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War Against Attalus Prevented

BEFORE spring this year the Senate, after hearing the report ¹ of Publius Lentulus and his colleagues, who had just reached Rome from Asia, in the business of king Prusias, called in Athenaeus also, brother of king Attalus. The matter, however, did not need many words: the Senate promptly appointed Gaius Claudius Cento, Lucius Hortensius, and Gaius Arunculeius, to accompany Athenaeus home, with instructions to prevent Prusias from waging war against Attalus.

Also Xeno of Aegium and Telecles of Tegea arrived as² ambassadors from the Achaeans in behalf of the Achaean detenus. After the delivery of their speech, on the question being put to the vote, the Senators only refused the release of the accused persons by a very narrow majority.³ The man who really prevented the release from being carried was Aulus Postumius, who was praetor, and as such presided in the Senate on that occasion. Three alternatives were proposed—one for an absolute release, another for an absolute refusal, and a third for a postponement of the release for the present. The largest numbers were for the first of these three; but Postumius left out the third, and put the two first to the vote together, release or no release; the result was that those who were originally for the postponement transferred their votes to the party that were against the release, and thus gave a majority against release. . . .

Release of Achaeans Refused

⁴When the ambassadors returned to Achaia with the news that the restoration of all the detenus had been only lost in the Senate by a narrow majority, the people becoming hopeful and elated sent Telecles of Megalopolis and Anaxidamus on a fresh mission at once.⁵ That was the state of things in the Peloponnese. . . .

Character of Aristocrates

Aristocrates, the general of the Rhodians, was in appearance a man of mark and striking ability; and ⁶ the Rhodians, judging from this, believed that they had in him a thoroughly adequate leader and guide in the war.⁷ But they were disappointed in their expectations: for when he came to the test of experience, like spurious coin when brought to the furnace, he was shown to be a man of quite a different sort. And this was proved by actual facts. . . .

Suicide of Archias

[Demetrius] offered him five hundred talents if he would surrender Cyprus to him, with other similar advantages and honours from himself if he would do him this service. . . .

Archias, therefore, wishing to betray Cyprus to Demetrius, and being caught in the act and led off to stand his trial, hanged himself with one of the ropes of the awnings in the court. For it is a true proverb that led by their desires the reckonings of the vain are vain. This man, for instance, imagining that he was going to get five hundred talents, lost what he had already, and his life into the bargain. . . .

The Prienians Refuse to Give Orophernes’ Funds to Ariarathes

About this time an unexpected misfortune befell the ⁸ people of Priene. They had received a deposit of four hundred talents from Orophernes when he got possession of the kingdom; and subsequently when Ariarathes recovered his dominion he demanded the money of them. But they acted like honest men, in my opinion, in declaring that they would deliver it to no one as long as Orophernes was alive, except to the person who deposited it with them; while Ariarathes was thought by many to be committing a breach of equity in demanding a deposit made by another. However, up to this point, one might perhaps pardon his making the attempt, because he looked upon the money as belonging to his own kingdom; but to push his anger and imperious determination as much farther as he did seems utterly unjustifiable. At the period I refer to, then, he sent troops to pillage the territory of Priene, Attalus assisting and urging him on from the private grudge which he entertained towards the Prienians. After losing many slaves and cattle, some of them being slaughtered close to the city itself, the Prienians, unable to defend themselves, first sent an embassy to the Rhodians, and eventually appealed for protection to Rome. . . .

But he would not listen to the proposal. So it came about that the Prienians, who had great hopes from the possession of so large a sum of money, found themselves entirely disappointed. For they repaid Orophernes his deposit, and, thanks to this same deposit, were unjustly exposed to severe damage at the hands of Ariarathes. . . .

Marseilles Complains about the Ligurians

This year there came ambassadors also from the people of ⁹ Marseilles, who had long been suffering from the Ligurians, and at that time were being closely invested by them, while their cities of Antipolis and Nicaea were also subjected to a siege. They, therefore, sent ambassadors to Rome to represent the state of things and beg for help. On their being admitted, the Senate decided to send legates to see personally what was going on, and to endeavour by persuasion to correct the injurious proceedings of the barbarians. . . .

¹⁰

The Ligurians, Ptolemies, And Prusias

At the same time as the Senate despatched Opimius to ¹¹ the war with the Oxybii, Ptolemy the younger arrived at Rome; and being admitted to the Senate brought an accusation against his brother, laying on him the blame of the attack against his life. He showed the scars of his wounds, and speaking with all the bitterness which they seemed to suggest, moved his hearers to pity him; and when Neolaidas and Andromachus also came on behalf of the elder Ptolemy, to answer the charges brought by his brother, the Senate refused even to listen to their pleas, having been entirely prepossessed by the accusations of the younger.¹²¹³ They commanded them to leave Rome at once; while they assigned five commissioners to the younger, headed by Gnaeus Merula and Lucius Thermus, with a quinquereme for each commissioner, and ordered them to restore Ptolemy (Physcon) to Cyprus; and at the same time sent a circular to their allies in Greece and Asia, granting permission to them to assist in the restoration of Ptolemy. . . .

The Senate Appoints Commissioners to Stop the War

When the commissioners under Hortensius and ¹⁴ Arunculeius returned from Pergamum, and reported Prusias’s disregard of the orders of the Senate; and how by an act of treachery he had besieged them and Attalus in Pergamum,¹⁵ and had given rein to every kind of violence and lawlessness: the Senate, enraged and offended at what had happened, immediately appointed ten commissioners, headed by Lucius Anicius, Gaius Fannius, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, and sent them out with instructions to put an end to the war, and compel Prusias to indemnify Attalus for the injuries received by him during the war. . . .

