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Destruction of Celtiberian Cities

TIBERIUS GRACCHUS destroyed three hundred cities of the Celtiberes.¹ . . .

The Accession of Perseus

The attack upon him being sudden and ² formidable, Pharnaces was reduced to submit to almost any terms; and on his sending an embassy, Eumenes and Ariarathes immediately accepted his proposals, and sent ambassadors to Pharnaces in return. When this had been repeated several times, the pacification was concluded on the following terms: Eumenes, Prusias, and Ariarathes, shall maintain perpetual peace with Pharnaces and Mithridates.

Pharnaces shall not enter Galatia on any pretence.

Such treaties as exist between Pharnaces and Gauls are hereby rescinded.

Pharnaces shall likewise evacuate Paphlagonia, after restoring the inhabitants whom he had previously expelled, with their shields, javelins, and other equipment.

Pharnaces shall restore to Ariarathes all territory of which he has deprived him, with the property thereon and the hostages.

He shall restore Tium by the Pontus, which some time³ before was given freely and liberally by Eumenes to Prusias.

Pharnaces shall restore, without ransom, all prisoners of war and all deserters.

He shall repay to Morzius and Ariarathes, in lieu of all money and treasure taken from them, the sum of nine hundred talents, and shall add thereto three hundred talents for Eumenes towards the expenses of the war.

Mithridates, the Satrap of Armenia, shall also pay three hundred talents, because he attacked Ariarathes in defiance of the treaty with Eumenes.

The persons included under this treaty are, of the princes in Asia, Artaxias, lord of the greater part of Armenia, and Acusilochus: of those in Europe, Gatalus the Sarmatian: of the autonomous peoples, the Heracleotes, the Mesembrians in the Chersonese, and the Cyzicenes.

The number and quality of hostages to be given by Pharnaces was also specified. The armies of the several parties then marched away, and thus was concluded the war of Eumenes and Ariarathes against Pharnaces.

⁴

First Acts of Perseus as King

Having renewed the alliance with Rome, Perseus immediately began intriguing in Greece. He ⁵ invited back into Macedonia absconding debtors, condemned exiles, and those who had been compelled to leave their country on charges of treason. He caused notices to be put up to that effect at Delos, Delphi, and the temple of Athena at Iton,⁶ offering not only indemnity to all who returned, but also the restoration of the property lost by their exile. Such also as still remained in Macedonia he released from their debts to the Royal exchequer, and set free those who had been confined in fortresses upon charges of treason. By these measures he raised expectations in the minds of many, and was considered to be holding out great hopes to all the Greeks. Nor were other parts of his life and habits wanting in a certain royal magnificence. His outward appearance was striking, and he was well endowed with all the physical advantages requisite for a statesman. His look and mien were alike dignified and such as became his age. He had moreover avoided his father’s weakness for wine and women, and not only drank moderately at dinner himself, but was imitated in this respect by his intimates and friends. Such was the commencement of the reign of Perseus. . . .

When king Philip had become powerful and had obtained⁷ supremacy over the Greeks, he showed the most utter disregard of faith and principle; but when the breeze of fortune again set against him, his moderation was as conspicuous in its turn. But after his final and complete defeat, he tried by every possible expedient to consolidate the strength of his kingdom.

Character and First Measures of Perseus

After despatching the consuls Tiberius and Claudius ⁸ against the Istri and Agrii,⁹ the Senate towards the end of summer transacted business with the ambassadors that had come from the Lycians. They had not arrived at Rome until the Lycians had been completely conquered, but they had been despatched a considerable time before. For the people of Xanthus in Lycia, when about to embark upon the war, had sent Nicostratus and others to Achaia and Rome as ambassadors: who coming to Rome at that time moved many of the Senators to pity them, by laying before them the oppressiveness of the Rhodians and their own danger; and at length induced the Senate to send envoys to Rhodes to declare that On inspecting the record of the arrangements made by the ten commissioners in Asia, when settling the dominions of Antiochus, it appeared that the Lycians had been given to the Rhodians, not as a gift, but rather as friends and allies. But many were still dissatisfied with this solution of the matter. For the Romans seemed to wish, by thus pitting Rhodes against Lycia, to exhaust the accumulations and treasures of the Rhodians, because they had heard of the recent conveyance of the bride of Perseus by the Rhodians, and of their grand naval review. For shortly before this the Rhodians had been holding, with great splendour and elaboration of equipment, a review of all vessels belonging to them; the fact being that a vast quantity of timber for ship-building had been presented to them by Perseus. ¹⁰ Moreover he had presented a gold tiara to each of the rowers on the upper bench in the ship that had brought him his bride Laodice.¹¹ . . .

