Appian of Alexandria Civil Wars 2.16

Horace White (Translator)

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Civil Wars. Appian of Alexandria. Horace White (Translator). New York. 1899.

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Current edition Perseus

The Roman History: The Civil Wars (English) (Appianus. The Roman History of Appian of Alexandria, Volume 2: The Civil Wars. White, Horace, translator. New York: The Macmillan Company. London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd. 1899.)

Editions (1)
Ἐμφυλίων Πρώτη Perseus (Appianus. Appiani Historia Romana, Volume 2. Mendelssohn, Ludwig, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1881.) — 2.16 focus

Notes on the current edition

Civil Wars

1. Plutarch says that his friends advised him to have a body-guard and many of them offered their services in this capacity, but he refused, saying that it was better to die once than to be always afraid of death. ( Life of Cœsar, 57.) Velleius records the same fact. (ii. 57.)
2. Caesar had a clear conception of facts when he said, according to Suetonius, the republic is a mere name without substance or semblance. Sulla did not know his A B C’s ( nescisse litteras) when he laid down the dictatorship. ( Jul. 77.)
3. Y.R. 710
4. B.C. 44
5. At the Lupercalia the priests of Pan ( Luperci) ran through the city naked, except for a goatskin tied about the loins, bearing a strap cut from the hide of the sacrificial goat, with which they slapped married women who placed themselves in the way. This was supposed to be a cure for barrenness.
6. Suetonius, Velleius, Plutarch, and Cicero in his second Philippic mention this affair. Plutarch says that Antony offered the diadem to Caesar three times. Suetonius says several times. Velleius says that he put it away, but in such a manner that he did not seem offended. The words that Shakespeare puts in the mouth of Casca in the play of Julius Cœsar (Act 1, Sc. 2), were evidently taken from Plutarch and Velleius.
7. I have followed Schweighäuser’s Latin rendering of this passage, although it is not free from objection. The Didot version is: or, as they alleged, from a desire to restore the republic (for they knew Caesar well), lest, if he should conquer those nations also, he should presently become king of the Romans without a doubt. Geslen considered the passage corrupt and substituted ἔδεισαν (they feared) for ᾔδεσαν (they knew) in the text. Tollius curiously adopted Geslen’s Latin version, but adhered to the original text.
8. This is another troublesome sentence. Schweighäuser says that the older translators dodged the difficulty by ignoring the words σκοπὸν and προσθήκης, for which he gives the Latin equivalent propositum illius accessionis. The latter interpretation is followed in the Didot edition, although Schweighäuser himself preferred the participle σκοπῶν (contemplating) instead of the noun σκοπὸν (a plan). The Augsburg codex reads σκοπῶν and this would make Appian say: I think upon reflection, etc.
9. Plutarch relates the following anecdote in his Life of Cato Minor (24), where he describes the part taken by the latter in the debate on the conspiracy of Catiline: As we ought not to omit even the smallest indications that show the mental image of the man, it is said that while Caesar was engaged in a severe struggle and controversy with Cato on this subject, and the Senate was hanging on their words, a little tablet was brought in to Caesar. Cato considered this a suspicious circumstance and slandered him so that some of the senators were moved to ask that the contents be read. Caesar handed the tablet to Cato, who was standing near. It was an immodest letter from his own sister Servilia to Caesar, with whom she was in love, and by whom she had been seduced. Cato, after reading it, threw it back to Caesar, saying: Keep it, you debauchee, and then went on with his speech.
10. Mention should be made of two wise men who did not join the conspiracy. Plutarch gives this account of them: Of his other companions Brutus omitted Statilius the Epicurean, and Favonius an adherent of Cato, because when he sounded them in a roundabout way by conversing with them on philosophical subjects, Favonius answered that a civil war was worse than an illegal monarchy, and Statilius said that it was not the part of a wise man to expose himself to danger and to stir up disorder for the sake of worthless and foolish people. ( Life of Brutus, 12.)
11. ἐς τὸν πότον. Three of the codices read ἐς τὸν πόντον (to the sea) which is absurd. Mendelssohn considers the words troublesome in either case.
12. It was customary for the magistrate who called the meeting of the Senate to designate at the same time the place of meeting. Plutarch says that the place where this meeting was held was a building erected by Pompey as an addition to and ornament of his theatre, and that it contained his own statue. This singular fact proves to Plutarch that Caesar was led to this place by divine interposition.
13. Here again there is a close resemblance in words between Plutarch and Appian, but the former uses the direct discourse συνεύχομαι and the latter the indirect συνεύχεσθαι.
14. ἔτι πιθανώτερον: here we encounter a curiosity in the text. In Sec. 153 infra the author says: As Caesar was entering the Senate for the last time, as I have shortly before related, the same omens were observed, but he said jestingly that the same thing happened to him in Spain. The soothsayer replied that he was in danger then and that the omen was now more deadly, ἐπιθανατώτερον. The close resemblance of the text of the two phrases suggested to Musgrave the query whether Appian had not written the same in both places. Schweighäuser thought that it was altogether probable, but as all the codices agreed he did not venture to change the text. Mendelssohn has changed it in the Teubner edition, while the Didot edition adheres to the original.
15. ὡς ἐπὶ συστροφῇ τεταμένον. Literally, which was in a state of tension by reason of his turning and twisting.
16. The account of the assassination given by Suetonius ( Jul. 82) is as follows: The conspirators stood around him as he was seated, pretending to pay their respects, and directly Tillius Cimber, who had assumed the initiative, advanced nearer as if to ask some favor, and when Caesar made a motion with his head to signify that the matter must be deferred he seized his toga at both shoulders. Caesar exclaimed this is violence, and then another of Casca’s party wounded him in the back a little below the neck. Caesar seized Casca’s arm and pierced it with a stylus, and while trying to rush forward was hindered by another wound. When he saw himself assailed on all sides with drawn daggers he drew his toga around his head and at the same time with his left hand arranged the fold over his lower limbs so that he might fall more decently, with the lower part of his body covered. In this way he was stabbed with twenty-three wounds, having uttered no cry but only a single groan at the first blow, although some say that when Marcus Brutus attacked him he exclaimed καὶ σὺ τέκνον, (and you, my son). He lay there dead for some time, all having fled, until three of his slaves placed him on a litter with his arm hanging down, and carried him home. Among so many wounds, according to the physician Antistius, there was only one that was mortal, and that was the second one, which he had received in the breast.