The Ligurians Resist Roman Intervention

On the complaint of the ambassadors of Marseilles as ¹⁶ to their injuries sustained at the hands of the Ligurians, the Senate at once appointed a commission, consisting of Flaminius, Popilius Laenas, and Lucius Pupius, who sailed with the envoys of Marseilles, and landed in the territory of the Oxybii at the town of Aegitna. The Ligurians, hearing that they were come to bid them raise the siege, descended upon them as they lay at anchor, and prevented the rest from disembarking; but finding Flaminius already disembarked and his baggage landed, they began by ordering him to leave the country, and on his refusal they began to plunder his baggage. His slaves and freedmen resisting this, and trying to prevent them, they began to use violence and attacked them with their weapons. When Flaminius came to the rescue of his men they wounded him, and killed two of his servants, and chased the rest down to their ship, so that Flaminius only escaped with his life by cutting away the hawsers and anchors. ¹⁷ He was conveyed to Marseilles and his wound attended to with all possible care; but when the Senate was informed of the transaction, it immediately ordered one of the consuls, Quintus Opimius, to lead an army against the Oxybii and Deciatae.¹⁸

Ligurian War

Having collected his army at Placentia, Quintus ¹⁹ Opimius marched over the Apennines and arrived in the territory of the Oxybii; and, pitching his camp on the river Apro, awaited the enemy, being informed that they were mustering their forces and were eager to give him battle. ²⁰ Meanwhile, he advanced to Aegitna, where the ambassadors had been outraged, took the city by assault, and sold its inhabitants as slaves, sending the ringleaders in the outrage to Rome in chains. Having done this, he went to meet the enemy. The Oxybii, convinced that their violence to the ambassadors admitted of no terms being granted them, with all the courage of desperation, and excited to the highest pitch of furious enthusiasm, did not wait to be joined by the Deciatae, but, having collected to the number of about four thousand, rushed to the attack upon their enemy. ²¹ Quintus was somewhat dismayed at the boldness of their attack, and at the desperate fury of the barbarians; but was encouraged by observing that the enemy were advancing in complete disorder, for he was an experienced soldier and a man of great natural sagacity. He therefore drew out his men, and, after a suitable harangue, advanced at a slow pace towards the enemy. His charge was delivered with great vigour: he quickly repulsed the enemy, killed a great many of them, and forced the rest into headlong flight. Meanwhile, the Deciatae had mustered their forces, and appeared on the ground intending to fight side by side with the Oxybii; but finding themselves too late for the battle, they received the fugitives in their ranks, and after a short time charged the Romans with great fury and enthusiasm; but being worsted in the engagement, they immediately all surrendered themselves and their city at discretion to the Romans. Having thus become masters of these tribes, Opimius delivered over their territory on the spot to the people of Marseilles, and for the future forced the Ligurians to give hostages at certain fixed intervals to the Marsilians. He then deprived the tribes that had fought with them of their arms, and divided his army among the cities there for the winter, and himself took up his winter quarters in the country. ²² Thus the war had a conclusion as rapid as its commencement. . . .

Roman Commissioners Visit Attalus and Prusias

All the previous winter Attalus had been busy collecting ²³ a large army, Ariarathes and Mithridates having sent him a force of cavalry and infantry, in accordance with the terms of their alliance with him. While he was still engaged in these preparations the ten commissioners arrived from Rome: who, after meeting and conferring with him at Cadi about the business, started to visit Prusias, to whom on meeting him they explained the orders of the Senate in terms of serious warning. Prusias at once yielded to some of the injunctions, but refused to submit to the greater part. The Romans grew angry, renounced his friendship and alliance, and one and all started to return to Attalus. ²⁴ Thereupon Prusias repented; followed them a certain distance with vehement entreaties; but, failing to gain any concession, left them in a state of great doubt and embarrassment. ²⁵ The Romans, on their return to Attalus, bade him station himself with his army on his own frontier, and not to begin the war himself, but to provide for the security of the towns and villages in his territory: while they divided themselves, one party sailing home with all speed to announce to the Senate the disobedience of Prusias; another departing for Ionia; and a third to the Hellespont and the ports about Byzantium, all with one and the same purpose, namely, to detach the inhabitants from friendship and alliance with Prusias, and to persuade them to adhere to Attalus and assist him to the best of their power. . . .

Roman Envoys Make Peace Between Prusias and Attalus

At the same time Athenaeus set sail with eighty ²⁶ decked ships, of which five were quadriremes sent by the Rhodians for the Cretan war, twenty from Cyzicus, twenty-seven Attalus’s own, and the rest contributed by the other allies. Having sailed to the Hellespont, and reached the cities subject to Prusias, he made frequent descents upon the coast, and greatly harassed the country. But when the Senate heard the report of the commissioners who had returned from Prusias, they immediately despatched three new ones, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius, and Aulus Postumius: who, on arriving in Asia, put an end to the war by bringing the two kings to make peace, on condition of Prusias at once handing over to Attalus twenty decked ships, and paying him five hundred talents in twenty years, both retaining the territory which they had at the commencement of the war. Farther, that Prusias should make good the damage done to the inhabitants of Methymna, Aegae, Cymae, Heracleia, by a payment of a hundred talents to those towns. The treaty having been drawn out in writing on those terms, Attalus withdrew his army and navy to his own country. Such are the particulars of the events which took place in the quarrel between Attalus and Prusias. . . .

Another Embassy from Achaia

An embassy again coming to Rome from ²⁷ Achaia in behalf of the detenus, the Senate voted to make no change. . . .

War Between Rhodes and Crete

Heracleides came to Rome in the ²⁸ middle of summer, bringing Laodice and Alexander, and stayed there a long time, employing all the arts of cunning and corruption to win the support of the Senate. . . .

Astymedes of Rhodes being appointed ambassador and navarch at the same time, came forward immediately and addressed the Senate on the war with Crete. ²⁹ The Senate listened with attention, and immediately appointed Quintus at the head of a commission to put an end to the war. . . .

Crete and Rhodes Ask the Achaeans for Help

This year the Cretans sent Antiphatas, son of Telamnestus of Gortyn, with envoys to the Achaeans asking for help, and the Rhodians sent Theophanes ³⁰ with a similar mission. The Congress of the Achaeans was that year at Corinth: and on each body of ambassadors pleading their respective causes, the assembled people were more inclined towards the Rhodians, from respect to the reputation of their state, and the general character of their policy and statesmen. When Antiphatas saw this, he wished to come forward to make another speech; and, having obtained permission from the Strategus to do so, he spoke in weightier and more exalted terms than might be expected from a Cretan; for, in fact, the young man was in no way of the ordinary Cretan type, but had shunned the characteristic principles of his countrymen. Accordingly the Achaeans received his plain speaking with favour; and still more for the sake of his father Telamnestus, who had taken a spirited part with them at the head of five hundred Cretans in their war against Nabis. However, none the less for that, after listening to him they were still inclined to aid the Rhodians, until Callicrates of Leontium stood up and said that they ought not to go to war in favour of either, or to send aid to either of the two peoples without the consent of the Romans. This argument decided them in favour of non-intervention. . . .

Unreasonable Actions of the Rhodians

Dispirited with the course things were taking, the Rhodians entered upon some measures and designs which were strange and unreasonable. In fact, they were much in the same state as men suffering from chronic diseases. It frequently happens that such men, when, in spite of following all the rules of medicine and obeying the prescriptions of the doctors, they are unable to make any advance towards improvement, give up all such efforts in despair, and either listen wholly to priests and seers, or try every sort of charm or amulet. So it was with the Rhodians. When their hopes were baffled in every direction, they were reduced to listen to every kind of suggestion, and to magnify and accept every kind of chance. Nor was this unnatural. For when nothing dictated by reason proves successful, and yet some action or another must necessarily be pushed on, there is no alternative but to try something which does not depend on reason. The Rhodians, having come to this dilemma, acted accordingly; and, among other things that were in defiance of reason, reelected as their archon a man of whom they disapproved. . . .

Alexander Balas

Many different embassies having come to Rome, ³¹ the Senate admitted Attalus,³² son of king Eumenes I. For he had arrived at Rome at this time, still quite a young boy, to be introduced to the Senate, and to renew in his person the ancestral friendship and connexion with the Romans. ³³After a kindly reception by the Senate and his father’s friends, and after receiving the answer which he desired, and such honours as suited his time of life, he returned to his native land, meeting with a warm and liberal reception in all the Greek cities through which he passed on his return journey. Demetrius also came at this time, and, after receiving a fairly good reception for a boy, returned home.

Then Heracleides entered the Senate, bringing Laodice and³⁴ Alexander with him. The youthful Alexander first addressed the Senate, and begged the Romans to remember their friendship and alliance with his father Antiochus, and if possible to assist him to recover his kingdom; or if they could not do that, at least to give him leave to return home, and not to hinder those who wished to assist him in recovering his ancestral crown. Heracleides then took up the word, and, after delivering a lengthy encomium on Antiochus, came to the same point, namely, that they ought in justice to grant the young prince and Laodice leave to return and claim their own, as they were the true-born children of Antiochus. Soberminded people were not all attracted by any of these arguments. ³⁵They understood the meaning of this theatrical exhibition, and made no secret of their distaste for Heracleides. But the majority had fallen under the spell of Heracleides’s cunning, and were induced to pass the following decree: Alexander and Laodice, children of a king, our friend and ally, appeared before the Senate and stated their case; and the Senate gave them authority to return to the kingdom of their forefathers; and help, in accordance with their request, is hereby decreed to them. Seizing on this pretext, Heracleides immediately began hiring mercenaries, and calling on some men of high position to assist him. He accordingly went to Ephesus and devoted himself to the preparations for his attempt.³⁶ . . .

Demetrius’s Intemperance

Demetrius, who, when residing as a hostage at Rome, had fled and become king in Syria, was a man so much addicted to drunkenness that he spent the greater part of the day in drinking. . . .

The Multitude Will Act on its Feelings

When once the multitude feel the impulse to violent love or hatred of any one, any pretext is good enough for indulging their feelings. . . .

However, I am afraid I may fall under the common dilemma, Which is the greater fool, the man who milks a he-goat, or the man who holds a sieve to catch the milk? For I seem to be doing something of this sort in arguing and writing an essay on what every one acknowledges to be false. It is, then, waste time to speak of such things, unless one cares to write down dreams, or look at dreams with one’s eyes open. . . .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 33.1 focus

α. ολψμπ. 156, 1. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι ἡ σύγκλητος ἔτι κατὰ χειμῶνα διακούσασα τῶν περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον Λέντλον ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ Προυσίαν διὰ τὸ νεωστὶ παραγεγονέναι τούτους ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας, εἰσεκαλέσατο καὶ τὸν Ἀθήναιον τὸν Ἀττάλου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφόν.

[2] οὐ μέντοι πολλῶν προσεδεήθη λόγων, ἀλλʼ εὐθέως καταστήσασα πρεσβευτὰς συνεξαπέστελλε τῷ προειρημένῳ τοὺς περὶ Γάιον Κλαύδιον Κέντωνα καὶ Λεύκιον Ὁρτήσιον καὶ Γάιον Αὐρογκολήιον, ἐντολὰς δοῦσα κωλύειν τὸν Προυσίαν Ἀττάλῳ πολεμεῖν.

[3] παρεγένοντο δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρέσβεις εἰς Ῥώμην ὑπὲρ τῶν κατεχομένων οἱ περὶ Ξένωνα τὸν Αἰγιέα καὶ Τηλεκλέα τὸν Αἰγειράτην.

[4] ὧν ποιησαμένων λόγους ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ, καὶ τοῦ διαβουλίου προτεθέντος, παρʼ ὀλίγον ἦλθον ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς κατῃτιαμένους οἱ τοῦ συνεδρίου.

[5] τὴν δʼ αἰτίαν ἔσχε τοῦ μὴ συντελεσθῆναι τὴν ἀπόλυσιν Αὖλος Ποστόμιος, στρατηγὸς ὢν ἑξαπέλεκυς καὶ βραβεύων τὸ διαβούλιον.

[6] τριῶν γὰρ οὐσῶν γνωμῶν, μιᾶς μὲν τῆς ἀφιέναι κελευούσης, ἑτέρας δὲ τῆς ἐναντίας ταύτης, τρίτης δὲ τῆς ἀπολύειν μέν, ἐπισχεῖν δὲ κατὰ τὸ παρόν, καὶ πλείστων δʼ ὄντων τῶν ἀφιέντων,

[7] παρελθὼν τὴν μίαν γνώμην διηρώτα τὰς δύο καθολικῶς, οἷς δοκεῖ τοὺς ἀνακεκλημένους ἀφιέναι καὶ τοὐναντίον.

[8] λοιπὸν οἱ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐπέχειν κελεύοντες προσέβησαν πρὸς τοὺς μὴ φάσκοντας δεῖν ἀπολύειν, καὶ πλείους ἐγενήθησαν τῶν ἀφιέντων. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων ἦν. —

[1] ὅτι τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακαμψάντων εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν καὶ διασαφούντων ὅτι παρʼ ὀλίγον ἔλθοι τὰ πράγματα τοῦ πάντας ἐπανελθεῖν τοὺς κατεχομένους,

[2] εὐέλπιδες γενόμενοι καὶ μετεωρισθέντες οἱ πολλοὶ πάλιν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔπεμπον Τηλεκλέα καὶ τὸν Μεγαλοπολίτην Ἀναξίδαμον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον ἐπὶ τούτων ἦν.

ιι. ρες ρηοδιορυμ

[1] ὅτι Ἀριστοκράτης ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων στρατηγὸς ἦν μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἀξιωματικὸς καὶ καταπληκτικός.

[2] διόπερ ἐκ πάντων τοῦτον ὑπέλαβον οἱ Ῥόδιοι τελέως ἀξιόχρεων ἡγεμόνα καὶ προστάτην ἔχειν τοῦ πολέμου.

[3] διεψεύσθησαν μέντοι γε τῶν ἐλπίδων· ἐλθὼν γὰρ εἰς τὰς πράξεις ὥσπερ εἰς πῦρ, καθάπερ τὰ κίβδηλα τῶν νομισμάτων, ἀλλοῖος ἐφάνη.

[4] τοῦτο δʼ ἐγένετο δῆλον ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων.

ιιι. ρες ξψπρι

[1] προτείνειν αὐτῷ πεντακόσια τάλαντα παραχωρήσαντι τῆς Κύπρου, καὶ τἄλλα συνακολουθήσοντα λυσιτελῆ καὶ τίμια παρʼ αὐτῷ συνεπιδεικνύειν, προσενεγκαμένῳ τὴν χρείαν ταύτην.

[2a] τῷ δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ γενομένης προσαγγελίας παρεῖναι τὸν Ἀρχίαν. —

[2] ὅτι Ἀρχίας βουλόμενος τὴν Κύπρον προδοῦναι τῷ Δημητρίῳ καὶ φωραθεὶς καὶ εἰς κρίσιν ἀχθεὶς καλῳδίῳ τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐλαίας παραπεπετασμένων ἑαυτὸν ἀπεκρέμασεν.

[3] τῷ γὰρ ὄντι διὰ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας κενοὶ κενὰ λογίζονται κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν.

[4] καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος δόξας πεντακόσια τάλαντα προσλήψεσθαι καὶ τὰ προϋπάρχοντα χρήματα καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα προσαπέβαλεν.

ιϝ. ρες αριαρατηις

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους καὶ Πριηνεῖς ἐνέπεσον παραλόγῳ συμφορᾷ.

[2] δεξάμενοι γὰρ παρʼ Ὀροφέρνους, ὅτʼ ἐκράτησε τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐν παραθήκῃ τετρακόσια τάλαντα ἀπῃτοῦντο κατὰ τοὺς ἑξῆς χρόνους ὑπʼ Ἀριαράθου

[3] , ὅτε μετέλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Πριηνεῖς, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, ὀρθῶς ἵσταντο, φάσκοντες μηδενὶ προήσεσθαι τὰ χρήματα ζῶντος Ὀροφέρνους πλὴν αὐτῷ τῷ παραθεμένῳ·

[4] ὁ δʼ Ἀριαράθης πολλοῖς ἐδόκει παραπίπτειν τοῦ καθήκοντος, ἀπαιτῶν τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν παραθήκην.

[5] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἕως μὲν τούτου τάχʼ ἄν τις ἔχοι συγγνώμην αὐτῷ καταπειράζοντι τῷ δοκεῖν τῆς ἐκείνου βασιλείας εἶναι τὰ χρήματα· τὸ δὲ καὶ πορρωτέρω προβαίνειν ὀργῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας οὐδαμῶς ἐδόκει γενέσθαι κατὰ λόγον.

[6] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς νῦν λεγομένους καιροὺς ἐπαποστείλας ἐλεηλάτει τὴν χώραν τῶν Πριηνέων, συνεργοῦντος Ἀττάλου καὶ παροξύνοντος αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν διαφοράν, ἣν εἶχε πρὸς τοὺς Πριηνεῖς.

[7] πολλῶν δὲ καὶ σωμάτων καὶ θρεμμάτων ἀπολομένων καὶ πρὸς τῇ πόλει πτωμάτων γενομένων, ἀμύνασθαι μὲν οὐχ οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν οἱ Πριηνεῖς, ἐπρέσβευον δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ῥοδίους, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτʼ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους κατέφυγον.

[8] οἱ δʼ οὐ προσεῖχον τοῖς λεγομένοις. καὶ Πριηνεῖς μὲν μεγάλας ἔχοντες ἐλπίδας ἐπὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν χρημάτων τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐνεκύρησαν·

[9] τῷ μὲν γὰρ Ὀροφέρνει τὴν παραθήκην ἀπέδωκαν, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀριαράθου ἱκαναῖς τισι βλάβαις περιέπεσον ἀδίκως διὰ τὴν παραθήκην.

β. ολψμπ. 156, 2. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὸν Ὁρτήσιον καὶ Αὐρογκολήιον παραγεγονότων ἐκ τοῦ Περγάμου καὶ διασαφούντων τήν τε τοῦ Προυσίου καταφρόνησιν τῶν τῆς συγκλήτου παραγγελμάτων,

[2] καὶ διότι παρασπονδήσας καὶ συγκλείσας εἰς τὸ Πέργαμον αὐτούς τε καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον πᾶσαν βίαν ἐνεδείξατο καὶ παρανομίαν,

[3] ἡ σύγκλητος ὀργισθεῖσα καὶ βαρέως φέρουσα τὸ γεγονὸς ἐξ αὐτῆς δέκα πρεσβευτὰς κατέστησε τοὺς περὶ Λεύκιον Ἀνίκιον καὶ Γάιον Φάννιον καὶ Κόιντον Φάβιον Μάξιμον,

[4] καὶ παραχρῆμʼ ἐξαπέστειλεν, ἐντολὰς αὐτοῖς δοῦσα διαλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὸν Προυσίαν ἀναγκάσαι δίκας ὑποσχεῖν Ἀττάλῳ τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἀδικημάτων. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἧκον πρεσβευταὶ καὶ παρὰ Μασσαλιητῶν,

[2] οἳ πάλαι μὲν κακῶς πάσχοντες ὑπὸ τῶν Λιγυστίνων, τότε δὲ συγκλειόμενοι τελέως, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις καὶ πολιορκουμένων τῶν πόλεων Ἀντιπόλεως καὶ Νικαίας, ἐξαπέστειλαν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς τά τε γινόμενα διασαφήσοντας καὶ δεησομένους σφίσι βοηθεῖν.

[3] ὧν καὶ παρελθόντων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρεσβευτὰς πέμψαι τοὺς ἅμα μὲν αὐτόπτας ἐσομένους τῶν γινομένων, ἅμα δὲ πειρασομένους λόγῳ διορθώσασθαι τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν ἄγνοιαν. —

[1] ὅτι τῶν Μασσαλιητῶν διαπρεσβευσαμένων πρὸς Ῥωμαίους κακῶς πάσχειν αὑτοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν Λιγυστίνων, παραχρῆμα κατέστησαν Φλαμίνιον καὶ Ποπίλιον Λαινᾶτον καὶ Λεύκιον Πόπιον πρεσβευτάς.

[2] οἳ καὶ πλέοντες μετὰ τῶν Μασσαλιητῶν προσέσχον τῆς Ὀξυβίων χώρας κατὰ πόλιν Αἴγιτναν.

[3] οἱ δὲ Λιγυστῖνοι προακηκοότες ὅτι πάρεισιν ἐπιτάξοντες αὐτοῖς λύειν τὴν πολιορκίαν, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἔτι καθορμιζομένους ἐπελθόντες ἐκώλυσαν τῆς ἀποβάσεως,

[4] τὸν δὲ Φλαμίνιον καταλαβόντες ἀποβεβηκότα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς ἀποτεθειμένον, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπολύεσθαι, τοῦ δὲ παρακούοντος ἤρξαντο τὰ σκεύη διαρπάζειν.

[5] τῶν δὲ παίδων καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων ἀντιποιουμένων καὶ κωλυόντων, ἀπεβιάζοντο καὶ προσέφερον τούτοις τὰς χεῖρας.

[6] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ τοῦ Φλαμινίου βοηθοῦντος τοῖς ἰδίοις, τοῦτον μὲν κατέτρωσαν, δύο δὲ τῶν οἰκετῶν κατέβαλον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατεδίωξαν εἰς τὴν ναῦν, ὡς τὸν Φλαμίνιον μόγις ἀποκόψαντα τἀπίγυα καὶ τὰς ἀγκύρας διαφυγεῖν τὸν κίνδυνον.

[7] οὗτος μὲν ἀποκομισθεὶς εἰς Μασσαλίαν ἐθεραπεύετο μετὰ πάσης ἐπιμελείας·

[8] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος πυθομένη τὰ γεγονότα παραχρῆμα τὸν ἕνα τῶν ὑπάτων Κόιντον Ὀπίμιον ἐξαπέστελλε μετὰ δυνάμεως πολεμήσοντα τοῖς Ὀξυβίοις καὶ Δεκιήταις.

[1] ὁ δὲ Κόιντος συναθροίσας τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς τὴν τῶν Πλακεντίνων πόλιν καὶ ποιησάμενος τὴν πορείαν διὰ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν ἧκεν εἰς τοὺς Ὀξυβίους.

[2] στρατοπεδεύσας δὲ παρὰ τὸν Ἄπρωνα ποταμὸν ἀνεδέχετο τοὺς πολεμίους, πυνθανόμενος αὐτοὺς ἁθροίζεσθαι καὶ προθύμους εἶναι πρὸς τὸ διακινδυνεύειν.

[3] καὶ προσαγαγὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Κόιντος πρὸς τὴν Αἴγιτναν, ἐν ᾗ συνέβη τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς παρασπονδηθῆναι, τὴν πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν ἐξηνδραποδίσατο καὶ τοὺς ἀρχηγοὺς τῆς ὕβρεως ἀπέστειλε δεσμίους εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

[4] καὶ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπήντα τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[5] οἱ δʼ Ὀξύβιοι νομίζοντες ἀπαραίτητον αὑτοῖς εἶναι τὴν εἰς τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἁμαρτίαν, παραλόγῳ τινὶ χρησάμενοι θυμῷ καὶ λαβόντες ὁρμὴν παραστατικήν, πρὶν ἢ τοὺς Δεκιήτας αὐτοῖς συμμῖξαι, περὶ τετρακισχιλίους ἁθροισθέντες ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[6] ὁ δὲ Κόιντος ἰδὼν τὴν ἔφοδον καὶ τὸ θράσος τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν μὲν ἀπόνοιαν αὐτῶν κατεπλάγη, θεωρῶν δὲ μηδενὶ λόγῳ ταύτῃ χρωμένους τοὺς ἐχθροὺς εὐθαρσὴς ἦν, ἅτε τριβὴν ἐν πράγμασιν ἔχων καὶ τῇ φύσει διαφερόντως ἀγχίνους ὑπάρχων.

[7] διόπερ ἐξαγαγὼν τὴν αὑτοῦ στρατιὰν καὶ παρακαλέσας τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς καιροῖς ᾔει βάδην ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[8] χρησάμενος δὲ συντόνῳ προσβολῇ ταχέως ἐνίκησε τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἠνάγκασε φυγεῖν προτροπάδην.

[9] οἱ δὲ Δεκιῆται συνηθροισμένοι παρῆσαν, ὡς μεθέξοντες τοῖς Ὀξυβίοις τῶν αὐτῶν κινδύνων·

[10] ὑστερήσαντες δὲ τῆς μάχης τούς τε φεύγοντας ἐξεδέξαντο καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον συνέβαλον τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις μετὰ μεγάλης ὁρμῆς καὶ προθυμίας.

[11] ἡττηθέντες δὲ τῇ μάχῃ παραυτίκα πάντες παρέδωκαν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν.

[12] ὁ δὲ Κόιντος κύριος γενόμενος τούτων τῶν ἐθνῶν παραυτίκα μὲν τῆς χώρας ὅσην ἐνεδέχετο προσέθηκε τοῖς Μασσαλιήταις, εἰς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ὅμηρα τοὺς Λιγυστίνους ἠνάγκασε διδόναι κατά τινας τακτοὺς χρόνους τοῖς Μασσαλιήταις·

[13] αὐτὸς δὲ παροπλίσας τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους καὶ διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις αὐτοῦ τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἐποιήσατο.

[14] καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὀξεῖαν ἔλαβε καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν συντέλειαν. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιρούς, καθʼ οὓς ἐξέπεμψεν ἡ σύγκλητος τὸν Ὀπίμιον ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν Ὀξυβίων πόλεμον, ἧκε Πτολεμαῖος ὁ νεώτερος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην,

[2] καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐποιεῖτο κατηγορίαν τἀδελφοῦ, φέρων τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον.

[3] ἅμα δὲ τὰς ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων οὐλὰς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν δεικνὺς καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν δεινολογίαν ἀκόλουθον τούτοις διατιθέμενος ἐξεκαλεῖτο τοὺς ἀνθρώπους πρὸς ἔλεον.

[4] ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου πρέσβεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Νεολαΐδαν καὶ Ἀνδρόμαχον, ἀπολογούμενοι πρὸς τὰς ὑπὸ τἀδελφοῦ γενομένας κατηγορίας.

[5] ὧν ἡ σύγκλητος οὐδʼ ἀνέχεσθαι δικαιολογουμένων ἠβουλήθη, προκατειλημμένη ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ νεωτέρου διαβολαῖς· ἀλλὰ τούτοις μὲν ἐπανάγειν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης προσέταξεν ἐξ αὐτῆς,

[6] τῷ δὲ νεωτέρῳ πέντε πρεσβευτὰς καταστήσασα τοὺς περὶ Γνάιον Μερόλαν καὶ Λεύκιον Θέρμον καὶ πεντήρη δοῦσα τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἑκάστῳ, τούτοις μὲν παρήγγειλε κατάγειν Πτολεμαῖον εἰς Κύπρον,

[7] τοῖς δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν συμμάχοις ἔγραψαν ἐξεῖναι συμπράττειν τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν κάθοδον.

ιι. ρες περγαμι

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἄτταλος ἔτι κατὰ χειμῶνα συνήθροιζε μεγάλας δυνάμεις, ἅτε καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀριαράθην καὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην ἐξαπεσταλκότων αὐτῷ στρατιὰν ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Δημήτριος Ἀριαράθου. ὄντος δὲ περὶ ταύτας αὐτοῦ τὰς κατασκευάς,

[2] ἧκον ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης οἱ δέκα πρέσβεις, οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες αὐτῷ περὶ Κάδους καὶ κοινολογηθέντες περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ὥρμησαν πρὸς τὸν Προυσίαν.

[3] ἐπειδὴ δὲ συνέμιξαν, διεσάφουν αὐτῷ τὰ παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου μετὰ πολλῆς ἀνατάσεως.

[4] ὁ δὲ Προυσίας ἔνια μὲν τῶν προσταττομένων προσεδέχετο, τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις ἀντέλεγε.

[5] διόπερ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προσκόψαντες αὐτῷ τήν τε φιλίαν ἀπείπαντο καὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν, καὶ πάντες ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀπηλλάττοντο πάλιν ὡς τὸν Ἄτταλον.

[6] ὁ δὲ Προυσίας μετανοήσας μέχρι μέν τινος ἐπηκολούθει λιπαρῶν, ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐδὲν ἤνυεν, ἀπαλλαγεὶς ἐν ἀμηχανίαις ἦν.

[7] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν μὲν Ἄτταλον ἐκέλευον προκαθίσαντα τῆς αὑτοῦ χώρας μετὰ δυνάμεως αὐτὸν μὲν μὴ κατάρχειν τοῦ πολέμου, ταῖς δὲ πόλεσι ταῖς αὑτοῦ καὶ ταῖς κώμαις τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρασκευάζειν·

[8] αὐτοὶ δὲ μερίσαντες σφᾶς αὐτούς, οἱ μὲν ἔπλεον κατὰ σπουδὴν ἀπαγγελοῦντες τῇ συγκλήτῳ τὴν ἀπείθειαν τοῦ Προυσίου, τινὲς δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰωνίας ἐχωρίσθησαν, ἕτεροι δʼ ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ Βυζάντιον τόπων, μίαν ἔχοντες καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν πρόθεσιν ἅπαντες,

[9] ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Προυσίου φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας ἀποκαλεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, Ἀττάλῳ δὲ προσνέμειν τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ συμμαχεῖν κατὰ δύναμιν. —

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Ἀθήναιος κατέπλευσε ναυσὶ καταφράκτοις ὀγδοήκοντα·

[2] ὧν αἱ πέντε μὲν τετρήρεις ἦσαν Ῥοδίων τῶν ἀποσταλεισῶν εἰς τὸν Κρητικὸν πόλεμον, εἴκοσι δὲ Κυζικηνῶν, ἑπτὰ δʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς εἴκοσι τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον, αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων.

[3] ποιησάμενος δὲ τὸν πλοῦν ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ συνάψας ταῖς πόλεσι ταῖς ὑπὸ Προυσίαν ταττομέναις ἀποβάσεις τε συνεχεῖς ἐποιεῖτο καὶ κακῶς διετίθει τὴν χώραν.

[4] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος διακούσασα τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Προυσίου πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακεχωρηκότων ἐξ αὐτῆς τρεῖς ἄλλους ἀπέστειλεν, Ἄππιόν τε τὸν Κλαύδιον καὶ Λεύκιον Ὄππιον καὶ Αὖλον Ποστόμιον.

[5] οἳ καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὴν Ἀσίαν διέλυσαν τὸν πόλεμον, εἰς τὰς τοιαύτας συνθήκας ἐπαγαγόμενοι τοὺς βασιλέας ἀμφοτέρους,

[6] ὥστε παραχρῆμα μὲν εἴκοσι καταφράκτους νῆας ἀποδοῦναι Προυσίαν Ἀττάλῳ, πεντακόσια δὲ τάλαντα κατενεγκεῖν ἐν ἔτεσιν εἴκοσι·

[7] τὴν δὲ χώραν ἀμφοτέρους ἔχειν ἣν καὶ πρότερον εἶχον, ὅτʼ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐνέβαινον.

[8] διορθώσασθαι δὲ Προυσίαν καὶ τὴν καταφθορὰν τῆς χώρας τῆς τε Μηθυμναίων καὶ τῶν Αἰγαιέων καὶ τῆς Κυμαίων καὶ Ἡρακλειωτῶν, ἑκατὸν τάλαντα δόντα τοῖς προειρημένοις.

[9] γραφεισῶν δʼ ἐπὶ τούτοις τῶν συνθηκῶν, ἀπῆγον τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον, τὰς ναυτικὰς καὶ τὰς πεζικάς.

[10] καὶ τῆς μὲν Ἀττάλου καὶ Προυσίου διαφορᾶς τοιοῦτος ὅ τε κατὰ μέρος χειρισμὸς ἐγενήθη τῶν πράξεων

ξ. ολψμπ. 156, 3. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀχαΐας πρεσβευτῶν εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον περὶ τῶν ἀνακεκλημένων, ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων. —

[1] ὅτι ὁ Ἡρακλείδης ἔτι τῆς θερείας ἀκμαζούσης παρῆν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἄγων τὴν Λαοδίκην καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον.

[2] ποιούμενος δὲ τὴν παρεπιδημίαν μετὰ τερατείας ἅμα καὶ κακουργίας ἐνεχρόνιζε, κατασκευαζόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν σύγκλητον. —

καὶ Ἀστυμήδης ὁ Ῥόδιος,

[3] πρεσβευτὴς ἅμα καὶ ναύαρχος καθεσταμένος, παρελθὼν ἐξ αὐτῆς εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον διελέγετο περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Κρηταιεῖς.

[4] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος προσέχουσα τὸν νοῦν ἐπιμελῶς παραχρῆμα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς περὶ Κόιντον λύσοντας τὸν πόλεμον.

ιι. βελλυμ ρηοδιορυμ ξυμ ξρετενσιβυς

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον οἱ Κρηταιεῖς πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέστειλαν πρὸς Ἀχαιοὺς ὑπὲρ βοηθείας τοὺς περὶ Ἀντιφάταν Τηλεμνάστου Γορτύνιον, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ Ῥόδιοι τοὺς περὶ Θευφάνην.

[2] οὔσης δὲ τῆς συνόδου τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐν Κορίνθῳ, καὶ διαλεγομένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἑκατέρων ὑπὲρ τῆς βοηθείας, ἔρρεπον ταῖς γνώμαις οἱ πολλοὶ μᾶλλον ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥοδίους,

[3] ἐντρεπόμενοι καὶ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀξίωμα καὶ τὴν ὅλην αἵρεσιν τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν.

[4] εἰς ἃ βλέπων Ἀντιφάτας ἐβουλήθη πάλιν ἐπεισελθεῖν, τοῦ δὲ στρατηγοῦ συγχωρήσαντος ἐχρήσατο λόγοις βαρυτέροις ἢ κατὰ Κρῆτα καὶ σπουδαιοτέροις·

[5] καὶ γὰρ ἦν ὁ νεανίσκος οὐδαμῶς Κρητικός, ἀλλὰ πεφευγὼς τὴν Κρητικὴν ἀναγωγίαν.

[6] διὸ καὶ συνέβαινε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐπιδέχεσθαι τὴν παρρησίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι διὰ τὸ τὸν πατέρα τοῦ προειρημένου Τηλέμναστον μετὰ πεντακοσίων Κρητῶν ἐλθόντα συμπεπολεμηκέναι τὸν πρὸς Νάβιν πόλεμον εὐγενῶς αὐτοῖς.

[7] πλὴν διακούσαντες οὐδὲν ἧττον ὁρμὴν εἶχον οἱ πολλοὶ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις βοηθεῖν, ἕως Καλλικράτης ὁ Λεοντήσιος ἀναστὰς οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν οὔτε πολεμεῖν οὐδενὶ χωρὶς τῆς Ῥωμαίων γνώμης οὔτε βοήθειαν πέμπειν οὐδενὶ κατʼ οὐδενός.

[8] καὶ διὰ ταῦτα κατίσχυσε μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων. —

[1] ὅτι οἱ Ῥόδιοι δυσθετούμενοι τοῖς συμβαίνουσιν εἰς παραλόγους τινὰς ἐνέπεσαν ὁρμὰς καὶ παρασκευὰς καὶ πρὸς παραπλησίαν διάθεσιν ἦλθον τοῖς ἐν ταῖς πολυχρονίοις ἀρρωστίαις δυσποτμοῦσι.

[2] καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι πολλάκις, ἐπειδὰν πάντα ποιοῦντες κατὰ λόγον τῆς θεραπείας καὶ πειθαρχοῦντες τοῖς ἰατροῖς μὴ δύνωνται τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον προκοπῆς ἅψασθαι, δυσθετούμενοι τοῖς συμβαίνουσιν ἀποδυσπετεῖν ἀναγκάζονται, καὶ τινὲς μὲν θύταις καὶ μάντεσι προσέχειν, ἔνιοι δὲ πάσης ἐπῳδῆς καὶ παντὸς περιάμματος πεῖραν λαμβάνειν.

[3] ὃ καὶ περὶ τοὺς Ῥοδίους συνέβαινε· πάντων γὰρ αὐτοῖς παρὰ δόξαν ἀπαντωμένων, ἠναγκάζοντο παντὶ τῷ λεγομένῳ προσέχειν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα σωματοποιεῖν καὶ προσδέχεσθαι.

[4] καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐδόκουν πάσχειν εἰκότως· ὅταν γὰρ μηδὲν ἀνύηται τῶν κατὰ λόγον, δέῃ δὲ κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἐνεργεῖσθαι τὸ συνεχές, ἀπάγκη πεῖραν λαμβάνειν καὶ τῶν παρὰ λόγον.

[5] διὸ καὶ Ῥόδιοι ἐμπεσόντες εἰς τοιαύτην διάθεσιν ἐποίησάν τι τῶν γινομένων καὶ ὃν ἀπεδοκίμασαν ἄρχοντα, τοῦτον πάλιν εἵλοντο ἄρχοντα, καὶ ἄλλα τινὰ παράλογα.

δ. ολψμπ. 156, 4. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι πρέσβεων διαφόρων παραγενομένων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἡ σύγκλητος πρῶτον μὲν εἰσεκαλέσατο τὸν Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως υἱὸν Ἄτταλον·

[2] παραγεγόνει γὰρ ἔτι παῖς ὢν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον εἰς Ῥώμην χάριν τοῦ τῇ τε συγκλήτῳ συσταθῆναι καὶ τὰς πατρικὰς ἀνανεώσασθαι φιλίας καὶ ξενίας.

[3] οὗτος μὲν οὖν φιλανθρώπως ὑπό τε τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τῶν πατρικῶν φίλων ἀποδεχθεὶς καὶ λαβὼν ἀποκρίσεις ἃς ἐβούλετο καὶ τιμὰς ἁρμοζούσας τῇ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἡλικίᾳ, μετά τινας ἡμέρας ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν,

[4] πασῶν αὐτὸν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων ἐκτενῶς καὶ μεγαλοψύχως ἀποδεξαμένων κατὰ τὴν δίοδον.

[5] ἧκε δὲ καὶ Δημήτριος κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρόν, τυχὼν δὲ μετρίας ἀποδοχῆς ὡς παῖς αὖθις ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[6] ὁ δʼ Ἡρακλείδης κεχρονικὼς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ παρῆλθεν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἔχων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν Λαοδίκην καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον.

[7] πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ὁ νεανίσκος ἐποιήσατό τινας μετρίους λόγους, ἠξίου δὲ Ῥωμαίους μνησθῆναι τῆς πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον τὸν αὑτοῦ πατέρα φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, μάλιστα δὲ συγκατασκευάζειν αὑτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν·

[8] εἰ δὲ μή, συγχωρῆσαι τὴν κάθοδον καὶ μὴ κωλῦσαι τοὺς βουλομένους συμπράττειν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ καθικέσθαι τῆς πατρῴας ἀρχῆς.

[9] ὁ δʼ Ἡρακλείδης παραλαβὼν τὸν λόγον καὶ πολλήν τινα ποιησάμενος Ἀντιόχου μὲν μνείαν ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ, Δημητρίου δὲ κατηγορίαν, εἰς τοῦτο κατήντησεν ὅτι δεῖ συγχωρεῖν τὴν κάθοδον τῷ τε νεανίσκῳ καὶ τῇ Λαοδίκῃ κατὰ τὸ δίκαιον, οὖσιν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκγόνοις κατὰ φύσιν.

[10] τοῖς μὲν οὖν μετρίοις τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲν ἤρεσκε τούτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν κατασκευὴν τοῦ δράματος ἐνενόουν καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἐβδελύττοντο προφανῶς.

[11] οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τεθεραπευμένοι ταῖς Ἡρακλείδου γοητείαις συγκατηνέχθησαν ἐπὶ τὸ γράφειν δόγμα τοιοῦτον· "

[12] Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ Λαοδίκη, βασιλέως υἱοί, φίλου καὶ συμμάχου ἡμετέρου γεγενημένου, ἐπελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον λόγους ἐποιήσαντο·

[13] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν ἔδωκεν ἐπὶ τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν καταπορεύεσθαι, καὶ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς, ὡς ἠξίουν, ἔδοξεν.

[14] " ὁ δʼ Ἡρακλείδης ἐπιλαβόμενος τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης εὐθέως ἐξενολόγει καὶ προσεκαλεῖτο τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀφικόμενος δʼ εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν τῆς προκειμένης ἐπιβολῆς.

ιι. ρες σψριαε

[1] καὶ Δημήτριον δέ φησι, τὸν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμη ὁμηρείαν διαφυγόντα, ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ καὶ τριακοστῇ βασιλεύσαντα Σύρων πολυπότην ὄντα τὸ πλεῖστον τῆς ἡμέρας μεθύσκεσθαι.

ε. φραγμεντα ινξερταε σεδις

[1] ὅτι ὅταν ἅπαξ οἱ πολλοὶ σχῶσιν ὁρμὴν πρὸς τὸ φιλεῖν ἢ μισεῖν τινας ὑπερβαλλόντως, πᾶσα πρόφασις ἱκανὴ γίνεται πρὸς τὸ συντελεῖν τὰς αὑτῶν προθέσεις. —

[1] ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὀκνῶ μή ποτʼ εἰς τὸ περιφερόμενον ἐμπεσὼν λάθω, πότερον ὁ τὸν τράγον ἀμέλγων ἀφρονέστερος ἢ ὁ τὸ κόσκινον ὑπέχων· δοκῶ γὰρ δὴ κἀγὼ πρὸς ὁμολογουμένην ψευδολογίαν ἀκριβολογούμενος καὶ τὸν ἐπιμετροῦντα λόγον εἰσφέρων παραπλήσιόν τι ποιεῖν.

[2] διὸ καὶ μάτην τελέως περὶ τούτων λέγειν, εἰ μή τις καὶ γράφειν ἐνύπνια βούλεται καὶ θεωρεῖν ἐγρηγορότος ἐνύπνια.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. B. C. 155. The Roman legate Publius Lentulus, and Athenaeus, brother of Attalus, reach Rome and declare the truth.

2. Another embassy in behalf of the Achaean detenus.

3. It fails by the action of the praetor, who, by putting the question simply yes or no for release, forced the party who were for postponing it to vote no.

4. Hultsch places an extract from Aulus Gellius (6, 14, 8) relating to the mission of the three philosophers as ch. 2 of this book. The substance is given in the note on p. 466. It is more in place there, as Polybius expressly said that he would give the whole story together (32, 25).

5. The Achaeans are encouraged to try again.

6. Aristocrates proves a failure in the war with Crete.

7. This war appears to have arisen from a treacherous attack of the Cretans upon the island of Siphnos. Exc. de Virt. et Vit. p. 588.

8. Honesty of the people of Priene (in Caria) in preserving the money deposited by Orophernes.

9. B. C. 155. The Ligurians harass Marseilles and besiege Antibes and Nice.

10. The peaceful mission failed, and the consul Opimius subdued the Oxybii, a Ligurian tribe, in arms, B. C. 154. Livy, Ep. 47 .

11. B. C. 154. Coss. Q. Opimius, L. Postumius Albinus. Ptolemy Physcon charges his brother with inciting a plot against his life.

12. The Senate refues to hear the ambassadors of Ptolemy Philometor,

13. and send commissioners to restore Physcon to Cyprus.

14. Prusias having refused obedience to the former commission (see supra, ), a new commission is sent out with peremptory orders.

15. See , note.

16. The Ligurians prevent the commissioners from landing, and wound Flaminius who had already landed, and drive him to his ship.

17. War ordered with the Oxybii and Deciatae, B. C. 154.

18. Ligurian tribes between Nice and Marseilles. Pliny, N. H. 3, § 47 .

19. Opimius orders his soldiers to join at Placentia, and marches into Gaul,

20. takes Aegitna,

21. and defeats the Oxybii and Deciatae.

22. Opimius winters in Gaul, B. C. 154-153.

23. The commissioners visit Attalus and Prusias early in B. C. 154.

24. Prusias will not yield till too late.

25. The Romans promote a combination against Prusias.

26. Summer of B. C. 154. Attalus’s brother Athenaeus harasses the coast of Prusias’s kingdom.

27. B. C. 153. Another fruitless embassy from Achaia.

28. Heracleides brings to Rome Laodice, daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, and his supposed son Alexander Balas.

29. The quarrel of Rhodes and Crete.

30. The Achaeans decline to help either Rhodes or Crete, although inclined to support Rhodes.

31. B.C. 152. Visit of the young Attalus, son of the late king Eumenes.

32. Surnamed Philometor. He succeeded his uncle Attalus Philadelphus in B.C. 138, and at his death in B.C. 133 left his dominions to Rome.

33. Demetrius, son of Ariarathes VI.

34. Laodice and Alexander Balas. See .

35. The Senate’s decree in favour of Alexander and Laodice.

36. Alexander Balas was an impostor of low origin set up by Heracleides as a son of Antiochus Epiphanes. He entered Syria in B.C. 152, defeated and killed Demetrius in B.C. 150, and was himself defeated in B.C. 146 by Ptolemy Philometor (who also fell) in favour of a son of Demetrius, and was shortly afterwards murdered. Livy, Ep. 52 , Appian, Syr. 67 ; Joseph. Antiq. 13, 2, 4 .

Polybius Histories 33

Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator)