Notes on the current edition
Civil Wars
1.
Λίβωνι; as there is no historian known of the name of Libo, except one of much earlier date, most critics have concluded that this is a copyist’s error for
Λιβίῳ (Livy). Mendelssohn does not concur in this view, He does not believe that a single particle of Appian can have been derived from Livy.
2.
Plutarch mentions the attempt to corrupt the soldiers, but says that Gaius was put to death by Brutus in retaliation for the killing of Cicero and Decimus Brutus by Antony (
Life of Brutus, 28).
3.
As soon as Antony was defeated and driven to the Alps the Senate supposed that it had no further need of Octavius. Cicero, who was the first wit, as well as the greatest orator of the age, indulged in an unseasonable jest about this time. The first account we have of it is in a letter from Decimus Brutus to Cicero, dated Eporedia, May 23.
My affection and duty to you, he says,
compel me to feel for you what I never feel for myself, namely, fear. It is about a saying that I have heard several times, and have at no time made light of, and very lately from Labeo Segulius (so very like himself), who tells me that he was with Octavius, and they were having much conversation about you. Octavius himself did not make any complaint of you, except as to a phrase that he said you had uttered, namely,
laudandum adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum.. The force of this
bon mot is found in the last word, which has a double meaning, so that the sentence may read:
The young man should be praised, honored, and extolled, or
The young man should be praised, honored, and taken off. Decimus continued,
Octavius said that he should not furnish any opportunity for his taking off. He added that very likely Segulius himself had reported this saying to Octavius, or even that he had invented the whole thing himself (
Ad Fam. xi. 20). We have Cicero’s reply to this letter.
May the gods confound Segulius, he says,
for the basest creature of all who live, or have lived, or shall live, but he does not deny that he made use of the phrase (
Ad Fam. xi. 21).
4.
κἀκείνῳ δι’ ἀφροσύνην καὶ ὑπεροψίαν τοῦδε τοῦ δέους τάδε παθόντι, a sentence rendered obscure by the introduction of the words
τοῦδε τοῦ δέους. Nauck thinks that the whole sentence is spurious.
5.
That Octavius was serving his own interest, and not that of the republic, was perceived by Plancus, who wrote to Cicero as follows:
You know, my dear Cicero, that I share your affection for Octavius. Because of my intimacy with Caesar when he was alive, I was under the necessity of defending and loving Octavius, and for the further reason that, as far as I could discover, he was himself a young man of most moderate and humane sentiments. Considering the distinguished friendship that existed between Caesar and myself, it would have been base in me not to hold him in the place of a son, when he had been adopted as such by Caesar, and confirmed by the judgment of the Senate. Now, what I write to you I swear that I write more in sorrow than in anger. That Antony is alive to-day, that Lepidus has joined him, that they have an army not to be despised, that they have hope and courage, are due wholly to Octavius. Not to go farther back, if he had been willing to join me at the time he said he would, either the war would now be ended, or it would be pushed into Spain, which is most hostile to them, to their great disadvantage. (
Ad Fam. x. 24.) This letter is dated July 28.
6.
ναυτικῶν περ ἤδη γεγονότων; literally
whose naval arrangements were already made. This is so incongruous with historical facts that most commentators have substituted some other word for
ναυτικῶν. Schweighäuser suggested
ναστίκον (hard pressed), but he left a blank at this place in the Latin version. Combes-Dounous adds the word
αὖτῳ, and renders the passage that Antony had made preparations for flight by water. Tyrwhitt (as we learn from the preface to the Didot edition) conceived that the right words were
αὐτίκα. ὦνπερ ἤδη γεγονότων, οἵ τε Πομπηϊανοὶ, etc., the last six words being transferred to the beginning of Sec. 82. Thus the rendering would be:
Decimus wrote to the Senate that he would pursue and capture Antony immediately. When the Pompeians learned what had happened, etc., a rational explanation.
7.
This is very far from the truth. Appian’s partiality for Antony is equal to all emergencies.
8.
Plutarch says that
Octavius sent friends to Cicero to beg and persuade him to obtain the consulship for both of them, saying that he (Cicero) might conduct the business in whatever way he chose after entering upon the office, and might govern him, as he was a young man solicitous only for the name and the honor. Octavius himself acknowledges that, as he was fearful of being ruined and in danger of being deserted, he made use of Cicero’s desire for office by persuading him to seek the consulship in coöperation with himself, and to assist him in the canvass. Thereupon Cicero, although now an old man, was allured by the young man and cheated by him, for he aided Octavius in this canvass for the consulship, and brought the Senate over to his side; but being presently blamed by his friends, he perceived a little later that he was undone, and that he had betrayed the liberty of the people. (
Life of Cicero, 45 and 46.) It seems that Plutarch drew his information, either directly or indirectly, from the memoirs of Octavius, which were extant in his time. It is probable that Appian drew from the same source, as he refers to it in his Illyrian history, Sec. 14. Both Dr. Middleton and Mr. Strachan-Davidson, in their respective biographies of Cicero, doubt this tale, and I agree with them. Yet its truth might be conceded without discredit to Cicero. That he was hoodwinked disastrously by Octavius is well known. In the fifth Philippic (18) he had pledged himself to the Senate in the most fervent terms for the fidelity of Octavius to the republic, and he might well have reasoned that the latter would allow him to guide the republic, whose fate was then trembling in the balance. The death of the two consuls had left Rome at the mercy of half a dozen commanders in the field, who could not be controlled by the Senate. Under such circumstances Cicero might have grasped at the consulship in conjunction with Octavius, without the motive of personal ambition. But the whole story is incongruous with known facts. The Epitome of Livy makes no mention of it.