which had subdued the whole of Spain was frequently driven back from the walls of one town, and exhibited such a want of resolution in the contest as was not very honourable to it.

[16] When Scipio perceived this, he was afraid lest, by the failure of his attempts, the courage of the enemy should be raised and his own troops be dispirited; and thinking it incumbent upon him to exert himself in person and share the danger, reproved his soldiers for their cowardice, and ordered the scaling-ladders to be brought, threatening to mount the wall himself, since the rest hesitated.

[17] He had now advanced near the walls with no small danger, when a shout was raised from all sides by the soldiers, who were alarmed at the danger their general was exposed to, and the scaling-ladders began to be reared in several places at once. Laelius too, in another quarter, pressed on vigorously.

[18] It was then that the energy of the townsmen was subdued, and those who defended the walls being beaten off, the Romans took possession of them. The citadel also was captured during the confusion on a side where it was thought impregnable.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 28.19 focus

[1]

Spain was now quiet as far as war with Carthage was concerned, but it was quite evident that some communities conscious of wrong-doing were kept quiet more by their fears than by any feeling of loyalty to Rome. Amongst these Iliturgi and Castulo were foremost in importance and foremost in guilt.

[2] As long as Roman arms were successful Castulo remained true to her alliance; after the Scipios and their armies were destroyed they revolted to Carthage. Iliturgi had gone further, for the inhabitants had betrayed and put to death those who had sought refuge with them after those disasters, thus aggravating their treason by crime. To take action against these cities immediately on his arrival in Spain, whilst the issue was still undecided, might have been justifiable but hardly wise. Now, however, that matters were settled, it was felt that the hour of punishment had arrived.

[3] Scipio sent orders to L. Marcius to take a third part of his force to Castulo and at once invest the place, and with the remainder he himself marched to Iliturgi where he arrived after a five days' march.

[4] The gates were closed and every preparation had been made to repel an assault; the townsmen were quite conscious of the punishment they deserved, and any formal declaration of war was, therefore, unnecessary. Scipio made this the subject of his address to his soldiers. "The Spaniards," he said, "by closing their gates have shown how well they deserve the punishment which they fear.

[5] We must treat them with much greater severity than we treated the Carthaginians; with the latter we contend for glory and dominion, with hardly any feeling of anger, but from the former we have to exact the penalty for cruelty, treachery and murder.

[6] The time has come for you to avenge the atrocious massacre of your fellow-soldiers and the treachery meditated against yourselves had you been carried there in your flight. You will make it clear for all time by this awful example that no one must ever consider a Roman citizen or a Roman soldier a fit subject for ill-treatment, whatever his condition may be."

[7] Roused by their general's words the men began to prepare for the assault, storming parties were picked out of all the maniples and supplied with ladders, and the army was formed into two divisions, one being placed under the command of Laelius, so that the town might be attacked from opposite sides and a twofold terror created.

[8] The defenders were stimulated to a determined and prolonged resistance not by their general or their chiefs but by the fear which came from a consciousness of guilt. With their past crime in mind they warned each other that the enemy was seeking not victory so much as vengeance.

[9] The question was not how to escape from death but where to meet it, whether, sword in hand, on the battlefield where the fortune of war often raises up the vanquished and flings the victor to the ground, or amidst the ashes of their city before the eyes of their captive wives and children after being torn with the lash and subjected to shameful and horrible tortures. With this prospect before them every man who could carry arms took his part in the fighting, and even the women and children working beyond their strength supplied missiles to the combatants, and carried stones up to the walls for those who were strengthening the defences. Not only was their liberty at stake-that motive only inspires the brave-but they had before their eyes the very extremity of torture and a shameful death.

[10] As they looked at each other and saw that each was trying to outdo all the rest in toil and danger, their courage was fired, and they offered such a furious resistance that the army which had conquered Spain was again and again repulsed from the walls of one solitary city, and fell back in confusion after a contest which brought it no honour.

[11] Scipio was afraid that the futile efforts of his troops might raise the enemies' courage and depress his own men, and he decided to take his part in the fighting and his share of the danger. Reproaching his soldiers for their cowardice he ordered the ladders to be brought up and threatened to mount himself if the rest hung back.

[12] He had already reached the foot of the wall and was in imminent danger when shouts arose on all sides from the soldiers who were anxious for their commander's safety, and the ladders were at once planted against the wall. Laelius now delivered his attack from the other side of the town. This broke the back of the resistance; the walls were cleared of their defenders and seized by the Romans, and in the tumult the citadel also was captured on that side where it was considered impregnable.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. The last previous mention of a town of this name was XXVI. xvii. 4. That was about 175 miles in a straight line from New Carthage, and in a quite unthinkable direction for retreating Romans. Amtorgis, where the two brothers separated, cannot be identified (XXV. xxxii. 5, 9). Iliturgi has taken the place here of a town less well known, perhaps that of Pliny's Ilorci (the rogus Scipionis, i.e. of Gnaeus, N.H. III. 9; Ilurgia in App. Hisp. 32, Ilourgeia in Polybius, XI. xxiv. sub.fin., a fragment which seems to belong here, Dindorf). This may be modern Lorca, on a tributary of the Tader, about 40 miles west of Cartagena; so Ed. Meyer, Kl. Schr. II. 445 f. and Schulten in Hermes LXIII. 288 ff. Or possibly Lorqui on the Tader, 35 miles north-west of Cartagena; so Scullard, 143. Cf. Cambridge Ancient History VIII. 90.

2. Cf. xiii. 4; XXIV. xli. 7. Here App. l.c. has Castax, unknown and an improbable form, but accepted by Scullard, 144 and Hallward in C.A.H. l.c. Any argument for rejecting Castulo is less cogent than in the case of Iliturgi. We may have our doubts, however, about an advance so far to the west unsupported except by the annalistic tradition. Cf. Kahrstedt in Meltzer, Geschichte der Karthager III. 495 if.

3. B.C. 206

4. B.C. 206

5. App. Hisp. 32 has him wounded; Zonaras IX. x. 2.

6. B.C. 206

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 28.19

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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