Lycians Revolt Again

When the envoys from Rome reached Rhodes and ¹² announced the decrees of the Senate, there was a great excitement in the island, and much confused discussion among the leading politicians. They were much annoyed at the allegation that the Lycians had not been given them as a gift but as allies; for having just satisfied themselves that the Lycian war was successfully concluded, they saw the commencement of fresh trouble for themselves growing up. For no sooner had the Romans arrived and made this announcement to the Rhodians, than the Lycians began a fresh revolt, and showed a determination of fighting to the last extremity for autonomy and freedom. However, after hearing the Roman envoys, the Rhodians made up their minds that the Romans had been deceived by the Lycians, and forthwith appointed Lycophron to lead an embassy to offer an explanation to the Senate. And the state of affairs was such that there was momentary expectation of a fresh rising of the Lycians. . . .

The Dardanian Envoys Complain about Perseus

When the Rhodian envoys arrived in Rome the Senate, ¹³ after listening to their address, deferred its answer. Meanwhile the Dardanian envoys came with reports as to the number of the Bastarnae, the size of their men, and their courage in the field. ¹⁴ They gave information also of the treacherous practices of Perseus and the Gauls, and said that they were more afraid of him than of the Bastarnae, and therefore begged the help of the Romans. The report of the Dardani being supported by that of the Thessalian envoys who arrived at that time, and who also begged for help, the Senators determined to send some commissioners to see with their own eyes the truth of these reports; and they accordingly at once appointed and despatched Aulus Postumius, accompanied by some young men. . .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 25.1 focus

α. ολψμπ. 150, 1. ι. ρες ηισπανιαε

[1] Πολυβίου δʼ εἰπόντος τριακοσίας αὐτῶν καταλῦσαι πόλεις Τεβέριον Γράκχον, κωμῳδῶν φησι τοῦτο τῷ Γράκχῳ χαρίσασθαι τὸν ἄνδρα, τοὺς πύργους καλοῦντα πόλεις, ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς θριαμβικαῖς πομπαῖς.

[2] καὶ ἴσως οὐκ ἄπιστον τοῦτο λέγει· καὶ γὰρ οἱ στρατηγοὶ καὶ οἱ συγγραφεῖς ῥᾳδίως ἐπὶ τοῦτο φέρονται τὸ ψεῦσμα, καλλωπίζοντες τὰς πράξεις.

ιι. ρες ασιαε

[1] ὅτι ὁ Φαρνάκης, ἐξαπιναίου καὶ βαρείας αὐτῷ τῆς ἐφόδου γενομένης, ἕτοιμος ἦν πρὸς πᾶν τὸ προτεινόμενον· πρέσβεις γὰρ ἐξαπέστειλε πρὸς Εὐμένη καὶ Ἀριαράθην.

[2] τῶν δὲ περὶ Εὐμένη καὶ Ἀριαράθην προσδεξαμένων τοὺς λόγους καὶ παραχρῆμα συνεξαποστειλάντων πρεσβευτὰς παρʼ αὑτῶν πρὸς τὸν Φαρνάκην, καὶ τούτου γενομένου πλεονάκις παρʼ ἑκατέρων, ἐκυρώθησαν αἱ διαλύσεις ἐπὶ τούτοις·

[3] εἰρήνην ὑπάρχειν Εὐμένει καὶ Προυσίᾳ καὶ Ἀριαράθῃ πρὸς Φαρνάκην καὶ Μιθριδάτην εἰς τὸν πάντα χρόνον.

[4] Γαλατίας μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν Φαρνάκην κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον. ὅσαι γεγόνασιν πρότερον συνθῆκαι Φαρνάκῃ πρὸς Γαλάτας, ἀκύρους ὑπάρχειν.

[5] ὁμοίως Παφλαγονίας ἐκχωρεῖν, ἀποκαταστήσαντα τοὺς οἰκήτορας, οὓς πρότερον ἐξαγηόχει, σὺν δὲ τούτοις ὅπλα καὶ βέλη καὶ τὰς ἄλλας παρασκευάς.

[6] ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ Ἀριαράθῃ τῶν τε χωρίων ὅσα παρῄρητο μετὰ τῆς προϋπαρχούσης κατασκευῆς καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους.

[7] ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ Τίον παρὰ τὸν Πόντον, ὃν μετά τινα χρόνον Εὐμένης ἔδωκε Προυσίᾳ πεισθεὶς μετὰ μεγάλης χάριτος.

[8] ἐγράφη δὲ καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀποκαταστῆσαι Φαρνάκην χωρὶς λύτρων καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἅπαντας·

[9] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῆς γάζης, ἧς ἀπήνεγκε παρὰ Μορζίου καὶ Ἀριαράθου, ἀποδοῦναι τοῖς προειρημένοις βασιλεῦσιν ἐνακόσια τάλαντα,

[10] καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη τριακόσια προσθεῖναι τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον δαπάνης.

[11] ἐπεγράφη δὲ καὶ Μιθριδάτῃ τῷ τῆς Ἀρμενίας σατράπῃ τριακόσια τάλαντα, διότι παραβὰς τὰς πρὸς Εὐμένη συνθήκας ἐπολέμησεν Ἀριαράθῃ.

[12] περιελήφθησαν δὲ ταῖς συνθήκαις τῶν μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν δυναστῶν Ἀρταξίας ὁ τῆς πλείστης Ἀρμενίας ἄρχων καὶ Ἀκουσίλοχος,

[13] τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην Γάταλος ὁ Σαρμάτης, τῶν δʼ αὐτονομουμένων Ἡρακλεῶται, Μεσημβριανοί, Χερρονησῖται, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Κυζικηνοί.

[14] περὶ δὲ τῶν ὁμήρων τελευταῖον ἐγράφη πόσους δεήσει καὶ τίνας δοῦναι τὸν Φαρνάκην· ὧν καὶ παραγενηθέντων ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀνέζευξαν αἱ δυνάμεις.

[15] καὶ τοῦ μὲν Εὐμένει καὶ Ἀριαράθῃ πρὸς Φαρνάκην συστάντος πολέμου τοιοῦτον ἀπέβη τὸ τέλος.

β. ολψμπ. 150, 2. ρες μαξεδονιαε

[1] ὅτι Περσεὺς ἀνανεωσάμενος τὴν φιλίαν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὐθέως ἑλληνοκοπεῖν ἐπεβάλετο, κατακαλῶν εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ τοὺς τὰ χρέα φεύγοντας καὶ τοὺς πρὸς καταδίκας ἐκπεπτωκότας καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ βασιλικοῖς ἐγκλήμασι παρακεχωρηκότας.

[2] καὶ τούτων ἐξετίθει προγραφὰς εἴς τε Δῆλον καὶ Δελφοὺς καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἰτωνίας Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερόν, διδοὺς οὐ μόνον τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τοῖς καταπορευομένοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων κομιδήν, ἀφʼ ὧν ἕκαστος ἔφυγε.

[3] παρέλυσε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ τῶν βασιλικῶν ὀφειλημάτων, ἀφῆκε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἐγκεκλεισμένους ἐπὶ βασιλικαῖς αἰτίαις.

[4] ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας πολλοὺς ἐμετεώρισε, δοκῶν καλὰς ἐλπίδας ὑποδεικνύναι πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐν αὑτῷ.

[5] ἐπέφαινε δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐν τῷ λοιπῷ βίῳ προστασίαν τὸ τῆς βασιλείας ἀξίωμα.

[6] κατά τε γὰρ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἦν ἱκανὸς καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν σωματικὴν χρείαν τὴν διατείνουσαν εἰς τὸν πραγματικὸν τρόπον εὔθετος, κατά τε τὴν ἐπίφασιν εἶχεν ἐπισκύνιον καὶ τάξιν οὐκ ἀνοίκειον τῆς ἡλικίας.

[7] ἐπεφεύγει δὲ καὶ τὴν πατρικὴν ἀσέλγειαν τήν τε περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν περὶ τοὺς πότους, καὶ οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς μέτριον ἔπινε δειπνῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ συνόντες αὐτῷ φίλοι.

[8] καὶ τὰ μὲν προοίμια τῆς Περσέως ἀρχῆς τοιαύτην εἶχε διάθεσιν. —

ὅτι Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεύς,

[9] ὅτε μὲν ηὐξήθη καὶ τὴν κατὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐξουσίαν ἔλαβε, πάντων ἦν ἀπιστότατος καὶ παρανομώτατος, ὅτε δὲ πάλιν τὰ τῆς τύχης ἀντέπνευσε, πάντων μετριώτατος.

