Notes on the current edition
Discourses
1.
It was the fashion of hunters to frighten deer by displaying fathers of various colours on ropes or strings and thus frightening them towards the nets.
Virgil, Georg. iii. 372—
Puniceaeve agitant pavidos formidine pennae,
2.
Euripides, fragments.
3.
In the Phaedon, c. 24, or p. 78.
4.
It was the opinion of some philosophers that the soul was a portion of the divinity sent down into human bodies.
5.
This was a doctrine of Heraclitus and of Zeno. Zeno (Diog. Laert. vii. 137) speaks of God as
in certain periods or revolutions of time exhausting into himself the universal substance (
οὐσία) and again generating it out of himself.
Antoninus (xi. 1) speaks of the periodical renovation of all things. For man, whose existence is so short, the doctrine of all existing things perishing in the course of time and then being renewed, is of no practical value. The present is enough for most men. But for the few who are able to embrace in thought the past, the present and the future, the contemplation of the perishable nature, of all existing things may have a certain value by elevating their minds above the paltry things which others prize above their worth.
6.
Sec. i. 9, note 7. Schweighaeuser says that he does not quite see what is the meaning of
ought to be open; and he suggests that Epictetus intended to say
we ought to consider that the door is open for all occasions; but the occasions, he says, ought to be when things are such that a man can in no way bear them or cannot honourably endure them, and such occasions the wise man considers to be the voice of God giving to him the sign to retire.
7.
This is an allusion to one of the Roman modes of manumitting a slave before the praetor. Compare, Persius, Sat. V. 75—
—Heu steriles veri, qulbus una Quiritem
and again
Verterit hunc dominus, momento turbinis exit
The sum paid on manumission was a tax of five per cent., established In B. C.
356 (Livy, vii. 16), and paid by the slave. Epictetus here speaks of the tax being paid by the master; but in iii. 26, he speaks of it as paid by the enfranchised slave. See Dureau de la Malle, Economie Politique des Romains i. 290, ii 169.
8.
These are the words of some pupil who is boasting of what he has written.
9.
The word is
περιόδια. I am not sure about the exact meaning of
περιόδια: see the notes of Wolf and Schweig.
10.
No other author speaks of Socrates having written any thing. It is therefore very difficult to explain this passage in which Arrian, who took down the words of Epictetus, represents him as saying that Socrates wrote so much. Socrates talked much, and Epictetus may have spoken of talking as if it were writing; for he must have known that Socrates was not a writer. See Schweig.’s note.
11.
The word is
ὑπὸ ἀταραξίας. Mrs. Carter thinks that the true reading is
ὑπὸ ἀπραξίας,
through idleness or
having nothing to do; and she remarks that
freedom from perturbations is the very thing that Epictetus had been recommending through the whole chapter and is the subject of the next chapter, and therefore cannot be well supposed to be the true reading in a place where it is mentioned with contempt. It is probable that Mrs. Carter is right. Upton thinks that Epictetus is alluding to the Sophists, and that we should understand him as speaking ironically: and this may also be right. Schweighaeuser attempts to explain the passage by taking
free from perturbations in the ordinary simple sense; but I doubt if he has succeeded.
12.
ἐμπερπερεύσῃ. Epictetus (iii. 2. 14) uses the adjective
πέρπερος to signify a vain man. Antoninus (v. 5) uses the verb
περπέρευεσθαι: and Paul (Corinthians i. c. 13, 4), where our version is,
charity (love) vaunteth not itself.
Cicero (
ad Attic. i. 14, 4
) uses
ἐνεπερπερευσάμην, to express a rhetorical display.
13.
The whole life of philosophers,
says Cicero (Tusc. i. 30), following Plato,
is a reflection upon death
.
14.
Some English readers, too happy to comprehend how chains, torture, exile and sudden executions, can be ranked among the common accidents of life, may be surprised to find Epictetus so frequently endeavouring to prepare his hearers for them. But it must be recollected that he addressed himself to persons who lived under the Roman emperors, from whose tyranny the very best of men were perpetually liable to such kind of dangers.
—Mrs. Carter. All men even now are exposed to accidents and misfortunes against which there is no security, and even the most fortunate of men must die at last. The lessons of Epictetus may be as useful now as they were in his time. See i. 30.
15.
Epictetus refers to the rhetorical divisions of a speech.
16.
Xenophon (
Mem. iv. c. 8, 4
) has reported this saying of Socrates on the authority of Hermogenes. Compare the Apology of Xenophon near the beginning.
17.
Schweighaeuser says that he can extract no sense out of this passage. I leave it as it is.
18.
There is some difficulty here in the original. See Schweig.’s note.
19.
The words may mean either what I have written in the text, or
and so he lost his suit.
20.
The meaning is, You must not ask for advice when you are come into a difficulty, but every man ought to have such principles as to be ready on all occasions to act as he ought; just as he who knows how to write can write any name which is proposed to him.
—Wolf.
21.
The reader must know that these dissertations were spoken extempore, and that one thing after another would come into the thoughts of the speaker. So the reader will not be surprised that when the discourse is on the maintenance of firmness or freedom from perturbations, Epictetus should now speak of philosophical preparation, which is most efficient for the maintenance of firmness.
—Wolf. See also Schweig.’s note on section 21,
Suggest something me:
and ii. 24.
22.
In the Encheiridion or Manual (c. 14) it is written,
Every man’s master is he who has the power to give to a man or take away that which he would have or not have: whoever then wishes to be free, let him neither seek any thing or avoid any thing which is in the power of others: if he does not act thus, he will be a slave.
23.
Mrs. Carter says
This is one of the many extravagant refinements of the philosophers; and might lead persons into very dangerous mistakes, if it was laid down as a maxim in ordinary life.
I think that Mrs. Carter has not seen the meaning of Epictetus. The philosopher will discover the man’s character by trying him, as the assayer tries the silver by a test.
Cicero (De legibus, i. 9) says that the face expresses the hidden character. Euripides (Medea, 518) says better, that no mark is impressed on the body by which we can distinguish the good man from the bad. Shakspere says
To find the mind’s destruction in the face.
24.
It is not clear what is meant by women being common by nature In any rational sense. Zeno and his school said (Diogenes Laertius, vii.; Zeno, p. 195.
, 1664):
it is their opinion also that the women should be common among the wise, so that any man should use any woman, as Zeno says in his Polity, and Chrysippus in the book on Polity, and Diogenes the Cynic and Plato; and we shall love all the children equally like fathers, and the jealousy about adultery will be removed.
These wise men knew little about human nature, if they taught such doctrines.
25.
Archedemus was a Stoic philosopher of
. We know little about him.
26.
A man may be a philosopher or pretend to be; and at the same time he may be a beat.
27.
The materials (
ὕλαι) on which man works are neither good nor bad, and so they are, as Epictetus names them, indifferent. But the use of things, or of material, is not indifferent. They may be used well or ill, conformably to nature or not.
28.
Terence says (Adelphi, iv. 7)—
Si illud, quod est maxime opus, jactu non cadit,
Illud quod cecidit forte, id arte ut corrigas.
Dexterously is
arte,
τεχνικῶς in Epictetus.
—Upton.
29.
The word is
ἁρπαστόν, which was also used by the Romans. One threw the ball and the other caught it. Chrysippus used this simile of a ball in speaking of giving and receiving (Seneca, De Beneficiis, ii. 17). Martial has the word (Epig. iv. 19) ’sive harpasta manu pulverulenta rapis’; and elsewhere.
30.
In Plato’s Apology c. 15, Socrates addresses Meletus; and he says, it would be equally absurd if a man should believe that there are foals of horses and asses, and should not believe that there are horses and asses. But Socrates says nothing of mules, for the word mules in sore? texts of the Apology is manifestly wrong
31.
Compare Antoninus, ii. 16, iii. 11, vi. 44, xii. 36; and Seneca, de Otio Sap. c. 31; and Cicero, De Fin. iii. 19.
32.
ἀπόλυτοι. Compare Antoninus, x. 24, viii. 34.
33.
He tells some imaginary person, who hears him, that since he is come into the world, he must do his duty in it.
34.
This discussion is with a young philosopher who, intending to return from
to
, feared the tyranny of Domitian, who was particularly severe towards philosophers. See also the note on i. 24. 3. Schweig. Compare Plin. Epp. i. 12, and the expression of Corellius Rufus about the detestable villain, the emperor Domitian.
The title
of Indifference means
of the indifference of things. of the things which are neither good nor bad.
35.
τὸ συνημμένον, p. 93.
36.
Sec. ii. 5, 24.
37.
Epictetus alludes to the verses from the Hypsipyle of Euripides. Compare Antoninus (vii. 40):
Life must be reaped like the ripe ears of corn: one man is born; another dies.
Cicero (Tuscul. Disp. iii. 25) has translated six verses from Euripides, and among them are these two:
Metenda ut fruges; sic jubet necessitas.
38.
The story is in Xenophon’s Cyropaedia (IV. near the beginning) where
says that he called Chrysantas by name. Epictetus, as Upton remarks, quotes from memory.
39.
So Anaxagoras said that the road to the other world (ad inferos) is the same from all places. (Cicero, Tusc. Disp. i. 43). What follows is one of the examples of extravagant assertion in Epictetus. A tyrant may kill by a slow death as a fever does. I suppose that Epictetus would have some answer to that. Except to a Stoic the ways to death are not indifferent: some ways of dying are painful, and even he who can endure with fortitude, would prefer an easy death.
40.
The text has
ἐπὶ Καίσαρος; but
ἐπὶ perhaps ought to be
ὑπό or
ἀπό .
41.
See i. 25, note 4.
42.
Diogenes Laertius reports in his life of Socrates that he wrote in prison a Paean, and he gives the first line which contains an address to Apollo and Artemis.
43.
Divination was a great part of ancient religion, and, as Epictetus says, it led men
to omit many duties. In a certain sense there was some meaning in it. If it is true that those who believe in God can see certain signs in the administration of the world by which they can judge what their behaviour ought to be, they can learn what their duties are. If these signs are misunderstood, or if they are not seen right, men may be governed by an abject superstition. So the external forms of any religion may become the means of corruption and of human debasement, and the true indications of God’s will may be neglected. Upton compares Lucan (ix. 572), who sometimes said a few good things.
44.
A man who gives his opinion on grammar gives an opinion on a thing of which many know something. A man who gives his opinion on divination or on future events, gives an opinion on things of which we all know nothing. When then a man affects to instruct on things unknown, we may ask him to give his opinion on things which are known, and so we may learn what kind of man he is.
45.
Gratilla was a lady of rank, who was banished from
and
by Domitian. Pliny, Epp. iii. 11. See the note in Schweig.’s ed. on
ἐπιμήνια.
46.
As knavish priests have often played on the fears and hopes of the superstitious.
47.
Schweighaeuser reads
τὸν ὀρνιθάριον. See his note.
48.
Κύριε ἐλέησον, Domine miserere. Notissima formula in Christiana ecclesia jam usque a primis temporibus usurpata
’. Upton.
49.
Schweighaeuser observes that the title of this chapter would more correctly be
ὁ Τεὸς ἐν ὑμῖν, God in man. There is no better chapter in the book.
50.
Socrates (Xenophon,
Mem. iv. 6, 8
) concludes
that the useful is good to him to whom it is useful.
51.
I do not remember that Epictetus has attempted any other description of the nature of God. He has done more wisely than some who have attempted to answer a question which cannot be answered. But see ii. 14, 11–13.
52.
Compare Cicero, de Office. i. 27.
53.
Noble descent. See i. c. 9.
The doctrine that God is in man is an old doctrine. Euripides said. (Apud Theon. Soph. Progym.):—
Ὀ νοῦς γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐστιν ἐν ἑκάστῳ Θεός.
.The doctrine became a common place of the poets
(Ovid, Fast. vi.),
Est deus in nobis, agitante calescimus illo;
and
Horace, Sat. ii. 6, 79,
Atque affigit humo divinae particulam aurae.
See i. 14, note 4.
54.
Mrs. Carter has a note here.
See 1 Cor. vi. 19, 2 Cor. vi. 16, 2 Tim. i. 14, 1 John iii. 24, iv. 12, 13. But though the simple expression of carrying God about with us may seem to have some nearly parallel to it in the New Testament, yet those represent the Almighty in a more venerable manner, as taking the hearts of good men for a temple to dwell in. But the other expressions here of feeding and exercising God, and the whole of the paragraph, and indeed of the Stoic system, show the real sense of even its more decent phrases to be vastly different from that of Scripture.
The passage in 1 Cor. vi. 19 is,
What? know ye not that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye have of God and ye are not your own
? This follows v. 18, which is an exhortation to
flee fornication. The passage in 2 Cor. vi. 16 is
And what agreement hath the temple of God with idols? for ye are the temple of the living God; as God hath said, I will dwell in them and walk in them,
etc. Mrs. Carter has not correctly stated the sense of these two passages.
It is certain that Epictetus knew nothing of the writers of the Epistles in the New Testament; but whence did these writers learn such forms of expression as we find in the passages cited by Mrs. Carter? I believe that they drew them from the Stoic philosophers who wrote before Epictetus and that they applied them to the new religion which they were teaching. The teaching of Paul and of Epictetus does not differ: the spirit of God is in man.
Swedenborg says,
In these two faculties (rationality and liberty) the Lord resides with every man, whether he be good or evil, they being the Lord’s mansions in the human race. But the mansion of the Lord is nearer with a man, in proportion as the man opens the superior degrees by these faculties; for by the opening thereof he comes into superior degrees of love and wisdom, and consequently nearer to the Lord. Hence it may appear that as these degrees are opened, so a man is in the Lord and the Lord in him.
Swedeuborg, Angelic Wisdom, 240. Again,
the faculty of thinking rationally, viewed in itself, is not man’s, but God’s in man.
I am not quite sure in what sense the administration of the Eucharist ought to be understood in the church of
service. Some English divines formerly understood, and perhaps some now understand, the ceremony as a commemoration of the blood of Christ shed for us and of his body which was broken; as we see in T. Burnet’s Posthumous work (de Fide et Officiis Christianorum, p. 80). It was a commemoration of the last supper of Jesus and the Apostles. But this does not appear to be the sense in which the ceremony is now understood by some priests and by some members of the church of
, whose notions approach near to the doctrine of the Catholic mass. Nor does it appear to be the sense of the prayer made before delivering the bread and wine to the Communicants, for the prayer is
Grant us, gracious Lord, so to eat the flesh of thy dear son Jesus Christ and to drink his blood that our sinful bodies may be made clean by his body and our souls washed through his most precious blood and that we may evermore dwell in him and he in us.
This is a different thing from Epictetus’ notion of God being in man, and also different, as I understand it, from the notion contained in the two passages of Paul; for it is there said generally that the Holy Ghost is in man or God in man, not that God is in man by virtue of a particular ceremony. It should not be omitted that there is after the end of the Communion service an admonition that the sacramental bread and wine remain what they were,
and that the natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ are in heaven and not here; it being against the truth of Christ’s natural body to be at one time in more places than one.
It was affirmed by the Reformers and the best writers of the English church that the presence of Christ in the Eucharist is a spiritual presence, and in this opinion they followed Calvin and the Swiss divines: and yet in the Prayer book we have the language that I have quoted; and even Calvin, who only maintained a spiritual presence, said,
that the verity is nevertheless joined to the signs, and that in the sacrament we have
true Communion in Christ’s body and blood
(Contemporary Review, p. 464, August
1874). What would Epictetus have thought of the subtleties of our days?
55.
The Athena of Phidias was in the Parthenon on the Athenian Acropolis, a colossal chryselephantine statue, that is, a frame work of wood, covered with ivory and gold (Pausanias, i. 24). The figure of Victory stood on the hand of the goddess, as we frequently see in coins. See. i. 6, 23, and the note in Schweig.’s edition. Cicero, de Natura Deorum, iii. 34.
56.
The great statue at
was the work of Phidias (Pausanias, v. 11). It was a seated colossal chryselephantine statue, and held a Victory in the right Land.
57.
An allusion to the combatants in the public exercises, who used to show their shoulders, muscles and sinews as a proof of their strength. See i. 4, ii. 18, iii. 22 (Mrs. Carter).
58.
ἔκκλισιν. See Book iii. c. 2.
59.
The abuse of the faculties, which are proper to man, called rationality and liberty, is the origin of evil. By rationality is meant the faculty of understanding truths and thence falses, and goods and then evils; and by liberty is meant the faculty of thinking, willing and acting freely—and these faculties distinguish man from beasts.
Swedenborg, Angelic Wisdom, 264 and also 240. See Epictetus, ii. c. 8
60.
This seems to be a proverb. If I am eaten, let me be eaten by the nobler animal.
61.
A conjunctive or complex (
συμπεπλεγμένον) axiom or lemma. Gellius (
xvi. 8
) gives an example:
P. Scipio, the son of Paulus, was both twice consul and triumphed, and exercised the censorship and was the colleague of L. Mummius in his censorship.
Gellius adds,
in every conjunctive if there is one falsehood, though the other parts are true, the whole is said to be false,
For the whole is proposed as true: therefore if one part is false, the whole is not true. The disjunctive (
διεζευγμένον) is of this kind:
pleasure is either bad or good, or neither good nor bad.
62.
We often say a man learns a particular thing: and there are men who profess to teach certain things, such as a language, or an art; and they mean by teaching that the taught shall learn; and learning means that they shall be able to do what they learn. He who teaches an art professes that the scholar shall be able to practise the art, the art of making shoes for example, or other useful things. There are men who profess to teach religion, and morality, and virtue generally. These men may tell us what they conceive to be religion, and morality, and virtue; and those who are said to be taught may know what their teachers have told them. But the learning of religion, and of morality and of virtue, mean that the learner will do the acts of religion and of morality and of virtue; which is a very different thing from knowing what the acts of religion, of morality, and of virtue are. The teacher’s teaching is in fact only made efficient by his example, by his doing that which he teaches
63.
He is not a Stoic philosopher, who can only explain in a subtle and proper manner the Stoic principles: for the same person can explain the principles of Epicurus, of course for the purpose of refuting them, and perhaps he can explain them better than Epicurus himself. Consequently he might be at the same time a Stoic and an Epicurean; which is absurd.
—Schweig. He means that the mere knowledge of Stoic opinions does not make a man a Stoic, or any other philosopher. A man must according to Stoic principles practise them in order to be a Stoic philosopher. So if we say that a man is a religious man, he must do the acts which his religion teaches; for it is by his acts only that we can know him to be a religious man. What he says and professes may be false; and no man knows except himself whether his words and professions are true. The uniformity, regularity, and consistency of his acts are evidence which cannot be mistaken.
64.
It has been suggested that Epictetus confounded under the name of Jews those who were Jews and those who were Christians. We know that some Jews became Christians. But see Schweig.’s note 1 and note 7.
65.
It is possible, as I have said, that by Jews Epictetus means Christians, for Christians and Jews are evidently confounded by some writers, as the first Christians were of the Jewish nation. In book iv. c. 7, Epictetus gives the name of Galilaeans to the Jews. The term Galilaeans points to the country of the great teacher. Paul says (Romans, ii. 28),
For he is not a Jew, which is one outwardly—but he is a Jew which is one inwardly,
etc. His remarks (ii. 17–29) on the man
who is called a Jew, and rests in the law and makes his boast of God
may be compared with what Epictetus says of a man who is called a philosopher, and does not practise that which he professes.
66.
See ii. 24, 26; Iliad, vii. 264, etc.;
Juvenal, xv. 65,
Nec hunc lapidem, quales et Turnus et Ajax
Vel quo Tydides percussit pondere coxam
—Upton.
67.
Cicero (de Fin. iv. 10); Seneca, Ep. 95.
68.
See i. 9. M. Antoninus, vi. 44:
But my nature is rational and social; and my city and country, so far as I am Antoninus, is
, but so far as I am a man, it is the world.
I have here translated
προβάτων by
domestic animals. I suppose that the bovine species, and sheep and goats are meant.
69.
This may appear extravagant; but it is possible to explain it, and even to assent to it. If a man believes that all is wisely arranged in the course of human events, he would not even try to resist that which he knows it is appointed for him to suffer: he would submit and he would endure. If Epictetus means that the man would actively pro— mote the end or purpose which he foreknew, in order that his acts may be consistent with what he foreknows and with his duty, perhaps the philosopher’s saying is too hard to deal with; and as it rests on an impossible assumption of foreknowledge, we may be here wiser than the philosophers, if we say no more about it. Compare Seneca, de Provid. c. 5.
70.
Antoninus, vi. 42:
We are all working together to one end, some with knowledge and design, and others without knowing what they do.
71.
A lettuce is an example of the most trifling thing. A seat probably means a seat of superiority, a magistrate’s seat, a Roman sella curulis.
72.
οὗτος ᾖ ἀβλαβής. See Schweig.’s note.
73.
Socrates. We must by no means then do an act of injustice. Crito. Certainly not. Socrates. Nor yet when you are wronged must you do wrong in return, as most people think, since you must in no way do an unjust act. Plato, Crito, c. 10.
74.
See the beginning of ii. 16.
75.
The same remark will apply to most dissertations spoken or written on moral subjects: they are exercises of skill for him who delivers or writes them, or matter for criticism and perhaps a way of spending an idle hour for him who listens; and that is all. Epictetus blames our indolence and indifference as to acts, and the trifling of the schools of philosophy in disputation.
76.
See i. e. 2.
77.
See Cicero’s use of
opinatio (Tusc. iv. 11).
78.
See Schweig.’s note.
79.
Doing nothing without the rule. This is a Greek proverb, used also by Persius, Sat. v. 119; compare Cicero, de Fin. iii. 17; and Antoninus, ii 16.
80.
That is, so far shall I consider you from being able to judge rightly of things without a balance that I shall understand that not even with the aid of a balance can you do it, that you cannot even use a balance, and consequently that you are not worth a single word from me. Schweig.
81.
This is a just conclusion. We must fix the canons or rules by which things are tried; and then the rules may be applied by the wise and good to all cases.
82.
This is what is said in the Gorgias of Plato,
p. 472, 474
.
83.
The word is
ἔννοιαι, which Cicero explains to be the name as
προλήψεις. Acad. Pr. ii. 10.
84.
Socrates’ notion of envy is stated by Xenophon (
Mem. iii. 9, 8
), to be this:
it is the pain or vexation which men have at the prosperity of their friends, and that such are the only envious persons. Bishop Butler gives a better definition; at least a more complete description of the thing.
Emulation is merely the desire and hope of equality with or superiority over others, with whom we may compare ourselves. There does not appear to be any
other grief in the natural passion, but only
that want which is implied in desire. However this may be so strong as to be the occasion of great
grief. To desire the attainment of this equality or superiority, by the
particular means of others being brought down to our level, or below it, is, I think, the distinct notion of envy. From whence it is easy to see, that the real end which the natural passion, emulation, and which the unlawful one, envy, aims at is the same; namely, that equality or superiority: and consequently that to do mischief is not the end of envy, but merely the means it makes use of to attain its end.
—Sermons upon Human Nature, I.
85.
I have omitted the words
ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐναντίου ἐκίνησε τὸν πλησιον I see no sense in them; and the text is plain without them.
86.
I am not sure that I have understood rightly it
ἐξ ὧν δὲ αὐτός at the beginning of this sentence.
87.
The Symposium or Banquet of Xenophon is extant. Compare Epietetus, iii. 16, 5, and iv. o. 5, the beginning.
88.
The aliptic art is the art of anointing and rubbing, one of the best means of maintaining a body in health. The iatric or healing art is the art of restoring to health a diseased body. The aliptic art is also equivalent to the gymnastic art, or the art of preparing for gymnastic exercises, which are also a means of preserving the body’s health, when the exercises are good and moderate.
89.
Epictetus in speaking of himself and of his experience at
.
90.
See i. 29, note 20.
91.
In Diogenes Laertius (Zeno, vii.) there is a letter from Antigonus to Zeno and Zeno’s answer. Simplicius (note on the Encheiridion. c. 51) supposes this Antigonus to be the King of
; but Upton remarks that it is Antigonus Gonatas, king of
.
92.
See i. c. 7.
93.
The original is
but that person (
ἐκεῖνος) has power to kill me.
That person must be the person already mentioned, and Mrs. Carter has done right in adding this explanation.
94.
The Thirty tyrants of
, as they were named (Xenophon,
Hellenica, ii
.). The talk of Socrates with Critias and Charicles two of the Thirty is reported in Xenophon’s Memorabilia (
i. 2, 33
). The defence of Socrates before those who tried him and his conversation in prison are reported in Plato’s Apology, and in the Phaedon and Crito. Diogenes was captured by some pirates and sold (iv. 1, 115).
95.
There is some corruption here.
96.
Encheiridion, c. 8:
Do not seek (wish) that things which take place shall take place as you desire, but desire that things which take place shall take place as they do, and you will live a tranquil life.
97.
Compare iii. 2. 4, iv. 8. 20. Antoninus (viii. 27) writes:
There are three relations [between thee and other things]: the one to the body which surrounds thee; the second to the divine cause from which all things come to all; and the third to those who live with thee.
This is precise, true and practical. Those who object to
the divine cause, may write in place of it
the nature and constitution of things. for there is a constitution of things, which the philosopher attempts to. discover; and for most practical purposes, it is immaterial whether we say that it is of divine origin or has some other origin, or no origin can be discovered. The fact remains that a constitution of things exists; or, if that expression be not accepted, we may say that we conceive that it exists and we cannot help thinking so.
98.
See i. 14. 13, ii. 8. 14. Socrates (
Xen. Mem. i. 1. 19
) said the same. That man should make himself like the Gods is said also by Antoninus, x. 8.—See Plato, De Legg. i. 4. (Upton.)
When God is said to provide for all things, this is what the Greeks called
πρόνοια, providence. (Epictetus, i. 16, iii. 17.) In the second of these passages there is a short answer to some objections made to Providence.
Epictetus could only know or believe what God is by the observation of phaenomena; and he could only know what he supposed to be God’s providence by observing his administration of the world and all that happens in it. Among other works of God is man, who possesses certain intellectual powers which enable him to form a judgment of God’s works, and a judgment of man himself. Man has or is supposed to have certain moral sentiments, or a capacity of acquiring them in some way. On the supposition that all man’s powers are the gift of God, man’s power of judging what happens in the world under God’s providence is the gift of God: and if he should not be satisfied with God’s administration, we have the conclusion that man, whose powers are from God, condemns that administration which is also from God. Thus God and man, who is God’s work, are in opposition to one another.
If a man rejects the belief in a deity and in a providence, because of the contradictions and difficulties involved in this belief or supposed to be involved in it, and if he finds the contradictions and difficulties such as he cannot reconcile with his moral sentiments and judgments, he will be consistent in rejecting the notion of a deity and of providence. But he must also consistently admit that his moral sentiments and judgments are his own, and that he cannot say how he acquired them, or how he has any of the corporeal or intellectual powers which he is daily using. By the hypothesis they are not from God. All then that a man can say is that he has such powers.
99.
See ii. 10, i. 17. 12, ii. 11. 4, etc. M. Antoninus, x. 8.
100.
The original is
to add the colophon, which is a proverbial expresssion and signifies to give the last touch to a thing.
101.
See the fragments of Menander quoted by Upton.
102.
Sunt In Fortunae qui casibus omnnia ponunt,
Et mundum credunt nullo rectore moveri.
Juvenal, xiii. 86
.
103.
From the fact that man has some intelligence Voltaire concludes that we must admit that there is a greater intelligence. (Letter to Mde. Necker. Vol. 67, ed. Kehl. p. 278.)
104.
The word is
ἀποκαρτερεῖν, which Cicero (Tusc. i. 34) renders
perinediam vita discedere.
The words
I have resolved are in Epictetus,
κέκρικα. Pliny (Epp. i. 12) says that Corellius Rufus, when he determined to end his great sufferings by starvation made the same answer,
κέκρικα, to the physician who offered him food.
105.
The great city is the world.
106.
The meaning is that you cannot lead a fool from his purpose either by words or force.
A wise fool must mean a fool who thinks himself wise; and such we sometimes see.
Though thou shouldst bray a fool in the mortar among wheat with a pestle, yet will not his foolishness depart from him.
Proverbs, xxvii. 22.
107.
Ellebore was a medicine used in madness. Horace says,
Sat. ii. 3. 82—
Danda est ellebori multo pars maxima avaris.
108.
Epictetus seems in this discussion to be referring to some professor, who had declared that he would not take money from his hearers, and then, indirectly at least had blamed our philosopher for receiving some fee from his hearers.
Schweig.
109.
See ii. 10. 25.
110.
To answer to things means to act in a way suitable to circum— stances, to be a match for them. So Horace says
(Sat. ii. 7. 85)—
Responsare cupidinibus, contemnere honores
111.
Perhaps this was a common puzzle. The man answers right; he cannot say.
112.
That is which follows praise or blame. He seems to mean making the proper use of praise or of blame.
113.
By the words
sit down Epictetus indicates the man’s baseness and indolence, who wishes God to do for him that which he can do himself and ought to do. Schweig.
114.
So Schweighaeuser explains this difficult passage. Perhaps he is right. This part of the chapter is obscure.
115.
It is observable, that this most practical of all the philosophers owns his endeavours met with little or no success among his scholars. The Apostles speak a very different language in their epistles to the first converts of Christianity: and the Acts of the Apostles, and all the monuments of the primitive ages bear testimony to the reformation of manners produced by the Gospel. This difference of success might indeed justly be expected from the difference of the two systems.
Mrs. Carter.—I have not quoted this note of Mrs. Carter, because I think that it is true. We do not know what was the effect of the teaching of Epictetus, unless this passage informs us, if Mrs. Carter has drawn a right inference from it. The language of Paul to the Corinthians is not very different from that of Epictetus, and he speaks very unfavourably of some of his Corinthian converts. We may allow that
a reformation of manners was produced by the Gospel in many of the converts to Christianity, but there is no evidence that this reformation was produced in all; and there is evidence that it was not. The corruptions in the early Christian church and in subsequent ages are a proof that the reforms made by the Gospel were neither universal nor permanent; and this is the result which our knowledge of human nature would lead us to expect.
116.
See ii. 1. 13.
117.
Dirce a pure stream in
, which flows into the Ismenus. The Marcian water is the Marcian aqueduct at
, which was constructed B. C.
144, and was the best water that
had. Some or me arches of this aqueduct exist. The
bright stream of Dirce is spoken of in the Hercules Furens of Euripides (v. 573). The verse in the text which we may suppose that Epictetus made, has a spondee in the fourth place, which is contrary to the rule.
118.
The
small stones are supposed to be the marbles which decorated
, and the rock to be the Acropolis.
119.
In the original it is
Εἰσαγωγαί. It was a name used for short commentaries on the principles of any art; such as we now call Introductions, Compendiums, Elements.
Gellius, xvi. 8
.
120.
12 See Schweig.’s note.
121.
The MSS. have
ἴσος εἰμί: but the emendation of Salmasius,
σός εἰμι, is certain.
122.
There are innumerable passages in St. Paul, which, in reality, bear that noble testimony which Epictetus here requires in his imaginary character. Such are those in which he glories in tribulation; speaks with an heroic contempt of life, when set in competition with the performance of his duty; rejoices in bonds and imprisonments, and the view of his approaching martyrdom; and represents afflictions as a proof of God’s love. See Acts xx. 23, 24; Rom. v. 3, viii. 38—39; 2 Tim. iv. 6.
—Mrs. Carter.
123.
The meaning is uncertain. See Schweighaeuser’s note.
124.
Procrustes and Sciron, two robbers who infested Attica and were destroyed by Theseus, as Plutarch tells in his life of Theseus.
125.
Antoninus x. 28,
only to the rational animal is it given to follow voluntarily what happens; but simply to follow is a necessity imposed on all.
Compare Seneca, Quaest. Nat. ii. 59.
126.
See ii. 11. 1, and iii. 14. 8.
127.
Theorems are defined by Cicero, de Fato, c. 6,
Percepta appelle quae dicuntur Graece
θεωρήματα.
128.
This rhetorician or orator, as Epictetus names him, appears to be the same person as Theopompus of
, the historian.
129.
That Epictetus does not quite correctly compare the notion of what is wholesome to the human body with the preconceived notion (anticipata notione) of moral good and bad, will be apparent to those who have carefully inquired into the various origin and principles of oar notions.
Schweigh. Also see his note on
ἀνάτεινον.
130.
The topic of the desires and aversions. Sec. iii. c. 2.
131.
Compare i. c. 27, 10.
132.
This is the meaning of what Medea says in the Medea of Euripides Epictetus does not give the words of the poet.
133.
Compare iv. 7. 20.
134.
If you would subject all things to yourself, subject yourself to reason.
Seneca, Ep. 37.
135.
See i. 7. 1.
136.
The Pseudomenos was a treatise by Chrysippus (Diog. Laert. vii. Chrysippus).
The Pseudomenos was a famous problem among the Stoics, and it is this. When a person says, I lie; doth he lie, or doth he not? If he lies, he speaks truth: if he speaks truth, he lies. The philosophers composed many books on this difficulty. Chrysippus wrote six. Philetas wasted himself in studying to answer it.
Mrs. Carter.
137.
Epictetus is ridiculing the men who compliment one another on their writings. Upton compares
Horace, Epp. ii. 2. 87.
Alterius sermone meros audiret honores—
Discedo Alcaeus puncto lllius? ille meo quis?
138.
Compare i. 19. 4.
139.
Schweighaeuser has no doubt that we ought instead of
συναγωγάς ,
collections, to read
εἰσαγωγάς,
introductions.
140.
As to Archedemus, see ii. 4, 11; and Antipater, ii. 19, 2.
141.
See iv. c. 12.
142.
ἀῤῥωστήματα.
Aegrotationes quae appellantur a Stoicis
ἀῤῥωστήματα .
Cicero, Tusc. iv. 10.
143.
κομψῶς σοί ἐστι. Compare the Gospel of St. John iv. 52,
ἐπύθετο οὖν παρ’ αὐτῶν τὴν ὥραν ἐν ᾗ κομψότερον ἔσχε
.
144.
Placet enim Chrysippo cum gradatim interrogetur, verbi causa, tria pauca sint anne multa, aliquanto prius quam ad multa perveniat quiescere; id est quod ab iis dicitur
ἡσυχάζειν. Cicero, Acad. ii. Pr. 29. Compare Persius, Sat. vi. 80:
Inventus, Chrysippe, tui finitor acervi.
145.
The passage is in Plato, Laws, ix. p. 854,
ὅταν σοι προσπίπτῃ τι τῶν τοιούτων δογμάτων
, etc. The conclusion is,
if you cannot be cured of your (mental) disease, seek death which is better and depart from life. This bears some resemblance to the precept in Matthew vi. 29
And if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee,
etc.
146.
Hercules is said to have established gymnastic contests and to have been the first victor. Those who gained the victory both in wrestling and in the pancratium were reckoned in the list of victors as coming in the second or third place after him, and so on.
147.
I have followed Wolff’s conjecture
πύκτας instead of the old reading
παίκτας.
148.
Compare iii. 12. 15.
149.
Castor and Pollux.
Horace, Carm. i. 12:—
150.
Gellius,
xix. c. 1, 4
visa quae vi quadam sua sese inferunt noscitanda hominibus.
151.
Consider that every thing is opinion, and opinion is in thy power. Take away then, when thou choosest, thy opinion, and like a mariner, who has doubled the promontory, thou wilt find calm, every thing stable, and a waveless pay.
Antoninus, xii. 22.
152.
Hesiod, Works and Days, v. 411.
153.
Compare Gellius
xvii. c. 19
.
154.
See the long note communicated to Upton by James Harris; and Schweighaeuser’s note.
155.
Diodorus, surnamed Cronus, lived at
in the time of Ptolemaeus Soter. He was of the school named the Megaric, and distinguished in dialectic.
156.
If you assume any two of these three, they must be in contradiction to the third and destroy it.
157.
speak to me, etc. may be supposed to be said to Epictetus, who has been ridiculing logical subtleties and the grammarians’ learning. When he is told to speak of good and evil, he takes a verse of the Odyssey, the first which occurs to him, and says, Listen. There is nothing to listen to, but it is as good for the hearer as any thing else. Then he utters some philosophical principles, and being asked where he learned them, he says, from Hellanicus, who was an historian, not a philosopher. He is bantering the hearer: it makes no matter from what author I learned them; it is all the same. The real question is, have you examined what Good and Evil are, and have you formed an opinion yourself?
158.
The Peripatetics allowed many things to be good which contributed to a happy life; but still they contended that the smallest mental excellence was superior to all other things. Cicero, De Fin. v. 5. 31.
159.
See ii. c. 8. 20.
160.
to blame God means to blame the constitution and order of things, for to do this appeared to Epictetus to be absurd and wicked; as absurd as for the potter’s vessel to blame the potter, if that can be imagined, for making it liable to wear out and to break.
161.
Our fellowship is with the Father and with his son Jesus Christ,
1 John i. 3. The attentive reader will observe several passages besides those which have been noticed, in which there is a striking conformity between Epictetus and the Scriptures: and will perceive from them, either that the Stoics had learnt a good deal of the Christian language or that treating a subject practically and in earnest leads men to such strong expressions as we often find in Scripture and sometimes in the philosophers, especially Epictetus.
Mrs. Carter.
The word
fellowship in the passage of John and of Epictetus is
κοινωνία. See i. 29. note 19.
162.
Itaque Arcesilas negabat esse quidquam quod soiri posset, ne illud quidem ipsum, quod Socrates sibi reliquisset. Sic omnia latere censebat in occulto, neque ease quidquam quod oerni aut intelligi possit. Quibus de causis nihil oportere neque profiteri neque adfirmare quemquam neque adsensione adprobare.
Cicero, Academ. Post. 1. 12, Diog. Laert. ix. 90 of the Pyrrhonists.
163.
Cicero, de Fin. ii. 30. 31, speaking of the letter, which Epicurus wrote to Hermarchus when he was dying, says
that the actions of Epicurus were inconsistent with his sayings,
and
his writings were confuted by his probity and morality.
164.
Paul says, Cor. i. 15. 32:
If after the manner of men I have fought with beasts at
, what advantageth it me, if the dead rise not? let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.
The words
let us eat and drink, etc. are said to be a quotation from the Thais of Menander. The meaning seems to be, that if I do not believe in the resurrection of the dead, why should I not enjoy the sensual pleasures of life only? This is not the doctrine of Epictetus, as we see in the text.
165.
It would give security to the Epicureans, that they would enjoy all that they value, if other men should be persuaded that we are all made for fellowship, and that temperance is a good thing.
166.
See Upton’s note.
167.
I have followed Schweighaeuser who suggests
προσεξεργάσασθαι in place of the MSS.
προσεργάσασθαι.
168.
Polybius (vi. 56), when he is speaking of the Roman state, commends the men of old time, who established in the minds of the multitude the opinions about the gods and Hades, wherein, he says, they acted more wisely than those in his time who would destroy suck opinions.
169.
Epictetus alludes to the Spartans who fought at
B. C.
480 against Xerxes and his army. Herodotus (vii. 228) has recorded the inscription placed over the Spartans:—
Stranger, go tell the Spartans, Here we lie
Obedient to those who bade us die.
The inscription is translated by Cicero, Tusc. Disp. i. 42.
170.
When Xerxes was advancing on
, the Athenians left the city and embarked on their vessels before the battle of
, B. C.
480. See Cicero, De Officiis, iii. 11.
171.
He is now attacking the Academics, who asserted that we can know nothing.
172.
Epictetus is speaking according to the popular notions. To deny Demeter and to eat the bread which she gives is the same thing in the common notions of the Greeks, as it would be for Epictetus to deny the existence of God and to eat the bread which he gives.
173.
The MSS. have
παράσχωμεν. Παράσχωσι would be in conformity with the rest of the passage. But this change of persons is common in Epictetus.
174.
This resembles what our Saviour said to the Jewish rulers:
Verily I say unto you, that the publicans and the harlots go into the kingdom of God before you.
Matthew, xxi. 31.
Mrs. Carter.
To an Academic who said he comprehended nothing, the Stoic Ariston replied,
Do you not see even the person who is sitting near you? When the Academic denied it, Ariston said,
Who made you blind? who stole your power of sight. (Diog. Laert. vii. 163. Upton.)
175.
Schweig. has some remarks on the title of this chapter. He says
that this discourse does not keep to the same subject, but proceeds from that with which it began to other things.
176.
καταστολὰς ποιήσας. I have omitted these words because I don’t understand them; nor do the commentators. The word
καταστολή occurs in ii. 10. 15, where it is intelligible.
177.
Literally,
because to you or for you nothing is brought from home. Perhaps the meaning is explained by what follows. The man has no comfort at home; he brings nothing by the thought of which he is comforted.
178.
See i. 7.
179.
See ii. 17. 34.
180.
τί με ταῦτα ὠφελήσει; Schweig. in his note says that he has written the text thus; but he has not. He has written
τί μετὰ ταῦτα ὠφελήσει; The
με appears to be necessary, and he has rendered the passage accordingly; and rightly, I think.
181.
See i. 4, note 5 on Halteres.
182.
See ii. 25.
183.
In this dissertation is expounded the Stoic principle that friendship is only possible between the good.
Schweig. He also says that there was another discourse by Epictetus on this subject, in which he expressed some of the opinions of Musonius Rufus (i. 1. note 12). Schweig draws this conclusion from certain words of Stobaeus; and he supposes that this dissertation of Epictetus was in one of the last four books of Epictetus’ discourses by Arrian, which have been lost.
Cicero (de Amicit. c. 5) says
nisi in bonis amicitiam ease non posse,
and c. 18.
184.
The first verse is from the Alcestis of Euripides, v. 691. The second in Epictetus is not in Euripides. Schweighaeuser thinks that it has been intruded into the text from a trivial scholium.
185.
From the Phoenissae of Euripides, v. 723, etc.
186.
Compare Euripides, Hecuba, v. 846, etc.:—
δεινόν γε θνητοῖς ὡς ἅπαντα συμπίτνει
καὶ τὰς ἀνάγκας ὡς νόμοι διώρισαν,
φίλους τιφέντες τούς γε πολεμιωτάτους
ἐχθρούς τε τοὺς πρὶν εὐμενεῖς ποιούμενοι.
187.
Alexander did this when Hephaestion died. Arrian. Expedition of Alexander, vii. 14.
188.
Matthew vi. 21,
for where your treasure is, there will your heart be also.
189.
By
self is here meant the proper Good, or, as Solomon expresses it, Eccl. xii. 13,
the whole of man. The Stoic proves excellently the inconvenience of placing this in any thing but a right choice (a right disposition and behaviour): but how it is the interest of each individual in every case to make that choice in preference to present pleasure and in defiance of present sufferings, appears only from the doctrine of a future recompense.
Mrs. Carter. Compare Cicero, De Fin. ii. 15, where he is speaking of Epicurus, and translates the words
ἀποφαίνειν ἢ μηδὲν εἶναι τὸ καλὸν ἢ ἄρα τὸ ἔνδοξον,
ut enim consuetudo loquitur, id solum dicitur Honestum quod est populari fama gloriosum (
ἔνδοξον).
See Schweig.’s note.
190.
The quarrels of the Athenians with the Lacedaemonians appear chiefly in the history of the Peloponnesian war. (Thucydides, i. 1). The quarrel of the great king, the king of
, is the subject of the history of Herodotus (i. 1). The great quarrel of the Macedonians with the Persians is the subject of Arrian’s expedition of Alexander. The Romans were at war with the Getae or Daci in the time of Trajan, and we may assume that Epictetus was still living then.
191.
Aristotle, Eth. viii. c. 8. Mrs. Carter.
192.
Schweig. thinks that this is the plain meaning:
as wild beasts in the mountains lie in wait for men, so men lie in wait for men, not only in deserted places, but even in the forum.
193.
ὅπου δόσις τοῦ καλοῦ. Lord Shaftesbury suggested
δόσις καὶ λῆψις τοῦ καλοῦ: which Upton approved, and he refers to ii. 9. 12,
αἱ ἀκατάλληλοι λήψεις καὶ δόσεις. Schweighaeuser suggests
διαδόσις which I have followed in the version. Schweig. refers to i. 12. 6 i. 14. 9. The MSS. give no help.
194.
The old story about Eriphyle who betrayed her husband for a necklace.
195.
See Schweig.’s note
196.
The word for
spirit is
πνεῦμα, a vital spirit, an animal spirit, a nervous fluid, as Schweighaeuser explains it, or as Plutarch says (De Placit. Philosoph. iv. 15).
the spirit which has the power of vision, which permeates from the chief faculty of the mind to the pupil of the eye.
and in another passage of the same treatise (iv. 8),
the instruments of perception are said to be intelligent spirits (
πνεύματα νοερά) which have a motion from the chief faculty of the mind to the organs.
197.
See Schweig.’s note.
198.
See i. 1.
199.
Schweighaeuser has this note:
That which Epictetus names the
προαιρετικὴ δυναμίς and afterwards frequently
προαίρεσις, is generally translated by
voluntas (
will); but it has a wider meaning than is generally given to the Latin word, and it comprehends the intellect with the will, and all the active power of the mind which we sometimes designate by the general name Reason.
200.
On the Greek text Upton remarks that,
there are many passages in these dissertations which are ambiguous or rather confused on account of the small questions, and because the matter is not expanded by oratorical copiousness, not to mention other causes.
201.
The general reading is
καὶ προαιρετά. Salmasius proposes
καὶ ἀπροαίρετα, which Schweig. says in a note that he accepts, and so he translates it in the Latin; but in his text he has
καὶ προαιρετά.
202.
This appears to be the book which Cicero (Tuscul. iii. 18) entitles on the
supreme good (
de summo bono
), which, as Cicero, says, contains all the doctrine of Epicurus. The book on the Canon or Rule is mentioned by Velleius in Cicero de Nat. Deorum i. c. 16. as
that celestial volume of Epicurus on the Rule and Judgment.
See also De Fin. i. 19.
203.
This is said in a letter written by Epicurus, when he was dying in great pain (Diog. Laert. x. 22); Cicen) (De Fin. ii. c. 30) quotes this letter.
204.
The MSS. have
προαιρετικῆς δυνάμεως. Lord Shaftesbury suggested
φραστικῆς and Salmasius also. Schweig. has put
φραστικῆς in the text, and he has done right.
205.
The Stoics taught that a man should lead an active life. Horace (
Ep. i. 1. 16
) represents himself as sometimes following the Stoic principles:
Nune agilis fio et mersor civilibus undis.
but this was only talk. The Stoic should discharge all the duties of a citizen, says Epictetus; he should even marry and beget children. But the marrying may be done without any sense of duty; and the continuance of the human race is secured by the natural love of the male and of the female for conjunction. Still it is good advice, which the Roman censor Metellus gave to his fellow citizens, that, as they could not live without women, they should make the beat of this business of marriage. (
Gellius, i. 6
.)
206.
The rest of the verses are quoted in the Encheiridion, s. 52.
207.
Chrysippus wrote a book on the resolution of Syllogisms. Diogenes Laertius (vii.) says of Chrysippus that he was so famous among Dialecticians that most persons thought, if there was Dialectic among the Gods, it would not be any other than that of Chrysippus.
208.
See Schweig.’s note on
ἀκαταληκτικῶς.
209.
That is, let us not now consider whether I am perfect in the art of speaking, and you have a mind well prepared to derive real advantage from philosophical talk. Let us consider this only, whether your ears are sufficiently prepared for listening, whether you can understand a philosophical discussion.
Schweig.
210.
See Schweig.’s note.
211.
In the ninth book of the Iliad, where Achilles answers the messengers sent to him by Agamemnon. The reply of Achilles is a wonderful example of eloquence.
212.
See i. 17.
213.
Compare Xenophon,
Mem. iii. 9. 4
.
214.
There is some deficiency in the text. Cicero (Acad. Prior. i. 12), but
enim necesse est lancem in libra ponderibus impositis deprimi; sic snimum perspicuis cedere,
appears to supply the deficiency.
215.
M. Antoninus, v. 28; x. 4.