Epictetus Discourses 4

George Long (Translator)

Discourses. Epictetus. George Long (Translator). London. 1890.

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Current edition Perseus

Arrian's Discourses of Epictetus (English) (Epictetus. The Discourses of Epictetus, with the Encheridion and Fragments. Long, George, translator. London: George Bell and Sons, 1887.)

Editions (1)
Ἀρριανοῦ τῶν Ἐπικτήτου Διατριβῶν Perseus (Epictetus. Epicteti dissertationes ab Arriano digestae, editio maior. Schenkl, Heinrich. editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1916.) — 4.1 focus
Translations (1)
The Discourses of Epictetus Perseus (Epictetus. The Works of Epictetus, His Discourses, in Four Books, the Enchiridion, and Fragments. Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, translator. New York: Thomas Nelson and Sons. 1890.) — 4 focus

Notes on the current edition

Discourses

1. Cicero, Paradox. v.
Quid est enim libertas? Potestas vivendi ut velis. Quis igitur vivit ut vult, nisi qui recta sequitur,
etc.
2. προπίπτων. Comp. ii. 1. 10: ἐξαπατηθῆναι οὖν ἢ προπεσεῖν.
3.
Whoever Whosoever committeth sin, is the servant of sin
John viii. 31.
Mrs. Carter.
4. A usual form of oath. See ii. 20. 29. Upton compares the Roman expression Per Genium, as in Horace Epp. i 7. 94—
Quod te per Genium, dextramque, Deosque Penates
Obsecro et obtestor.
5. A lover’s exclusion by his mistress was a common topic, and a serious cause of complaint (Lucretius, iv. 1172):
At lacrimans exclusus amator limina saepe
Floribus et sertis operit.
See also Horace, Odes, i. 25 .
6. Thrasonides was a character in one of Menander’s plays, intitled Μισούμενος or the Hated.
7. It must have been rather difficult to manage a tame lion; but we read of such things among the Romans. Seneca, Epp. 41.
8. The keeping of birds in cages, parrots and others, was also common among the Romans. Ovid ( Amor. ii. 6 ) has written a beautiful elegy on the death of a favourite parrot.
9. See ii. 1. 26. The εἰκοστώναι were the Publicani, men who farmed this and other taxes. A tax of a twentieth of the value of a slave when manumitted was established at an early time (Livy vii. 16). It appears from this passage that the manumitted slave paid the tax out of his savings (peculium). See ii. 1. note 7.
10. The reader may guess the meaning.
11. A gold ring was worn by the Equites; and accordingly to desire the gold ring is the same as to desire to be raised to the Equestrian class.
12. The colophon. See ii. 14. note 5. After the words most splendid slavery it is probable that some words have accidentally been omitted in the MSS.
13. Compare i 2. 6.
14. Compare i. 22
15. Sic praetextatos referunt Artaxata mores.—Juv. ii. 170. See Epict. i. 2, note 4.
16.
Saturnalia. See i. 25, note 3.
At this season the slaves had liberty to enjoy themselves and to talk freely with their masters. Hence Horace says, Sat. ii. 74—
Age. libertate Decembri,
Quando ita majores voluerunt, utere.
17.
Insigne hoc exemplum est τοῦ εἰκῆ τὰς προλήψεις ἐφαρμόζειν ταῖς ἐπι μέρους οὐσίαις. De quo, vide i. 22, 9, ii. 11, 3, ii. 17, 7.
Upton.
18. Schweighaeuser observes that death is in our power, as the Stoics taught; and Epictetus often tells us that the door is open. He suggests that the true reading may be καὶ οὐκ ἀποθανεῖν. I think that the text is right. Epictetus asks is Life or death in our power. He means no more than if he had said Life only.
19.
He means that which seems to you to be false. See iii. 22, 42.
In the matter of assent then: this is the third τόρος or locus or division in philosophy (iii. 2, 1–5). As to the Will, compare i. 17, note 10. Epictetus affirms that a man cannot be compelled to assent, that is to admit, to allow, or, to use another word, to believe in that which seems to him to be false, or, to use the same word again, to believe in that in which he does not believe. When the Christian uses the two creeds, which begin with the words, I believe etc., he knows or he ought to know, that he cannot compel an unbeliever to accept the same belief. He may by pains and penalties of various kinds compel some persons to profess or to express the same belief: but as no pains or penalties could compel some Christians to deny their belief, so I suppose that perhaps there are men who could not be compelled to express this belief when they have it not. The case of the believer and the unbeliever however are not the same. The believer may be strengthened in his belief by the belief that he will in some way be punished by God, if he denies that which he believes. The unbeliever will not have the same motive or reason for not expressing his assent to that which he does not believe. He believes that it is and will be all the same to him with respect to God, whether he gives his assent to that which he does not believe or refuses his assent. There remains nothing then to trouble him if he expresses his assent to that which he does not believe, except the opinion of those who know that he does not believe, or his own reflections on expressing his assent to that which he does not believe; or in other words his publication of a lie, which may probably do no harm to any man or in any way. I believe that some men are strong enough, under some circumstances at least, to refuse their assent to any thing which they do not believe; but I do not affirm that they would do this under all circumstances.
To return to the matter under consideration, a man cannot be compelled by any power to accept voluntarily a thing as true, when lie believes that it is not true; and this act of his is quite independent of the matter whether his unbelief is well founded or not. He does not believe because he cannot believe. Yet it is said (Mark xvi. 11,) in the received text, as it now stands,
He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved; but he that believeth not, shall be damned
(condemned). The cause, as it is called, of this unbelief is explained by some theologians; but all men do not admit the explanation to be sufficient: and it does not concern the present subject.
20. The word admire is θαυμάσῃς in the original. The word is often used by Epictetus, and Horace uses admirari in this Stoical sense. See i. 29. 2, note.
21. See Schweig.’s note on μέρος.
22. The word is ἀγγαρεία, a word of Persian origin (Herodotus, viii. 98). It means here the seizure of animals for military purposes when it is necessary. Upton refers to Matthew 5, v 41, Mark 15, c. 21 for similar uses of the verb ἀγγαρεύω
23. Here he speaks of asses being shod. The Latin translation of the word ( ὑποδημάτια) in Epictetus is ferreas calces. I suppose they could use nothing but iron.
24. See Schweig.’s note.
25. See Schweig.’s note.
26. Schweig. suggests καταβεβλήκαμεν instead of ἀποβεβλήκαμεν, though all his MSS. have the word in the text. I do not think that his proposed alteration is an improvement.
27. The word is ἀποτειχίζω, which means what I have translated. The purpose of circumvallation was to take and sometimes also to destroy a fortress. Schweig. translates the word by destruam, and that is perhaps not contrary to the meaning of the text; but it is not the exact meaning of the word.
28. In this passage and in what follows we find the emphatic affirmation of the duty of conformity and of the subjection of man’s will to the will of God. The words are conclusive evidence of the doctrine of Epictetus that a man ought to subject himself in all things to the will of God or to that which he believes to be the will of God. No Christian martyr ever proclaimed a more solemn obedience to God’s will. The Christian martyr indeed has given perfect proof of his sincerity by enduring torments and death: the heathen philosopher was not put to the same test, and we cannot therefore say that he would have been able to bear it.
29. In this passage the distinction must be observed between θέλω and βουλομαι, which the Latin translators have not observed, nor Mrs. Carter. See Schweig.’s note on s. 90.
30. ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ: he means on earth.
31.
Schweig. expresses his surprise that Epictetus has applied this word ( ὁρμάς) to God. He says that Wolf has translated it
Dei appetitionem,
and Upton
impetum.
He says that he has translated it
consilium.
It is not unusual for men to speak of God in the same words in which they speak of man.
32. See ii. 1. 18. Schweig. expected that Epictetus would have said body and possessions etc. I assume that Epictetus did say body and possessions etc., and that his pupil or some copyist of MSS. has omitted the word body.
33.
The Lord gave and the Lord hath taken away. Job i. 21.
Mrs. Carter.
34. The initiated ( μύσται) are those who were introduced with solemn ceremonies into some great religious body. These ceremonies are described by Dion Prus. Orat. xii., quoted by Upton.
35.
And is this all the comfort, every serious reader will be apt to say, which one of the best philosophers, in one of his noblest discourses, can give to the good man under severe distress? Either tell yourself that present suffering void of future hope, is no evil, or give up your existence and mingle with the elements of the Universe! Unspeakably more rational and more worthy of infinite goodness is our blessed Master’s exhortation to the persecuted Christian: Rejoice and be exceedingly glad, for great is your reward in heaven.
Mrs. Carter.
I do not think that Mrs. Carter has represented correctly the teaching of Epictetus. He is addressing men who were not Christians, but were, as he assumes, believers in God or in the Gods, and his argument is that a man ought to be contented with things as they are, because they are from God. If he cannot be contented with things as they are, and make the best of them, the philosopher can say no more to the man. He tells him to depart. What else could he say to a grumbler, who is also a believer in God? If he is not a believer, Epictetus might say the same to him also. The case is past help or advice.
The Christian doctrine, of which probably Epictetus knew nothing, is very different. It promises future happiness on certain conditions to Christians, but to Christians only, if I understand it right.
36. See the note of Schweig. on this passage.
37. The word is καρπίστην δίδως. See iii. 24.76 and the note 15: also Upton’s note on this passage. Schweig. says that he does not quite understand why Epictetus here says διδόναι καρπίστην, dare vindicem or adsertorem, instead of saying vindicate sese in libertatem.
38. See iii. 24. 66, ii. 13. 24.
39. See the same story in Aulus Gellius ( ii. c. 18 ), who says that Xeniades, a Corinthian, bought Diogenes, manumitted him and made him the master of his children.
40. See Schweig.’s note 15.
41. See i. 2, note 5.
42. I do not know if dogs sweat; at least in a state of health I have never seen it. But this is a question for the learned in dog science.
43. See Schweig.’s note.
44. As Upton remarks, Epictetus is referring to the four categories of the Stoics.
45. Epictetus, Encheiridion c. 52. M. Antoninus, Gatak. 2d. ed. 1697, Annot. p. 96.
46.
Stoicus occidit Baream, delator amicum,
Discipulumque senex.
Juvenal, iii. 116.
Epictetus is supposed to allude to the crime of Egnatius Celer who accused Barea Soranus at Rome in the reign of Nero ( Tacit. Ann. xvi. 32 ).
47. Mrs. Carter says that
there is much obscurity and some variety of reading in several lines of the original.
But see Schweig.’s notes. Epictetus is showing that talk about philosophy is useless: philosophy should be practical.
48. Horace Sat. ii. 5 .
49. Aprulla is a Roman woman’s name. It means some old woman who is courted for her money.
50. Compare Plato (Symposium, p. 206):
All men conceive both as to the body and as to the soul, and when they have arrived at a certain age, our nature desires to procreate. But it cannot procreate in that which is ugly, but in that which is beautiful. For the conjunction of man and woman is generation; but this act is divine, and this in the animal which is mortal is divine, conceiving and begetting.
See what is said in ii. 23, note 10 on marrying. In a certain sense the procreation of children is a duty, and consequently the providing for them is also a duty. It is the fulfilling of the will and purpose of the Deity to people the earth; and therefore the act of procreation is divine. So a man’s duty is to labour in some way, and if necessary, to earn his living and sustain the life which he has received; and this is also a divine act. Paul’s opinion of marriage is contained in Cor. i. 7. Some of his teaching on this matter has been justly condemned. He has no conception of the true nature of marriage; at least he does not show that he has in this chapter. His teaching is impracticable, contrary to that of Epictetus, and to the nature and constitution of man; and it is rejected by the good sense of Christians who affect to receive his teaching; except, I suppose, by the superstitious body of Christians, who recommend and commend the so-called religious, and unmarried life.
51. Felicion. See i. 19, p. 62.
52. Epictetus alludes to his lameness: compare i. 8. 14, i. 16. 20, and other passages. Upton.
53. Schweig. doubts if the words οὐ γὰρ ἡν, which I have omitted, are genuine, and give his reasons for the doubt.
54. Schweig. has a note on this difficult passage, which is rather obscure.
55. The sense of law ( ὁ νόμος) can be collected from what follows. Compare the discourse of Socrates on obedience to the law. (Criton, c. 11, etc.)
56. See Schweig.’s note on ἀπεριστάτου.
57. Socrates fought at Potidaea, Amphipolis and Delium. He is said to have gained the prize for courage at Delium. He was a brave soldier as well as a philosopher, a union of qualities not common. (Plato’s Apology.)
58. Socrates with others was ordered by the Thirty tyrants, who at that time governed Athens, to arrest Leon in the island of Salamis and to bring him to be put to death. But Socrates refused to obey the order. Few men would have done what he did under the circumstances. (Plato’s Apology; M. Antoninus, vii. 66.)
59. Cicero, Tuscul. Disp. i. 29.
60. The Dialogue of Plato, named Criton, contains the arguments which were used by his friends to persuade Socrates to escape from prison, and the reply of Socrates.
61. This alludes to the behaviour of Socrates when he refused to put to the vote the matter of the Athenian generals and this behaviour after the naval battle of Arginusae. The violence of the weather prevented the commanders from collecting and honorably burying those who fell in the battle; and the Athenians after their hasty fashion, wished all the commanders to be put to death. But Socrates, who was in office at this time, resisted the unjust clamour of the people. Xenophon Hellenica, i. c. 7, 15 ; Plato, Apologia; Xenophon, Memorab. i. 1, 18
62. The original is ποῦ γὰρ ἂν ἔτι ἔμενον ἐκεῖνοι; this seems to mean, if we had escaped and left the country, where would those have been to whom we might have been useful? They would have been left behind, and we could have done nothing for them.
63.
This is the conclusion about Socrates, whom Epictetus highly valued: the remembrance of what Socrates did and said is even more useful than his life.
The life of the dead,
says Cicero of Servius Sulpicius, the great Roman jurist and Cicero’s friend,
rests in the remembrance of the living.
Epictetus has told us of some of the acts of Socrates, which prove him to have been a brave and honest man. He does not tell us here what Socrates said, which means what he taught; but he knew what it was. Modern writers have expounded the matter at length, and in a form which Epictetus would not or could not have used.—Socrates left to others the questions which relate to the material world, and he first taught, as we are told, the things which concern man’s daily life and his intercourse with other men: in other words he taught Ethic (the principles of morality). Fields and trees, he said, will teach me nothing, but man in his social state will; and man then is the proper subject of the philosophy of Socrates. The beginning of this knowledge was as he said, to know himself according to the precept of the Delphic oracle, Know thyself ( γνῶθι σεαυτόν): and the object of his philosophy was to comprehend the nature of man as a moral being in all relations; and among these the relation of man to God as the father of all, creator and ruler of all, as Plato expresses it. Socrates taught that what we call death is not the end of man; death is only the road to another life. The death of Socrates was conformable to his life and teaching.
Socrates died not only with the noblest courage and tranquillity, but he also refused, as we are told, to escape from death, which the laws of the state permitted, by going into exile or paying a fine, because as he said, if he had himself consented to a fine or allowed others to propose it, (Xenophon, Apol. § 22 ), such an act would have been an admission of his guilt. Both (Socrates and Jesus) offered themselves with the firmest resolution for a holy cause, which was so far from being lost through their death that it only served rather to make it the general cause of mankind.
(Das Christliche des Platonismus oder Socrates und Christus, by F. C. Baur.)
This essay by Baur is very ingenious. Perhaps there are some readers who will disagree with him on many points in the comparison of Socrates and Christus. However the essay is well worth the trouble of reading.
The opinion of Rousseau in his comparison of Jesus and Socrates is in some respects more just than that of Baur, though the learning of the Frenchman is very small when compared with that of the German.
What prejudices, what blindness must a man have,
says Rousseau,
when he dares to compare the son of Sophroniscus with the son of Mary!—The death of Socrates philosophising tranquilly with his friends is the most gentle that a man could desire; that of Jesus expiring in torments, insulted, jeered, cursed by a whole people, is the most horrible that: man could dread. Socrates taking the poisoned cup blesses him who presents it and weeps; Jesus in his horrible punishment prays for his savage executioners. Yes, if the life and the death of Socrates are those of a sage, the life and the death of Jesus are those of a God.
(Rousseau, Emile, vol. iii. p. 166. Amsterdam, 1765.)
64. He means that you must not do as he does, because he does this or that act. The advice is in substance, Do not do as your friend does simply because he is your friend.
65. See Iliad, ii 216; and for the description of Agamemnon, Iliad iii. 167.
66. See Schweig.’s note.
67. The text is obscure, and perhaps there is something wrong, Schweighaeuser has a long note on the passage.
68. He alludes to the factions in the theatres, iii. 4, 4; iv. 2–9. Upton.
69. See i. 25. note 1; iv. 7. 17.
70. Masurius Sabinus was a great Roman jurisconsult in the times of Augustus and Tiberius. He is sometimes named Masurius only (Persius, v. 90). C. Cassius Longinus was also a jurist, and, it is said, a descendant of the Cassius, who was one of the murderers of the dictator C. Caesar. He lived from the time of Tiberius to that of Vespasian.
71. ἀσπασμοί. See this chapter further on.
72. See Bishop Butler’s remarks in the Preface to his Sermons vol. ii. He speaks of the
idle way of reading and considering things: by this means, time even in solitude is happily got rid of without the pain of attention: neither is any part of it more put to the account of idleness, one can scarce forbear saying, is spent with less thought than great part of that which is spent in reading.
73.
Sed verae numerosque modosque ediscere vitae.
Hor. Epp. ii. 2. 144
. M. Antoninus, iii. 1.
74.
The readers perhaps may grow tired with being so often told what they will find it very difficult to believe, That because externals are not in our power, they are nothing to us. But in excuse for this frequent repetition, it must be considered that the Stoics had reduced themselves to a necessity of dwelling on this consequence, extravagant as it is, by rejecting stronger aids. One cannot indeed avoid highly admiring the very few. who attempted to amend and exalt themselves on this foundation. No one perhaps ever carried the attempt so far in practice, and no one ever spoke so well in support of the argument as Epictetus. Yet, notwithstanding his great abilities and the force of his example, one finds him strongly complaining of the want of success; and one sees from this circumstance as well as from others in the Stoic writings, That virtue can not be maintained in the world without the hope of a future reward.
Mrs. Carter.
75. Compare Horace, Sat. i. 4. 133:
Neque enim cum lectulus
etc.
76. See i. 4. note 5, iii. 15. 4; and i. 24. 1, i. 29. 34. The athletes were oiled, but they used to rub themselves with dust to be enabled to lay hold of one another.
77. M. Antoninus, i. 17, thanks the Gods that he did not waste his time in the resolution of syllogisms.
78. See iii. c. 2.
79. See Aulus Gellius xvii. 19 , where he quotes Epictetus on what Gellius expresses by intolerantia and incontinentia. Compare M. Antoninus (v. 33) on the precept Ἀνέχου and Ἀπέχου.
80. Plato in the Phaedon (c. 4) says that Socrates in his prison wrote a hymn to Apollo.
81. i 22.
82. Compare Encheiridion, 52. Cleanthes was a Stoic philosopher, who also wrote some poetry. See p. 292, note.
83. He alludes to the practice of dependents paying formal visits in the morning at the houses of the great and powerful at Rome. Upton refers to Virgil, Georgics, ii. 461.
84. Compare i. 19. 6.
85. Compare Horace Sat. i. 5. 83 .
86. See Antoninus, vi. 2; and ix. 6
Thy present opinion founded on understanding, and thy present conduct directed to social good, and thy present disposition of contentment with everything which happens —that is enough.
87. Compare Upton’s note on ἀπέχουσι, and Schweig.’s version, and the Index Graecitatis. These commentators do not appeal to be quite certain about the meaning of the text.
88. See ii, 12. 15 .
89. See Xenophon, Memorabilia, ii. 2 ,
90. The word στρατηγῆσαι may be translated either way.
91. See iv. 1. 77, and the use of θαυμάζειν.
92.
See ii. 10. 14, iv. 1. 120. So Plato says (Legg. vi.), that a man who has had right education is wont to be the most divine and the tamest of animals. Upton.
On the doing wrong to another, see Plato’s Critc, and Epictetus iv. 1. 167.
93. See iii. 1. 40.
94. Like Hercules and Diogenes See iii. 12. 2.
95. The allusion is to a passage (a fragment) in the Cresphontes of Euripides translated by Cicero into Latin Iambics (Tusc. Disp. i. 48)—
ἔδει γὰρ ἡμᾶς σύλλογον ποιουμένους
τὸν φύντα φρηνεῖν εἰς ὅς’ ἔρχεται κάκα.
τὸν δ᾽αὖ φανόντα καὶ πόνων πεπαυμένον
χαίροντας, εὐφημοῦντας ἐκπέμπειν δόμων.
Herodotus (v. 4) says of the Trausi, a Thracian tribe:
when a child is born, the relatives sit round it and lament over all the evils which it must suffer on coming into the world and enumerate all the calamities of mankind: but when one dies, they hide him in the earth with rejoicing and pleasure, reckoning all the evils from which he is now released and in possession of all happiness.
96. The word is πανδοκεῖον, which Schweig. says that he does not understand. He supposes the word to be corrupt; unless we take it to mean the inn in which a man lives who has no home. I do not understand the word here.
97. See the note of Schweig. on the word τετράσσαρον in the text.
98.
This does not mean, it is said, that Nero issued counterfeit coins, for there are extant many coins of Nero which both in form and in the purity of the metal are complete. A learned numismatist, Francis Wise, fellow of Trinity College Oxford, in a letter to Upton, says that he can discover no reason for Nero’s coins being rejected in commercial dealings after his death except the fact of the tyrant having been declared by the Senate to be an enemy to the Commonwealth. (Suetonius, Nero, c. 49 .) When Domitian was murdered, the Senate ordered his busts to be taken down, as the French now do after a revolution, and all memorials of him to be destroyed (Suetonius, Domitian, c. 23 ). Dion also reports (LX.) that when Caligula was murdered, it was ordered that all the brass coin which bore his image should be melted, and, I suppose, coined again. There is more on this subject in Wise’s letter.
I do not believe that genuine coins would be refused in commercial dealings for the reasons which Wise gives, at least not refused in parts distant from Rome. Perhaps Epictetus means that some people would not touch the coins of the detestable Nero.
99. He says τὸ κήρινον, which Mrs. Carter translates a piece of wax. Perhaps it means a piece of wax in the form of an apple.
100. The word is ἐπιφύησονται, the form of which is not Greek. Schweig. has no remark on it, and he translates the word by adorientur. The form ought to be ἐπιφύσονται. See Stephens’ Lexicon on the word ἐπιφύομαι. Probably the word is corrupted.
101. Mrs. Carter renders φοβερόν by formidable, and in the Latin translation it is rendered formidabilem, but that cannot be the meaning of the word here.
102. Eteocles and Polynices were the sons of the unfortunate Oedipus, who quarrelled about the kingship of Thebes and killed one another This quarrel is the subject of the Seven against Thebes of Aeschylus and the Phoenissae of Euripides. See ii. 22. note 3.
103.
Every man in everything he does naturally acts upon the forethought and apprehension of avoiding evil or obtaining good.
Bp. Butler, Analogy, Chap. 2. The bishop’s naturally is the φύσις of Epictetus.
104.
Socrates’ wife Xanthippe is charged by her eldest son Lamprocles with being so ill-tempered as to be past all endurance (Xenophon, Memorab. ii. 2, 7 ). Xenophon in this chapter has reported the conversation of Socrates with his son on this matter.
Diogenes Laertius (ii.) tells the story of Xanthippe pouring water on the head of Socrates, and dirty water, as Seneca says (De Constantia, c. 18). Aelian (xi. 12) reports that Alcibiades sent Socrates a large and good cake, which Xanthippe trampled under her feet. Socrates only laughed and said, Well then, you will not have your share of it. The philosopher showed that his philosophy was practical by enduring the torment of a very ill-tempered wife, one of the greatest calamities that can happen to a man, and the trouble of an undutiful son.
105. This is one of the wisest and noblest expressions of Epictetus.
106. See Aristophanes, the Peace, v. 1188:
πολλὰ γὰρ δὴ μ’ ἠδίκησαν,
ὄντες οἴκοι μὲν λέοντες,
ἐν μάχῃ δ’ ἀλώπεκες.
Upton.
107. Here it is implied that there are things which God cannot do. Perhaps he means that as God has given man certain powers of will and therefore of action, he cannot at the same time exercise the contradictory powers of forcing man’s will and action; for this would be at the same time to give power and to take it away. Butler remarks (Analogy, chap. 5)
the present is so far from proving in event a discipline of virtue to the generality of men that on the contrary they seem to make it a discipline of vice.
In fact all men are not convinced and cannot be convinced in the present constitution of things what things are good and bad.
108. Something is perhaps wrong in the text here. See Schweig.’s note.
109. In place of μεπαπίπτοντας Schweig. suggests that Arrian wrote καὶ τἄλλα ὡσαύτως or something of the kind. On μεταπίπτοντας see Epictetus, i. 7.
110. M. Antoninus, vii. 36.
111. ὄψονται. See i. 4, note 4.
112. Schweig. says that he has not observed that this proverb is mentioned by any other writer, and that he does not quite see the meaning of it, unless it be what he expresses in the Latin version (iv. 10. 24),
alterum opus cum altero nihil commune habet.
I think that the context explains it: if you wish to obtain a particular end, employ the proper means, and not the means which do not make for that end.
113. See iii. i. note 2. Epictetus is making a parody of the verses of Pythagoras. See Schweig.’s remarks on the words He who has risen etc. I have of necessity translated κακοηφισάμενος in an active sense; but if this is right, I do not understand how the word is used so.
114. See Schweig.’s note on the text. By the Galilaeans it is probable that Epictetus means the Christians, whose obstinacy Antoninus also mentions (xi. 3). Epictetus, a contemporary of St. Paul, knew little about the Christians, and only knew some examples of their obstinate adherence to the new faith and the fanatical behaviour of some of the converts. That there were wild fanatics among the early Christians is proved on undoubted authority; and also that there always have been such, and now are such. The abuse of any doctrines or religious opinions is indeed no argument against such doctrines or religious opinions; and it is a fact quite consistent with experience that the best things are liable to be perverted, misunderstood, and misused.
115.
This agrees with Eph. v. 20:
Giving thanks always for all things to God.
Mrs. Carter. The words are the same in both except that the Apostle has εὐχαριστοῦντες, and Epictetus has χάριυ ἔχον.
116. See Schweig.’s note.
117. He says that the body will be resolved into the things of which it is composed: none of them will perish. The soul, as he has said elsewhere, will go to him who gave it (iii. 13. note 4). But I do not suppose that he means that the soul will exist as having a separate consciousness.
118. καρπιστήν, see iv. 1. 113.
119. See i. 19. note 6.
120.
Nevertheless not as I will, but as thou wilt,,
Matthew xxvi. 39.
Mrs. Carter.
Our resignation to the will of God may be said to be perfect, when our will is lost and resolved up into his; when we rest in his will as our end, as being itself most just and right and good.
Bp. Butler, Sermon on the Love of God.
121. See iv. 1. note 59.
122. I do not see the meaning of ὕστερον: it may perhaps mean after leaving the school. See Schweig.’s note.
123. Here Epictetus admits that there is some power in man which uses the body, directs and governs it. He does not say what the power is nor what he supposes it to be.
Upon the whole then our organs of sense and our limbs are certainly instruments, which the living persons, ourselves, make use of to perceive and move with.
Butler’s Analogy, chap. i.
124. The will of a fool does not make law, he says. Unfortunately it does, if we use the word law in the strict sense of law: for law is a general command from a person, an absolute king, for example, who has power to enforce it on those to whom the command is addressed or if not to enforce it, to punish for disobedience to it. This strict use of the word law is independent of the quality of the command, which may be wise or foolish, good or bad. But Epictetus does not use the word law in the strict sense.
125. The word is λιφοστρώτοις, which means what we name Mosaic floors or pavements. The word λιφόστρωτον is used by John xix. 13, and rendered in our version by pavement.
126. This term ( τὸ ἡγεμονικόν) has been often used by Epictetus (i. 26. 15. etc), and by M. Antoninus. Here Epictetus gives a definition or description of it: it is the faculty by which we reflect and judge and determine, a faculty which no other animal has, a faculty which in many men is neglected, and weak because it is neglected; but still it ought to be what its constitution forms it to be, a faculty which
plainly bears upon it marks of authority over all the rest, and claims the absolute direction of them all, to allow or forbid their gratification
(Bp. Butler, Preface to his Sermons). The words in the text ( ἐκλεγόμενον, ἀπεκλεγόμενον, selection and rejection) are expressed by Cicero (De Fin. ix. ii. 11) by eligere and rejicere.
127. See iv. 4. 44.
128. Compare Horace, Ep. i 19, 12 etc.
Quid, si quis vultu torvo ferus et pede nudo
Exiguaeque togae simulet textore Catonem,
Virtutemne reprs aentet moresque Catonis?
129. See iii. 15. 8
130.
Yea a man may say, Thou hast faith, and I have works: shew me thy faith without thy works, and I will shew thee my faith by my works,
Epistle of James, ii. 18. So a moral philosopher may say, I show my principles, not by what I profess, but by that which I do.
131. See the statues of Hephaestus, Montfaucon, Antiq. vol. i. lib. iii. c. 1. Upton.
132. In what then was he seems to mean in what did he employ himself?
133. The text of Schweighaeuser is οὐκ ἂν μοι δοκῇ ἐκστῆναι οὐδενί. he says
temere οὐκ ἂν μοι δοκεῖ ed. Bas. et seqq.
But δοκεῖ is right.
134. Compare iii. c. 22.
135. The word is φαινόλη, which seems to be the Latin paenula.
136. The gardens of Adonis are things growing in earthen vessels, carried about for show only, not for use. The gardens of Adonis is a proverbial expression applied to things of no value, to plants, for instance, which last only a short time, have no roots, and soon wither. Much things, we may suppose, were exhibited at the festivals of Adonis. Schweig.’s note.
137. See Schweig.’s note.
138.
They, who are desirous of taking refuge in Heathenism from the strictness of the Christian morality, will find no great consolation in reading this chapter of Epictetus.
Mrs. Carter.
139. Aristides was a Greek, but his period is not known. He was the author of a work named Milesiaca or Milesian stories. All that we know of the work is that it was of a loose description, amatory and licentious. It was translated into Latin by L. Cornelius Sisenna, a contemporary of the Dictator Sulla; and it is mentioned by Plutarch (Life of Crassus, c. 32), and several times by Ovid ( Tristia ii. 413 etc. ). Evenus was perhaps a poet. We know nothing of this Evenus, but we may conjecture from being here associated with Aristides what his character was.
140. See Schweig.’s note on the word μυραλειφίον, which he has in his text. It should be μυραλοιφίον, if the word exists.
141.
The orginal is φελῆσαι δεῖ . Seneca (Ep. 80):
Quid tibi opus est ut sis bonus? Velle.
Upton.
The power of the Will is a fundamental principle with Epictetus. The will is strong in some, but very feeble in others; and sometimes, as experience seems to show, it is incapable of resisting the power of old habits.
142. Virtue is its own reward, said the Stoics. This is the meaning of Epictetus, and it is consistent with his principles that a man should live conformably to his nature, and so he will have all the happiness of which human nature is capable. Mrs. Carter has a note here, which I do not copy, and I hardly understand. It seems to refer to the Christian doctrine of a man being rewarded in a future life according to his works: but we have no evidence that Epictetus believed in a future life, and he therefore could not go further than to maintain that virtuous behaviour is the best thing in this short life, and will give a man the happiness which he can obtain in no other way.
143. See a passage in Plutarch on Tranquillity from Euripides, the great storehouse of noble thoughts, from which ancient writers drew much good matter: and perhaps it was one of the reasons why so many of his plays and fragments have been preserved.
We must not quarrel with the things that are,
For they care not for us but he who feels them
If he disposes well of things, fares well.
144. See iii. c. 2.
145.
Thine they were, and thou gavest them to me.
John xvii. 6. Mrs. Carter.
146.
I wish it were possible to palliate the ostentation of this passage, by applying it to the ideal perfect character: but it is in a general way that Epictetus hath proposed such a dying speech, as cannot without shocking arrogance be uttered by any one born to die. Unmixed as it is with any acknowledgment of faults or imperfections, at present, or with any sense of guilt on account of the past, it must give every sober reader a very disadvantageous opinion of some principles of the philosophy, on which it is founded, as contradictory to the voice of conscience, and formed on absolute ignorance or neglect of the condition and circumstances of such a creature as man.
Mrs. Carter.
I am inclined to think that Epictetus does refer to the ideal perfect character; but others may not understand him in this way. When Mrs. Carter says but it is in a general . . . dying speech, she can hardly suppose, as her words seem to mean, that Epictetus proposed such a dying speech for every man or even for many men, for he knew and has told us how bad many men are, and how few are good according to his measure and rule: in fact his meaning is plainly expressed. The dying speech may even be stronger in the sense in which Mrs. Carter understands it, in my translation, where I have rendered one passage in the text by the words I have not dishonoured thee by my acts, which she translates,
as far as in me lay, I have not dishonoured thee.
which apparently means, as far as I could, I have not dishonoured thee. The Latin translation
quantum in me fuit,
seems rather ambiguous to me.
There is a general confession of sins in the prayer book of the Church of England, part of which Epictetus would not have rejected, I think. Of course the words which form the peculiar Christian character of the confession would have been unintelligible to him. It is a confession which all persons of all conditions are supposed to make. If all persons made the confession with sincerity, it ought to produce a corresponding behaviour and make men more ready to be kind to one another, for all who use it confess that they fail in their duty, and it ought to lower pride and banish arrogance from the behaviour of those who in wealth and condition are elevated above the multitude. But I have seen it somewhere said, I cannot remember where, but said in no friendly spirit to Christian prayer, that some men both priests and laymen prostrate themselves in humility before God and indemnify themselves by arrogance to man.
147. See iv. 2. 2.
148. These were what the Romans named sportulæ, in which the rich used to give some eatables to poor dependents who called to pay their espects to the great at an early hour.
Nunc sportula primo
Limine parva sedet turbae rapienda togatae.
Juvenal, Sat. i. 95.
149.
You cannot serve God and Mammon.
Matthew vi. 24. Mrs. Carter.
150. See iv. 2, 5.
151. Compare i. 25, 18, and i. 9, 20.
152. See the note in Schweig.’s ed.
153. Epictetus refers to the passage in the Iliad xxiv. 5, where Achilles is lamenting the death of Patroclus and cannot sleep.
154.
This is a wretched idea of friendship; but a necessary consequence of the Stoic system. What a fine contrast to this gloomy consolation are the noble sentiments of an Apostle? Value your deceased friend, says Epictetus, as a broken pipkin; forget him, as a thing worthless, lost and destroyed. St. Paul, on the contrary, comforts the mourning survivors; bidding them not sorrow, as those who have no hope: but remember that the death of good persons is only a sleep; from which they will soon arise to a happy immortality.
Mrs. Carter.
Epictetus does not say, value your deceased friend as a broken pipkin. Achilles laments that he has lost the services of his friend at table, a vulgar kind of complaint: he is thinking of his own loss, instead of his friend. The answer is such a loss as he laments is easily repaired: the loss of such a friend is as easily repaired as the loss of a cooking vessel. Mrs. Carter in her zeal to contrast the teaching of the Apostle with that of Epictetus seems to forget for the time that Epictetus, so far as we know, did not accept or did not teach the doctrine of a future life. As to what he thought of friendship, if it was a real friendship, such as we can conceive, I am sure that he did not think of it, as Mrs. Carter says that he did; for true friendship implies many of the virtues which Epictetus taught and practised. He has a chapter on Friendship, ii. 22, which I suppose that Mrs. Carter did not think of, when she wrote this note.
155. The word is τὸ κοινωνικον. Compare i. 23, 1, ii 10, 14, ii. 20, 6
156. In the text there are two words, καφαρός which means pure, and καφάριος which means of a pure nature, loving purity.
157. The ξύστρα, as Epictetus names it, was the Roman strigilis, which was used for the scraping and cleaning of the body in bathing Persius (v. 126) writes—
I, puer, et strigiles Crispini ad balnea defer.
The strigiles
were of bronze or iron of various forms. They were applied to the body much in the same way as we see a piece of hoop applied to a sweating horse.
Pompeii, edited by Dr. Dyer.
158. See Schweig.’s note.
159. See Schweig.’s note. If the text is right, the form of expression is inexact and does not clearly express the meaning; but the meaning may be easily discovered.
160. See what is said of this passage in the latter part of this chapter.
161. Aristophanes, Nubes, v. 225, and v. 179.
162. Xenophon, Memorab. iii. 12 .
163. See iii. 22, 88.
164. Diogenes, it is said, was driven from his native town Sinope in Asia on a charge of having debased or counterfeited the coinage. Upton. It is probable that this is false.
165. On the word ὥστε Schweig.’s note.
166. As to Polemon see iii. c. 1, 14.
167. It has been suggested that the words s. 19, [if you do not choose to wash with warm water, wash with cold, p. 369]belong to this place.
168. This is the literal translation: but it means, will you go, etc., tear it?
169.
The youth, probably, means the scholar, who neglects neatness; and the old man, the tutor, that gives him no precept or example of it.
Mrs. Carter.
170. The Greek is λέγῃ τὰς σχόλας. Cicero uses the Latin
scholas habere,
to hold philosophical disputations. Tusc. Disp. E 4. Upton.
171. See Schweig.’s note on the words εἰώθει ὑπερτιφέμενον, in place of which he proposes ἐξωφῇ ὑπερτιφέμενος. Compare Persius, Sat. v. 66.
Cras hoc fiet. Idem cras fiet,
etc., and Martial, v. 58.
172. Compare iv. 4, 39, i. 14, 12; and Encheirid. e. 32, and the remark of Simplicius. Schweig. explains the words τοῖς μετ’ ἐκεῖνον thus:
qui post Illum (Deum) et sub Illo rebus humanis praesunt; qui proximum ab Illo locum tenent.
173. Compare ii. 13, 15 and 20; and Antoninus, vi. 35:
Is it not strange if the architect and the physician shall have more respect to the reason (the principles) of their own arts than man to his own reason, which is common to him and the gods?
174.
Quid sumus, aut quidnam victuri gignimur.
Persius, Sat. iii. 67.
175. Schweig. thinks that the text will be better translated according to Upton’s notion and H. Stephen’s (hors de propos) by
Quid sit abs re futurum,
what will be out of season. Perhaps he is right.
176. Schweig. says that the sense of the passage, as I have rendered it, requires the reading to be καταφρονήσουσι; and it is so, at least in the better Greek writers.
177. See iii. 14, 7, . 29, 64.
178. Compare Antoninus, viii. 22:
Attend to the matter which is before thee, whether it is an opinion, or an act, or a word. Thou sufferest this justly, for thou choosest rather to become good to-morrow than to be good to-day.
179. Schweig. Writes πῶς ποτε, etc., and translates
excitamur quodammodo et ipsi,
etc. He gives the meaning, but the πῶς ποτε is properly a question.
180. The man, whether a soldier or not, was an informer, one of those vile men who carried on this shameful business under the empire. He was what Juvenal names a delator. Upton, who refers to the life of Hadrian by Aelius Spartianus, speaks even of this emperor employing soldiers named Frumentarii for the purpose of discovering what was said and done in private houses. John the Baptist (Luke iii. 14) in answer to the question of the soldiers,
And what shall we do.
said unto them
Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely; and be content with your wages.
Upton.
181. The wheel and pitch were instruments of torture to extract confessions. See ii 6, 18, and Schweig.’s note there.