[10] ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασιν ἔπταισε, πρὸς πᾶν τὸ μέλλον ἁρμοζόμενος ἐπειρᾶτο κατὰ πάντα τρόπον σωματοποιεῖν τὴν αὑτοῦ βασιλείαν.

ξ. ολψμπ. 150, 3. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι μετὰ τὴν ἀποστολὴν τῶν ὑπάτων Τεβερίου καὶ Κλαυδίου τὴν πρὸς Ἴστρους καὶ Ἀγρίους ἡ σύγκλητος ἐχρημάτισε τοῖς παρὰ τῶν Λυκίων ἥκουσι πρεσβευταῖς,

[2] ἤδη τῆς θερείας ληγούσης, οἵτινες παρεγένοντο μὲν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἤδη καταπεπολεμημένων τῶν Λυκίων, ἐξαπεστάλησαν δὲ χρόνοις ἱκανοῖς ἀνώτερον.

[3] οἱ γὰρ Ξάνθιοι, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἔμελλον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐμβαίνειν, ἐξέπεμψαν πρεσβευτὰς εἴς τε τὴν Ἀχαΐαν καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς περὶ Νικόστρατον.

[4] οἳ τότε παραγενηθέντες εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πολλοὺς εἰς ἔλεον ἐξεκαλέσαντο τῶν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ, τιθέντες ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τήν τε Ῥοδίων βαρύτητα καὶ τὴν αὑτῶν περίστασιν.

[5] καὶ τέλος εἰς τοῦτʼ ἤγαγον τὴν σύγκλητον, ὥστε πέμψαι πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον τοὺς διασαφήσοντας ὅτι, τῶν ὑπομνηματισμῶν ἀναληφθέντων ὧν οἱ δέκα πρέσβεις ἐποιήσαντο κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὅτε τὰ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον ἐχείριζον, εὕρηνται Λύκιοι δεδομένοι Ῥοδίοις οὐκ ἐν δωρεᾷ, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ὡς φίλοι καὶ σύμμαχοι.

[6] τοιαύτης δὲ γενομένης διαλύσεως, οὐδʼ ὅλως ἤρεσκε πολλοῖς τὸ γεγονός.

[7] ἐδόκουν γὰρ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ῥοδίους καὶ Λυκίους διαγωνοθετεῖν, θέλοντες ἐκδαπανᾶσθαι τὰς παραθέσεις τῶν Ῥοδίων καὶ τοὺς θησαυρούς,

[8] ἀκηκοότες τήν τε νυμφαγωγίαν τὴν νεωστὶ τῷ Περσεῖ γεγενημένην ὑπʼ αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ἀνάπειραν τῶν πλοίων.

[9] συνέβαινε γὰρ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πρότερον ἐπιφανῶς καὶ μεγαλομερῶς ταῖς παρασκευαῖς ἀναπεπειρᾶσθαι τοὺς Ῥοδίους ἅπασι τοῖς σκάφεσι τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν αὐτοῖς.

[10] καὶ γὰρ ξύλων πλῆθος εἰς ναυπηγίαν ἐδίδοτο παρὰ τοῦ Περσέως τοῖς Ῥοδίοις, καὶ στελγίδα χρυσῆν ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἀφρακτιτῶν ἐδεδώρητο τῶν νεωστὶ νενυμφαγωγηκότων αὐτῷ τὴν Λαοδίκην.

ιι ρες ρηοδιορυμ

[1] ὅτι εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον παραγενομένων τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρεσβευτῶν καὶ διασαφούντων τὰ δεδογμένα τῇ συγκλήτῳ, θόρυβος ἦν ἐν τῇ Ῥόδῳ καὶ πολλὴ ταραχὴ περὶ τοὺς πολιτευομένους, ἀγανακτούντων ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ φάσκειν ἐν δωρεᾷ δεδόσθαι τοὺς Λυκίους αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ κατὰ συμμαχίαν.

[2] ἄρτι γὰρ δοκοῦντες καλῶς τεθεῖσθαι τὰ κατὰ Λυκίους, αὖθις ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἑώρων φυομένην πραγμάτων·

[3] εὐθέως γὰρ οἱ Λύκιοι, τῶν Ῥωμαίων παραγενομένων καὶ διασαφούντων ταῦτα τοῖς Ῥοδίοις, πάλιν ἐστασίαζον καὶ πᾶν ὑπομένειν οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ὑπὲρ τῆς αὐτονομίας καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας.

[4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ οἵ γε Ῥόδιοι διακούσαντες τῶν πρεσβευτῶν καὶ νομίσαντες ἐξηπατῆσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὑπὸ τῶν Λυκίων, παραχρῆμα κατέστησαν τοὺς περὶ Λυκόφρονα πρεσβευτάς, διδάξοντας τὴν σύγκλητον περὶ τῶν προειρημένων.

[5] καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων ἦν, ὅσον οὔπω δοκούντων πάλιν ἐπαναστήσεσθαι τῶν Λυκίων.

δ. ολψμπ. 150, 4. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι ἡ σύγκλητος, παραγενομένων τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥόδου πρεσβευτῶν, διακούσασα τῶν λόγων ὑπερέθετο τὴν ἀπόκρισιν.

[2] ἡκόντων δὲ τῶν Δαρδανίων καὶ περὶ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν Βασταρνῶν καὶ περὶ τοῦ μεγέθους τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις τόλμης ἐξηγουμένων,

[3] καὶ διασαφούντων περὶ τῆς Περσέως κοινοπραγίας καὶ τῶν Γαλατῶν καὶ φασκόντων τοῦτον ἀγωνιᾶν μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς Βαστάρνας καὶ διὰ ταῦτα δεομένων σφίσι βοηθεῖν,

[4] παρόντων δὲ καὶ Θετταλῶν καὶ συνεπιμαρτυρούντων τοῖς Δαρδανίοις καὶ παρακαλούντων καὶ τούτων ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν,

[5] ἔδοξε τῇ συγκλήτῳ πέμψαι τινὰς τοὺς αὐτόπτας ἐσομένους τῶν προσαγγελλομένων.

[6] καὶ παραυτίκα καταστήσαντες Αὖλον Ποστόμιον ἐξαπέστειλαν καὶ σὺν τούτῳ τινὰς τῶν νέων.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. From Strabo 3, ch. 4 , who quotes Poseidonius as criticising this state. ment by remarking that Polybius must count every tower as a city.

2. B.C. 179. Coss. Q. Fulvius, L. Manlius. The ex-praetors Ti. Sempronius Gracchus and L. Postumius were still in Spain, where they had been since B. C. 182. Livy, 40, 1 , 44 . Renewed war of Eumenes and Ariarathes upon Pharnaces. See .

3. See .

4. Philip V. died at Amphipolis towards the end of B.C. 179. His last days were embittered by remorse for the death of his son Demetrius, whose innocence had been demonstrated to him. He wished to leave his crown to Antigonus, the son of Echecrates and nephew of Antigonus Doson, in order to punish his elder son Perseus for his treachery in securing his brother’s death. But Philip died suddenly before this could be secured, and Perseus succeeded him without opposition. See Livy, 40, 55-57 .

5. The opening of the reign of Perseus.

6. The notices are put up at the three places visited yearly by great numbers, and by many separate pilgrims. It is interesting to notice the persistence in a custom common from the earliest times, at any rate as far as Delos and Delphi are concerned. Iton was in Thessaly, and the temple and oracle of Athena there was celebrated throughout Greece, and was the central place of worship for the Thessalians. The town stood in a rich plain on the river Cuarius, and hence its name—sometimes written Siton—was connected by some with σιτόφορος, corn-bearing (Steph. Byz.) Homer calls it μητέρα μήλων, mother of sheep. Pyrrhus hung up in this temple the spoils of Antigonus and his Gallic soldiers about B. C. 273. [ Pausan. 1.13.2 ], Itonian Athena had temples in other parts of Greece also, e.g. in Boeotia [ Paus. 9, 34, 1 ].

7. Philip V. in misfortune.

8. B. C. 177. Coss. C. Claudius Pulcher, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. Embassy from Lycia against Rhodes. See .

9. The war in Istria, and the mutiny of the troops against the consul Manlius, are described in Livy, 41, 8 -11.

10. Laodice, daughter of Seleucus IV. Livy, 42, 12 .

11. Besides this connexion with Seleucus of Syria, sure to be offensive to Rome, Perseus gave a sister to Prusias, another enemy of Rome and Eumenes. Livy, 42, 12 .

12. Excitement at Rhodes; and a fresh determination of the Lycians to assert independence.

13. Rhodian question deferred.

14. Reports of the intrigues of Perseus. See Livy, 41, 19 , B. C. 176- 175.

Polybius Histories 25

Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator)