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Demetrius Before the Senate

IN the 149th Olympiad a greater number of embassies came to Rome from Greece than were ¹ almost ever seen before. For as Philip was compelled by treaty to submit disputes with his neighbours to arbitration, and as it was known that the Romans were willing to receive accusations against Philip, and would secure the safety of those who had controversies with him, all who lived near the frontier of Macedonia came to Rome, some in their private capacity, some from cities, others from whole tribes, with complaints against Philip. ² At the same time also came ambassadors from Eumenes, accompanied by his brother Athenaeus, to accuse Philip in regard to the Thracian cities and the aid sent to Prusias. Philip’s son, Demetrius, also came to make answer to all these various envoys, accompanied by Apelles and Philocles, who were at that time considered the king’s first friends. Ambassadors also came from Sparta, representatives of each faction of the citizens.

The first summoned to the Senate was Athenaeus, from whom³ the Senate accepted the compliments of fifteen thousand gold pieces, and passed a decree highly extolling Eumenes and his brothers for their answer, and exhorting them to continue in the same mind. Next the praetors called upon all the accusers of Philip, and brought them forward by one embassy at a time. But as they were numerous, and their entry occupied three days, the Senate became embarrassed as to the settlement to be made in each case. For from Thessaly there were ambassadors from the whole nation, and also from each city separately; so also from the Perrhaebians, Athamanians, Epirotes, and Illyrians. And of these some brought cases of dispute as to territory, slaves, or cattle; and some about contracts or injuries sustained by themselves. Some alleged that they could not get their rights in accordance with the treaty, because Philip prevented the administration of justice; while others impeached the justice of the decisions given, on the ground that Philip had corrupted the arbitrators. And, in fact, there was an inextricable confusion and multiplicity of charges.

Demetrius in the Senate

In such a state of things the Senate felt unable to come ⁴ to a clear decision itself, and did not think it fair that Demetrius should have to answer each of the several indictments; for it regarded him with great favour, and saw at the same time that his extreme youth unfitted him to cope with business of such intricacy and complexity. Besides, what it desired most was not to hear speeches of Demetrius, but to ascertain with certainty the disposition of Philip. Excusing him therefore from pleading his cause, the Senate asked the young man and his friends whether they were the bearers of any written memoir from the king; and upon Demetrius answering that he was, and holding out a paper of no great size, the Senate bade him give a summary of what the paper contained in answer to the accusations alleged. It amounted to this, that on each point Philip asserted that he had carried out the injunctions of the Senate, or, if he had not done so, laid the blame upon his accusers; while to the greater number of his declarations he had added the words, though the commissioners with Caecilius were unfair to me in this point, or again, though I am unjustly treated in this respect. Such being Philip’s mind, as expressed in the several clauses of the paper, the Senate, after hearing the ambassadors who were come to Rome, comprehended them all under one measure. By the mouth of the praetor it offered an honourable and cordial reception to Demetrius, expressed in ample and emphatic language, and answered his speech by saying that The Senate fully believe that on all the points mentioned by Demetrius, or read by him from his paper of instructions, full justice was already done or would be done. But, in order that Philip might be made aware that the Senate paid this honour to Demetrius, ambassadors. would be sent to see that everything was being done in accordance with the will of the Senate, and at the same time to inform the king that he owed this grace to his son Demetrius. Such was the arrangement come to on this part of the business.

Philip’s Jealousy Roused

The next to enter the Senate were the ambassadors of ⁵ king Eumenes, who denounced Philip on account of the assistance sent to Prusias, and concerning his actions in Thrace, alleging that even at that moment he had not withdrawn his garrisons from the cities. But upon Philocles showing his wish to offer a defence on these points, as having been formerly charged with a mission to Prusias, and being now sent to the Senate to represent Philip on this business, the Senate, without listening very long to his speech, answered that With regard to Thrace, unless the legates found everything there settled in accordance with its will, and all the cities restored to the entire control of Eumenes, the Senate would be unable any longer to allow it to pass, or to submit to being continually disobeyed.

Though the ill-feeling between the Romans and Philip⁶ was becoming serious, a check was put to it for the time by the presence of Demetrius. And yet this young prince’s mission to Rome proved eventually no slight link in the chain of events which led to the final ruin of his house. For the Senate, by thus making much of Demetrius, somewhat turned the young man’s head, and at the same time gravely annoyed Perseus and the king, by making them feel that the kindness they received from the Romans was not for their own sakes, but for that of Demetrius. And T. Quintius Flamininus contributed not a little to the same result by taking the young prince aside and communicating with him in confidence. For he flattered him by suggesting that the Romans meant before long to invest him with the kingdom; while he irritated Philip and Perseus by sending a letter ordering the king to send Demetrius to Rome again, with as many friends of the highest character as possible. It was, in fact, by taking advantage of these circumstances that Perseus shortly afterwards induced his father to consent to the death of Demetrius. But I shall relate that event in detail later on.

The Spartan Ambassadors

The next ambassadors called in were the Lacedaemonians. ⁷ Of these there were four distinct factions. Lysis and his colleagues represented the old exiles, and their contention was that they ought to have back the possessions from which they had originally been driven. Areus and Alcibiades, on the contrary, contended that they should receive the value of a talent from their original property, and divide the rest among deserving citizens. ⁸ pleaded that things should be left in exactly the state in which they were when they formerly belonged to the Achaean league. ⁹ Lastly, Chaeron and his colleagues represented those who had been condemned to death or exile by the votes of the Achaean league, and demanded their own recall and the restoration of the constitution. These all delivered speeches against the Achaeans in conformity with their several objects. The Senate, finding itself unable to come to a clear decision on these particular controversies, appointed a committee of investigation, consisting of the three who had already been on a mission to the Peloponnese on these matters, namely Titus Flamininus, Q. Caecilius, and Appius Claudius Pulcher.¹⁰ After long discussions before this committee it was unanimously decided that the exiles and the condemned were to be recalled, and that the city should remain a member of the Achaean league. ¹¹ But as to the property, whether the exiles were each to select a talent’s worth from what had been theirs [or to receive it all back], on this point they continued to dispute. That they might not, however, have to begin the whole controversy afresh [the committee] caused the points agreed upon to be reduced to writing, to which all affixed their seals. But the committee, also wishing to include the Achaeans in the agreement, called in Xenarchus and his colleagues, who were at that time on a mission from the Achaeans, to renew their alliance with Rome, and at the same time to give an eye to their controversy with the Lacedaemonians. These men, being unexpectedly asked whether they consented to the terms contained in the written document, were somewhat at a loss what to answer. For they did not approve of the restoration of the exiles and the condemned persons, as being contrary to the decree of the league, and the contents of the tablet on which that decree was engraved; and yet they approved of the document as a whole, because it contained the clause providing that Sparta should remain a member of the league. Finally, however, partly from this difficulty, and partly from awe of the Roman commissioners, they affixed their seal. The Senate, therefore, selected Quintus Marcius to go as legate to settle the affairs of Macedonia and the Peloponnese. . . .

Deinocrates of Messene

When Deinocrates of Messene arrived on a mission at ¹² Rome, he was delighted to find that Titus Flamininus had been appointed by the Senate to go as ambassador to Prusias and Seleucus. For having been very intimate with Titus during the Lacedaemonian war, he thought that this friendship, combined with his disagreements with Philopoemen, would induce him on his arrival in Greece to settle the affairs of Messene in accordance with his own views. He therefore gave up everything else to attach himself exclusively to Titus, on whom he rested all his hopes. . . .

This same Deinocrates was a courtier and a soldier by nature as well as habit, but he assumed the air of consummate statesmanship. His parts, however, were showy rather than solid. In war his fertility of resource and boldness were beyond the common run; and he shone in feats of personal bravery. Nor were these his only accomplishments: he was attractive and ready in conversation, versatile and courteous in society. But at the same time he was devoted to licentious intrigue, and in public affairs and questions of policy was quite incapable of sustained attention or far-sighted views, of fortifying himself with well-considered arguments, or putting them before the public. On this occasion, for instance, though he had really given the initiative to grave misfortunes, he did not think that he was doing anything of importance; but followed his usual manner of life, quite regardless of the future, indulging day after day in amours, wine, and song. Flamininus, however, did once force him to catch a glimpse of the seriousness of his position. For seeing him on a certain occasion in a party of revellers dancing in long robes, he said nothing at the time; but next morning, being visited by him with some request in behalf of his country, he said: I will do my best, Deinocrates; but it does astonish me that you can drink and dance after having given the start to such serious troubles for Greece. He appears, indeed, at that to have a little recovered his soberer senses, and to have understood what an improper display he had been making of his tastes and habits. However, he arrived at this period in Greece in company with Flamininus, fully persuaded that the affairs of Messene would be settled at a blow in accordance with his views. But Philopoemen and his party were fully aware that Flamininus had no commission from the Senate in regard to affairs in Greece; they therefore awaited his arrival without taking any step of any sort. Having landed at Naupactus, Flamininus addressed a despatch to the Strategus and Demiurgi¹³ bidding them summon the Achaeans to an assembly; to which they wrote back that they would do so, if he would write them word what the subjects were on which he wished to confer with the Achaeans; for the laws enjoined that limitation on the magistrates. As Flamininus did not venture to write this, the hopes of Deinocrates and the so-called old exiles, but who had at that time been recently banished from Sparta, came to nothing, as in fact did the visit of Flamininus and the plans which he had formed. . . .

Ambassadors from the Spartan Exiles

About the same period some ambassadors were sent by ¹⁴ the exiled citizens of Sparta to Rome, among whom was Arcesilaus and Agesipolis who, when quite a boy, had been made king in Sparta. These two men were fallen upon and killed by pirates on the high seas; but their colleagues arrived safely at Rome. . . .

Philip and Perseus are Jealous of Demetrius

On the return of Demetrius from Rome, bringing with ¹⁵ him the formal reply, in which the Romans referred all the favour and confidence which they avowed to their regard for Demetrius, saying that all they had done or would do was for his sake,—the Macedonians gave Demetrius a cordial reception, believing that they were relieved from all fear and danger: for they had looked upon war with Rome as all but at their doors, owing to the provocations given by Philip. But Philip and Perseus were far from pleased, and were much offended at the idea of the Romans taking no account of them, and referring all their favour to Demetrius. Philip however concealed his displeasure; but Perseus, who was not only behind his brother in good feelings to Rome, but much his inferior in other respects, both in natural ability and acquired accomplishments, made no secret of his anger: and was beginning to be thoroughly alarmed as to his succession to the crown, and lest, in spite of being the elder, he should be excluded. Therefore he commenced by bribing the friends of Demetrius. . . .

¹⁶

Death of Demetrius

Upon Quintus Marcius arriving on his mission in ¹⁷ Macedonia, Philip evacuated the Greek cities in Thrace entirely and withdrew his garrisons, though in deep anger and heaviness of spirit; and he put on a right footing everything else to which the Roman injunctions referred, wishing to give them no indication of his estrangement, but to secure time for making his preparations for war. In pursuance of this design he led out an army against the barbarians, and marching through the centre of Thrace he invaded the Odrysae, Bessi, and Dentheleti. Coming to Philippopolis, the inhabitants flying for safety to the heights, he took it without a blow.¹⁸ And thence, after traversing the plain, and sacking some of the villages, and exacting a pledge of submission from others, he returned home, leaving a garrison in Philippopolis, which was after a time expelled by the Odrysae in defiance of their pledge of fidelity to Philip. . . .

The Senate Refuses to Help Either Messene or Achaia

In the second year of this Olympiad, on the arrival of ¹⁹ ambassadors from Eumenes, Pharnaces, and the Achaean league, and also from the Lacedaemonians who had been banished from Sparta,²⁰ and from those who were in actual possession of it, the Senate despatched their business. But there came after them a mission from Rhodes in regard to the disaster at Sinope; to whom the Senate replied that it would send legates to investigate the case of the Sinopeans and their grievances against those kings.²¹ And Quintus Marcius having recently arrived from Greece and made his report on the state of affairs in Macedonia and the Peloponnese, the Senate did not require to hear much more; but having called in the envoys from the Peloponnese and Macedonia they listened indeed to what they had to say, but founded its reply, without any reference to their speeches, wholly on the report of Marcius, in which he had stated, in reference to king Philip, that he had indeed done all that was enjoined on him, but with great reluctance; and that, if he got an opportunity, he would go all lengths against the Romans. The Senate accordingly composed a reply to the king’s envoys in which, while praising Philip for what he had done, they warned him for the future to be careful not to be found acting in opposition to the Romans. As to the Peloponnese, Marcius had reported that, as the Achaeans were unwilling to refer any matter whatever to the Senate, but were haughtily inclined and desirous of managing all their affairs themselves, if the Senate would only reject their present application and give ever so slight an indication of displeasure, Sparta would promptly come to an understanding with Messene; and then the Achaeans would be glad enough to appeal to the protection of Rome. In consequence of this report they answered the Lacedaemonian Serippus and his colleagues, wishing to leave this city in a state of suspense, that they had done their best for them, but that for the present they did not think this matter concerned them. But when the Achaeans besought for help against the Messenians²² in virtue of their alliance with Rome, or at least that they would take precautions to prevent any arms or corn from being brought from Italy into Messene, the Senate refused compliance with either request and answered that the Achaeans ought not to be surprised if Sparta or Corinth or Argos renounced their league, if they would not conduct their hegemony in accordance with the Senate’s views. This answer the Senate made public, as a kind of proclamation that any people who chose might break off from the Achaeans for all the Romans cared; and they further retained the ambassadors in Rome, waiting to see the issue of the quarrel between the Achaeans and Messenians. . . .

Philip’s Desperate Measures

In this period a certain dreadful foreshadowing of misfortune fell upon king Philip and the whole of ²³ Macedonia, of a kind well worthy of close attention and record. As though Fortune had resolved to exact from him at once the penalties for all the impieties and crimes which he had committed in the whole course of his life, she now visited him with furies, those deities of retribution, those powers that had listened to the prayers of the victims of his cruelties, who, haunting him day and night, so plagued him to the last day of his life, that all the world was forced to acknowledge the truth of the proverb, that Justice has an eye which mere men should never despise. The first idea suggested to him by this evil power was that, as he was about to go to war with Rome, he had better remove from the most important cities, and those along the sea-coast, the leading citizens, with their wives and children, and place them in Emathia, formerly called Paeonia, and fill up the cities with Thracians and other barbarians, as likely to be more securely loyal to him in the coming hour of danger. ²⁴The actual carrying out of this measure, and the uprooting of these men and their families, caused such an outburst of grief, and so violent an outcry, that one might have supposed the whole district to have been taken by the sword. Curses and appeals to heaven were rained upon the head of the king without any further attempt at concealment. His next step, prompted by the wish to leave no element of hostility or disaffection in the kingdom, was to write to the governors of the several cities ordering them to search out the sons and daughters of such Macedonians as had been put to death by him, and place them in ward; in which he referred especially to Admetus, Pyrrhicus, and Samus, and those who had perished with them: but he also included all others whosoever that had been put to death by order of the king, quoting this verse, we are told:—²⁵

Oh fool! to slay the sire and leave the sons.

Most of these men being persons of distinguished families, their fate made a great noise and excited universal pity. But Fortune had a third act in this bloody drama in reserve for Philip, in which the young princes plotted against each other; and their quarrels being referred to him, he was forced to choose between becoming the murderer of his sons and living the rest of his life in dread of being murdered by them in his old age; and to decide which of the two he had the greater reason to fear. Tortured day and night by these anxieties, the miseries and perturbations of his spirit lead to the inevitable reflection that the wrath of heaven fell upon his old age for the sins of his previous life: which will be rendered still more evident by what remains to be told. . . . Just when his soul was stung to madness by these circumstances, the quarrel between his sons blazed out: Fortune, as it were of set purpose, bringing their misfortunes upon the scene all at one time. . . .

The Macedonians make offerings to Xanthus²⁶ as a hero, and perform a purification of the army with horses fully equipped. . . .

Philip Addresses his Sons

One should not merely read tragedies, tales, and ²⁷ histories, but should understand and ponder over them. In all of them one may learn that whenever brothers fall out and allow their quarrel to go any great length, they invariably end not only by destroying themselves but in the utter ruin of their property, children, and cities; while those who keep their self-love within reasonable bounds, and put up with each other’s weaknesses, are the preservers of these, and live in the fairest reputation and fame. I have often directed your attention to the kings in Sparta, telling you that they preserved the hegemony in Greece for their country just so long as they obeyed the ephors, as though they were their parents, and were content to reign jointly. But directly they in their folly tried to change the government to a monarchy, they caused Sparta to experience every misery possible. Finally, I have pointed out to you as an example the case of Eumenes and Attalus; showing you that, though they succeeded to but a small and insignificant realm, they have raised it to a level with the best, simply by the harmony and unity of sentiment, and mutual respect which they maintained towards each other. But so far from taking my words to heart, you are, as it seems to me, whetting your angry passions against each other. . . .

The Fall of Philopoemen

Philopoemen rose²⁸ and proceeded on his way, though he ²⁹ was oppressed at once by illness and the weight of years, being now in the seventieth year of his age. Conquering his weakness, however, by the force of his previous habits he reached Megalopolis, from Argos, in one day’s journey. . . .

He was captured, when Achaean Strategus, by the Messenians ³⁰ and poisoned. Thus, though second to none that ever lived before him in excellence, his fortune was less happy; yet in his previous life he seemed ever to have enjoyed her favour and assistance. But it was, I suppose, a case of the common proverb, a man may have a stroke of luck, but no man can be lucky always. We must, therefore, call our predecessors fortunate, without pretending that they were so invariably—for what need is there to flatter Fortune by a meaningless and false compliment? It is those who have enjoyed Fortune’s smiles in their life for the longest time, and who, when she changes her mind, meet with only moderate mishaps, that we must speak of as fortunate. . . .

Philopoemen was succeeded by ³¹ Lycortas,³² . . . and though he had spent forty years of an active career in a state at once democratic and composed of many various elements, he had entirely avoided giving rise to the jealousy of the citizens in any direction: and yet he had not flattered their inclinations, but for the most part had used great freedom of speech, which is a case of very rare occurrence. . . .

Character of Hannibal

An admirable feature in Hannibal’s ³³ character, and the strongest proof of his having been a born ruler of men, and having possessed statesmanlike qualities of an unusual kind, is that, though he was for seventeen years engaged in actual warfare, and though he had to make his way through numerous barbaric tribes, and to employ innumerable men of different nationalities in what appeared desperate and hazardous enterprises, he was never made the object of a conspiracy by any of them, nor deserted by any of those who had joined him and put themselves under his command. . . .

Character of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus

Publius Scipio, in the course of an active career in an aristocratic state, secured such popularity with the multitude and such credit with the Senate, that when ³⁴ some one took upon himself to bring him to trial before the people in the manner usual at Rome, and produced many bitter accusations against him, he came forward and said nothing but that It ill-became the Roman people to listen to accusations against P. Cornelius Scipio, to whom his accusers owed it that they had the power of speech at all. At this the populace dispersed, and quitting the assembly, left the accuser alone. . . . Once when there was a sum of money required in the Senate for some pressing business, and the quaestor, on the ground of a legal difficulty, refused to open the treasury on that particular day, Scipio said that he would take the keys himself and open it; for he was the cause of the treasury being locked at all. And again, when some one in the Senate demanded an account of the money which he had received from Antiochus before the treaty for the pay of his army, he said that he had the ledger, but that he ought not to be called to account by any one. But on his questioner persisting, and urging him to produce it, he bade his brother bring it. When the schedule was brought, he held it out in front of him, and tearing it to pieces in the sight of everybody bade the man who asked for it seek it out of these fragments, and he demanded of the rest How they could ask for the items of the expenditure of these three thousand talents, and yet no longer ask for an account of how and by whose agency the fifteen thousand talents which they received from Antiochus came into the treasury, nor how it is that they have become masters of Asia, Libya, and Iberia? This speech not only made a strong impression on the rest, but also reduced the man who demanded the account to silence.

These anecdotes have been related by me for the double purpose of enhancing the fame of the departed, and of encouraging future generations in the paths of honour. . . .

Submission of the Messenians

For my part, I never concur with those who indulge their anger against men of their own blood to the length of not only depriving them of the year’s harvest when at war with them, but even of cutting down their trees and destroying their buildings, and of leaving them no opportunity for repentance. Such proceedings seem to me to be rank folly. For, while they imagine that they are dismaying the enemy by the devastation of their territory, and the deprivation of their future as well as their present means of getting the necessaries of life, they are all the while exasperating the men, and converting an isolated ebullition of anger into a lasting hatred. . . .

Lycortas Defeats Messene

Lycortas the Achaean Strategus crushed the spirits of ³⁵ the Messenians in the war. Up to this time the populace at Messene had been afraid of their magistrates; but now at length, relying on the protection of the enemy, some of them plucked up courage to break silence and to say that the time was come to send an embassy to negotiate a peace. Deinocrates and his colleagues, being no longer able to face the people under this storm of popular odium, yielded to circumstances and retired to their own houses. Thereupon the people, acting under the advice of the older men, and especially under that of Epaenetus and Apollodorus, the ambassadors from Boeotia,—who, having arrived some time before to negotiate a peace, happened fortunately to be at that time at Messene,—appointed and despatched envoys, begging forgiveness for their transgressions. The Achaean Strategus, having summoned his colleagues³⁶ to council, and given the envoys a hearing, answered that There was but one way in which the Messenians could reconcile themselves to the league, and that was by at once surrendering to him the authors of the revolt and of the murder of Philopoemen, leave the rest to the authority of the league assembly, and at once receive a garrison into their citadel. When this message was announced to the Messenian populace, those who had long been bitterly opposed to the authors of the war were ready enough to surrender them and to arrest them; while the rest, being persuaded that they would not be severely dealt with by the Achaeans, readily consented to submit the general question to the decision of the assembly. But what chiefly induced them to unanimously accept the proposal was, that they in fact had no choice in the matter. The Strategus accordingly at once took over the citadel and marched his peltasts into it; and then, taking some picked troops with him, entered the city; and having summoned a meeting of the people, addressed them in terms befitting the occasion, promising that they would never have reason to repent having committed themselves to the honour of the Achaeans.³⁷ The general question of what was to be done he thus referred to the league,—for it happened conveniently that the Achaeans were just then reassembling at Megalopolis for the second Congress,³⁸—but of those who were guilty of the disturbances, he ordered all such as were actually implicated in the summary execution of Philopoemen to put an end to their own lives. . . .

Arguments For and Against Admitting Sparta

The Messenians were reduced by their own folly to ³⁹ the brink of ruin, but were restored to their former position in the league by the magnanimity of Lycortas and the Achaeans. But the towns of Abia, Thuria, and Pharae during these transactions abandoned their connection with Messene, and, setting up a pillar engraved with a treaty of alliance between themselves, formed a separate league. When the Romans were informed that the Messenian war had turned out successfully for the Achaeans, without taking any account of their previous declaration they gave a different answer to the same ambassadors, asserting that they had taken measures to prevent any one from conveying arms or corn from Italy into Messene. By this they showed clearly that, so far from avoiding or disregarding the affairs of foreign nations not directly concerning themselves, they were, on the contrary, annoyed at everything not being referred to them and carried out in accordance with their opinion.

When the ambassadors arrived in Sparta with their answer,⁴⁰ the Achaean Strategus as soon as he had settled the Messenian business, summoned a congress at Sicyon, and on its assembling, proposed a resolution for the reception of Sparta into the league, alleging that The Romans had declined the arbitration which had previously been offered to them in regard to this city,—for they had answered that they had now no concern with any of the affairs of Sparta. Those, however, at present in power at Sparta were desirous of being admitted to the privileges of the league. Therefore he advised that they should admit the town; for this would be advantageous in two ways: first, because they would be thus admitting men who had remained unshaken in their loyalty to the league; and secondly, because they would not be admitting those of the old exiles, who had behaved with ingratitude and impiety towards them, to any share of their privileges; but by confirming the measures of those who had excluded them, would at the same time be showing, with God’s help, due gratitude to the latter. With these words Lycortas exhorted the Achaeans to receive the city of Sparta into the league. But Diophanes and some others attempted to put in a word for the exiles, and urged the Achaeans Not to join in pressing heavily upon these banished men; and not to be influenced by a mere handful of men to strengthen the hands of those who had impiously and lawlessly expelled them from their country.

Sparta Included In the League

Such were the arguments employed on either side. ⁴¹ The Achaeans, after listening to both, decided to admit the city, and accordingly the agreement was engraved on a tablet, and Sparta became a member of the Achaean league: the existing citizens having agreed to admit such of the old exiles as were not considered to have acted in a hostile spirit against the Achaeans. After confirming this arrangement the Achaeans sent Bippus of Argos and others as ambassadors to Rome, to explain to the Senate what had been done in the matter. The Lacedaemonians also sent Chaeron and others; while the exiles too sent a mission led by Cletis Diactorius⁴² to oppose the Achaean ambassadors in the Senate.

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 23.1 focus

α. ολψμπ. 149, 1. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἐνάτην καὶ τετταρακοστὴν ὀλυμπιάδα πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἡθροίσθησαν πρεσβειῶν πλῆθος ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὅσον οὐ ταχέως πρότερον.

[2] τοῦ γὰρ Φιλίππου συγκλεισθέντος εἰς τὴν κατὰ τὸ σύμβολον δικαιοδοσίαν πρὸς τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας, καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων γνωσθέντων ὅτι προσδέχονται τὰς κατὰ Φιλίππου κατηγορίας καὶ πρόνοιαν ποιοῦνται τῆς ἀσφαλείας τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀμφισβητούντων,

[3] ἅπαντες οἱ παρακείμενοι τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ παρῆσαν, οἱ μὲν κατʼ ἰδίαν, οἱ δὲ κατὰ πόλιν, οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἐθνικὰς συστάσεις, ἐγκαλοῦντες τῷ Φιλίππῳ.

[4] σὺν δὲ τούτοις οἱ παρʼ Εὐμένους ἧκον ἅμʼ Ἀθηναίῳ τῷ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφῷ, κατηγορήσοντες αὐτοῦ περί τε τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεων καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀποσταλείσης Προυσίᾳ βοηθείας.

[5] ἧκε δὲ καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρὸς πάντας τούτους ἀπολογησόμενος, ἔχων Ἀπελλῆν καὶ Φιλοκλῆ μεθʼ αὑτοῦ, τοὺς τότε δοκοῦντας εἶναι πρώτους φίλους τοῦ βασιλέως.

[6] παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις, ἀφʼ ἑκάστου γένους τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει.

[7] πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος εἰσεκαλέσατο τὸν Ἀθήναιον καὶ δεξαμένη τὸν στέφανον, ὃν ἐκόμιζεν ἀπὸ μυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων χρυσῶν, ἐπῄνεσέ τε μεγαλομερῶς τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς διὰ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως καὶ παρεκάλεσε μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς αἱρέσεως.

[8] ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὸν Δημήτριον εἰσαγαγόντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ παρεκαλέσαντο τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας τοῦ Φιλίππου πάντας καὶ παρῆγον κατὰ μίαν πρεσβείαν.

[9] οὐσῶν δὲ τῶν πρεσβειῶν πολλῶν, καὶ τῆς εἰσόδου τούτων γενομένης ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐνέπιπτεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ τοῦ πῶς δεῖ χειρισθῆναι τὰ κατὰ μέρος.

[10] παρά τε γὰρ Θετταλῶν καὶ κατὰ κοινὸν ἧκον καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἀφʼ ἑκάστης πόλεως πρεσβευταί, παρά τε Περραιβῶν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ Ἀθαμάνων καὶ παρʼ Ἠπειρωτῶν καὶ παρʼ Ἰλλυριῶν·

[11] ὧν οἱ μὲν περὶ χώρας, οἱ δὲ περὶ σωμάτων, οἱ δὲ περὶ θρεμμάτων ἧκον ἀμφισβητοῦντες, ἔνιοι δὲ περὶ συμβολαίων καὶ τῶν εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀδικημάτων,

[12] τινὲς μὲν οὐ φάσκοντες δύνασθαι τυχεῖν τοῦ δικαίου κατὰ τὸ σύμβολον διὰ τὸ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκκόπτειν τὴν δικαιοδοσίαν, τινὲς δʼ ἐγκαλοῦντες τοῖς κρίμασιν ὡς παραβεβραβευμένοι, διαφθείραντος τοῦ Φιλίππου τοὺς δικαστάς.

[13] καθόλου δὲ ποικίλη τις ἦν ἀκρισία καὶ δυσχώρητος ἐκ τῶν κατηγορουμένων.

[1] ὅθεν ἡ σύγκλητος, οὔτʼ αὐτὴ δυναμένη διευκρινεῖν οὔτε τὸν Δημήτριον κρίνουσα δεῖν ἑκάστοις τούτων λόγον ὑπέχειν,

[2] ἅτε καὶ φιλανθρώπως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένη καὶ θεωροῦσα νέον ὄντα κομιδῇ καὶ πολὺ τῆς τοιαύτης συστροφῆς καὶ ποικιλίας ἀπολειπόμενον,

[3] μάλιστα δὲ βουλομένη μὴ τῶν Δημητρίου λόγων ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ τῆς Φιλίππου γνώμης ἀληθινὴν λαβεῖν πεῖραν,

[4] αὐτὸν Δημήτριον παρέλυσε τῆς δικαιολογίας, ἤρετο δὲ τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ φίλους εἴ τινα περὶ τούτων ὑπομνηματισμὸν ἔχουσι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως.

[5] τοῦ δὲ Δημητρίου φήσαντος ἔχειν καὶ προτείναντός τι βυβλίδιον οὐ μέγα, λέγειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἥνπερ τὰ ὑπομνήματα περιεῖχε πρὸς ἕκαστον τῶν κατηγορουμένων ἀπόφασιν κεφαλαιώδη.

[6] ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πεποιηκέναι τὸ προσταχθὲν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἔφασκεν, ἢ τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ μὴ πεπρᾶχθαι τοῖς ἐγκαλοῦσιν ἀνετίθει.

[7] προσέκειτο δὲ πρὸς ταῖς πλείσταις ἀποφάσεσι "καίτοι οὐκ ἴσως χρησαμένων ἡμῖν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν τῶν περὶ Καικίλιον ἐν τούτοισ" καὶ πάλιν "καίτοι γε οὐ δικαίως ἡμῶν ταῦτα πασχόντων".

[8] τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης τῆς Φιλίππου γνώμης ἐν πάσαις ταῖς ἀποφάσεσι, διακούσασα τῶν παραγεγονότων ἡ σύγκλητος μίαν ἐποιήσατο περὶ πάντων διάληψιν.

[9] ἀποδεξαμένη γὰρ τὸν Δημήτριον μεγαλομερῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως διὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, πολλοὺς καὶ παρακλητικοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν διαθεμένη λόγους, ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκε διότι περὶ πάντων καὶ τῶν εἰρημένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀνεγνωσμένων Δημητρίῳ πιστεύει διότι τὰ μὲν γέγονε, τὰ δʼ ἔσται, καθάπερ δίκαιόν ἐστι γίνεσθαι.

[10] ἵνα δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος εἰδῇ διότι τὴν χάριν ταύτην ἡ σύγκλητος Δημητρίῳ δίδωσιν, ἐξαποστελεῖν ἔφη πρεσβευτὰς ἐποψομένους εἰ γίνεται πάντα κατὰ τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου βούλησιν, ἅμα δὲ διασαφήσοντας τῷ βασιλεῖ διότι τῆς συμπεριφορᾶς τυγχάνει ταύτης διὰ Δημήτριον.

[11] καὶ ταῦτα μὲν τοιαύτης ἔτυχε διεξαγωγῆς.

[1] μετὰ δὲ τούτους εἰσῆλθον οἱ παρʼ Εὐμένους πρέσβεις καὶ περί τε τῆς βοηθείας τῆς ἀποσταλείσης ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου τῷ Προυσίᾳ κατηγόρησαν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης τόπων, φάσκοντες οὐδʼ ἔτι καὶ νῦν αὐτὸν ἐξαγηοχέναι τὰς φρουρὰς ἐκ τῶν πόλεων.

[2] τοῦ δὲ Φιλοκλέους ὑπὲρ τούτων βουληθέντος ἀπολογεῖσθαι διὰ τὸ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Προυσίαν πεπρεσβευκέναι καὶ τότε περὶ τούτων ἐξαπεστάλθαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου,

[3] βραχύν τινα χρόνον ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπιδεξαμένη τοὺς λόγους ἔδωκεν ἀπόκρισιν διότι, τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης τόπων ἐὰν μὴ καταλάβωσιν οἱ πρεσβευταὶ πάντα διῳκημένα κατὰ τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου γνώμην καὶ πάσας τὰς πόλεις εἰς τὴν Εὐμένους πίστιν ἐγκεχειρισμένας, οὐκέτι δυνήσεται φέρειν οὐδὲ καρτερεῖν παρακουομένη περὶ τούτων.

[4] καὶ τῆς μὲν Φιλίππου καὶ Ῥωμαίων παρατριβῆς ἐπὶ πολὺ προβαινούσης ἐπίστασις ἐγενήθη κατὰ τὸ παρὸν διὰ τὴν τοῦ Δημητρίου παρουσίαν·

[5] πρὸς μέντοι γε τὴν καθόλου τῆς οἰκίας ἀτυχίαν οὐ μικρὰ συνέβη τὴν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοῦ νεανίσκου πρεσβείαν συμβαλέσθαι.

[6] ἥ τε γὰρ σύγκλητος ἀπερεισαμένη τὴν χάριν ἐπὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἐμετεώρισε μὲν τὸ μειράκιον, ἐλύπησε δὲ καὶ τὸν Περσέα καὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἰσχυρῶς τῷ δοκεῖν μὴ διʼ αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ διὰ Δημήτριον τυγχάνειν τῆς παρὰ Ῥωμαίων φιλανθρωπίας.

[7] ὅ τε Τίτος ἐκκαλεσάμενος τὸ μειράκιον καὶ προβιβάσας εἰς λόγους ἀπορρήτους, οὐκ ὀλίγα συνεβάλετο πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν.

[8] τόν τε γὰρ νεανίσκον ἐψυχαγώγησεν, ὡς αὐτίκα μάλα συγκατασκευασόντων αὐτῷ Ῥωμαίων τὴν βασιλείαν, τούς τε περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἠρέθισε, γράψας ἐξ αὐτῆς τὸν Δημήτριον ἀποστέλλειν πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην μετὰ τῶν φίλων ὡς πλείστων καὶ χρησιμωτάτων.

[9] ταύταις γὰρ ταῖς ἀφορμαῖς χρησάμενος ὁ Περσεὺς μετʼ ὀλίγον ἔπεισε τὸν πατέρα συγκαταθέσθαι τῷ Δημητρίου θανάτῳ.

[10] περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ὡς ἐχειρίσθη τὰ κατὰ

[1] μέρος ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις εἰσεκλήθησαν οἱ παρὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις. τούτων δʼ ἦσαν διαφοραὶ τέτταρες.

[2] οἱ μὲν γὰρ περὶ Λῦσιν ἥκοντες ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀρχαίων φυγάδων ἐπρέσβευον, φάσκοντες δεῖν ἔχειν αὐτοὺς πάσας τὰς κτήσεις, ἀφʼ ὧν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφυγον·

[3] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀρέα καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην, ἐφʼ ᾧ ταλαντιαίαν λαβόντες κτῆσιν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων τὰ λοιπὰ διαδοῦναι τοῖς ἀξίοις τῆς πολιτείας.

[4] Σήριππος δʼ ἐπρέσβευε περὶ τοῦ μένειν τὴν ὑποκειμένην κατάστασιν, ἣν ἔχοντές ποτε συνεπολιτεύοντο μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν.

[5] ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν τεθανατωμένων καὶ τῶν ἐκπεπτωκότων κατὰ τὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δόγματα παρῆσαν οἱ περὶ Χαίρωνα, κάθοδον αὑτοῖς ἀξιοῦντες συγχωρηθῆναι καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποκατασταθῆναι τοιαύτην,

[6] ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς οἰκείους ταῖς ἰδίαις ὑποθέσεσι λόγους.

[7] οὐ δυναμένη δὲ διευκρινεῖν ἡ σύγκλητος τὰς κατὰ μέρος διαφοράς, προεχειρίσατο τρεῖς ἄνδρας τοὺς καὶ πρότερον ἤδη πεπρεσβευκότας περὶ τούτων εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Τίτος, Κόιντος Καικίλιος, Ἄππιος Κλαύδιος

[8] . ἐφʼ οἷς γενομένων λόγων πλειόνων, ὑπὲρ μὲν τοῦ καταπορεύεσθαι τοὺς πεφευγότας καὶ τεθανατωμένους καὶ περὶ τοῦ μένειν τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐγένετο πᾶσι σύμφωνον,

[9] περὶ δὲ τῶν κτήσεων, πότερον δεῖ τὸ τάλαντον εἰς ἑκάστους τοὺς φυγάδας ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐκλέξασθαι , περὶ τούτων διημφισβήτουν πρὸς ἀλλήλους.

[10] ἵνα δὲ μὴ πάλιν ἐξ ἀκεραίου περὶ πάντων ἀντιλέγοιεν, ἔγγραπτον ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁμολογουμένων , ἐφʼ ὃ πάντες ἐπεβάλοντο τὰς ἰδίας σφραγῖδας.

[11] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τίτον βουλόμενοι καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς τὴν ὁμολογίαν ἐμπλέξαι, προσεκαλέσαντο τοὺς περὶ Ξέναρχον.

[12] οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπρέσβευον τότε παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἅμα μὲν ἀνανεούμενοι τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἅμα δὲ τῇ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων διαφορᾷ προσεδρεύοντες.

[13] καὶ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν ἐρωτώμενοι περὶ τῶν γραφομένων, εἰ συνευδοκοῦσιν, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐνέπεσον.

[14] δυσηρεστοῦντο μὲν γὰρ τῇ καθόδῳ τῶν φυγάδων καὶ τῶν τεθανατωμένων διὰ τὸ γίνεσθαι παρὰ τὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δόγματα καὶ παρὰ τὴν στήλην, εὐδοκοῦντο δὲ τοῖς ὅλοις τῷ γράφεσθαι διότι δεῖ τὴν πόλιν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτεύειν μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν.

[15] καὶ πέρας τὰ μὲν ἀπορούμενοι, τὰ δὲ καταπληττόμενοι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐπεβάλοντο τὴν σφραγῖδα.

[16] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος προχειρισαμένη Κόιντον Μάρκιον πρεσβευτὴν ἐξαπέστελλεν ἐπί τε τὰ κατὰ Μακεδονίαν καὶ τὰ κατὰ Πελοπόννησον. —

[1] ὅτι Δεινοκράτης ὁ Μεσσήνιος παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρεσβευτὴς καὶ καταλαβὼν τὸν Τίτον πρεσβευτὴν καθεσταμένον ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου πρός τε Προυσίαν καὶ τὸν Σέλευκον, περιχαρὴς ἐγενήθη, νομίζων τὸν Τίτον διά τε τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν —

[2] ἐγεγόνει γὰρ αὐτῷ συνήθης κατὰ τὸν Λακωνικὸν πόλεμον — καὶ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Φιλοποίμενα διαφοράν, παραγενόμενον εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, χειριεῖν τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην πάντα κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ προαίρεσιν.

[3] διὸ καὶ παρεὶς τἄλλα προσεκαρτέρει τῷ Τίτῳ καὶ πάσας εἰς τοῦτον ἀπηρείσατο τὰς ἐλπίδας. —

[4] ὅτι Δεινοκράτης ὁ Μεσσήνιος ἦν οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν τριβήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν φύσιν αὐλικὸς καὶ στρατιωτικὸς ἄνθρωπος.

[5] τὸν δὲ πραγματικὸν τρόπον ἐπέφαινε μὲν τέλειον, ἦν δὲ ψευδεπίγραφος καὶ ῥωπικός.

[6] ἔν τε γὰρ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς κατὰ μὲν τὴν εὐχέρειαν καὶ τὴν τόλμαν πολὺ διέφερε τῶν ἄλλων καὶ λαμπρὸς ἦν ἐν τοῖς κατʼ ἰδίαν κινδύνοις.

[7] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην διάθεσιν ἐν μὲν ταῖς ὁμιλίαις εὔχαρις καὶ πρόχειρος ἦν, παρά τε τὰς συνουσίας εὐτράπελος καὶ πολιτικός, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις φιλέραστος,

[8] περὶ δὲ κοινῶν ἢ πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων ἀτενίσαι καὶ προϊδέσθαι τὸ μέλλον ἀσφαλῶς, ἔτι δὲ παρασκευάσασθαι καὶ διαλεχθῆναι πρὸς πλῆθος, εἰς τέλος ἀδύνατος.

[9] καὶ τότε κεκινηκὼς ἀρχὴν μεγάλων κακῶν τῇ πατρίδι, τελείως οὐδὲν ᾤετο ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἀγωγὴν ἦγε τοῦ βίου, προορώμενος οὐδὲν τῶν μελλόντων, ἐρῶν δὲ καὶ κωθωνιζόμενος ἀφʼ ἡμέρας καὶ τοῖς ἀκροάμασι τὰς ἀκοὰς ἀνατεθεικώς.

[10] βραχεῖαν δέ τινα τῆς περιστάσεως ἔμφασιν ὁ Τίτος αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασε λαβεῖν.

[11] ἰδὼν γὰρ αὐτὸν παρὰ πότον ἐν μακροῖς ἱματίοις ὀρχούμενον, παρʼ αὐτὰ μὲν ἐσιώπησε, τῇ δʼ αὔριον ἐντυγχάνοντος αὐτοῦ καί τι περὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἀξιοῦντος "

[12] ἐγὼ μέν, ὦ Δεινοκράτη, πᾶν" ἔφη "ποιήσω τὸ δυνατόν· ἐπὶ δὲ σοῦ θαυμάζω πῶς δύνῃ παρὰ πότον ὀρχεῖσθαι, τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ἀρχὴν κεκινηκὼς ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν.

[13] " ἐδόκει δὲ τότε βραχύ τι συσταλῆναι καὶ μαθεῖν ὡς ἀνοίκειον ὑπόθεσιν τῆς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως καὶ φύσεως ἀποδέδωκε.

[14] πλὴν τότε παρῆν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα μετὰ τοῦ Τίτου πεπεισμένος ἐξ ἐφόδου τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην χειρισθήσεσθαι κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ βούλησιν.

[15] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φιλοποίμενα, σαφῶς ἐπεγνωκότες ὅτι περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ὁ Τίτος οὐδεμίαν ἐντολὴν ἔχει παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου, τὴν ἡσυχίαν εἶχον, καραδοκοῦντες αὐτοῦ τὴν παρουσίαν.

[16] ἐπεὶ δὲ καταπλεύσας εἰς Ναύπακτον ἔγραψε τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ τοῖς δαμιουργοῖς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, κελεύων συνάγειν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν,

[17] ἀντέγραψαν αὐτῷ διότι ποιήσουσιν, ἂν γράψῃ περὶ τίνων βούλεται διαλεχθῆναι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς· τοὺς γὰρ νόμους ταῦτα τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐπιτάττειν.

[18] τοῦ δὲ μὴ τολμῶντος γράφειν, αἱ μὲν τοῦ Δεινοκράτους ἐλπίδες καὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων λεγομένων φυγάδων, τότε δὲ προσφάτως ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἐκπεπτωκότων, καὶ συλλήβδην ἡ τοῦ Τίτου παρουσία καὶ προσδοκία τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον διέπεσεν.

ιι. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐξαπεστάλησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος φυγάδων πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἐν οἷς ἦν Ἀρκεσίλαος καὶ Ἀγησίπολις, ὃς ἔτι παῖς ὢν ἐγενήθη βασιλεὺς ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ.

[2] τούτους μὲν οὖν λῃσταί τινες περιπεσόντες ἐν τῷ πελάγει διέφθειραν,

[3] οἱ δὲ μετὰ τούτων κατασταθέντες διεκομίσθησαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

ιιι. ρες μαξεδονιαε

[1] ὅτι τοῦ Δημητρίου παραγενηθέντος ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ κομίζοντος τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, ἐν αἷς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πᾶσαν τὴν ἐξ αὑτῶν χάριν καὶ πίστιν εἰς τὸν Δημήτριον ἀπηρείδοντο καὶ διὰ τοῦτον ἔφασαν πάντα πεποιηκέναι καὶ ποιήσειν,

[2] οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες ἀπεδέχοντο τὸν Δημήτριον, μεγάλων ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἀπολελύσθαι φόβων καὶ κινδύνων —

[3] προσεδόκων γὰρ ὅσον οὔπω τὸν ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἥξειν διὰ τὰς τοῦ Φιλίππου παρατριβάς —

[4] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος καὶ Περσεὺς οὐχ ἡδέως ἑώρων τὸ γινόμενον, οὐδʼ ἤρεσεν αὐτοῖς τὸ δοκεῖν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αὐτῶν μὲν μηθένα λόγον ποιεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ Δημητρίῳ πᾶσαν ἀνατιθέναι τὴν ἐξ αὑτῶν χάριν.

[5] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἐπεκρύπτετο τὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις δυσαρέστησιν, ὁ δὲ Περσεύς, οὐ μόνον ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὐνοίᾳ παρὰ πολὺ τἀδελφοῦ λειπόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τἄλλα πάντα καθυστερῶν καὶ τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ κατασκευῇ, δυσχερῶς ἔφερε·

[6] τὸ δὲ συνέχον, ἐδεδίει περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, μὴ πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἐξωσθῇ διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας.

[7] διὸ τούς τε φίλους ἔφθειρε τοὺς τοῦ Δημητρίου . —

[1] ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὸν Κόιντον τὸν Μάρκιον πρεσβευσάντων εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ἀπέβη μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων ὁλοσχερῶς ὁ Φίλιππος καὶ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξήγαγεν, ἀπέβη δὲ βαρυνόμενος καὶ στένων.

[2] διωρθώσατο δὲ καὶ τἄλλα πάντα, περὶ ὧν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προσεπέταττον, βουλόμενος ἐκείνοις μὲν μηδεμίαν ἔμφασιν ποιεῖν ἀλλοτριότητος, λαμβάνειν δʼ ἀναστροφὴν πρὸς τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευάς.

[3] τηρῶν δὲ τὴν προκειμένην ὑπόθεσιν, ἐξῆγε στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους.

[4] διελθὼν δὲ διὰ μέσης τῆς Θρᾴκης ἐνέβαλεν εἰς Ὀδρύσας καὶ Βέσσους καὶ Δενθηλήτους.

[5] παραγενόμενος δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν προσαγορευομένην Φιλίππου πόλιν, φυγόντων τῶν ἐνοικούντων εἰς τὰς ἀκρωρείας, ἐξ ἐφόδου κατέσχε τὴν πόλιν.

[6] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πᾶν τὸ πεδίον ἐπιδραμὼν καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐκπορθήσας, παρʼ ὧν δὲ πίστεις λαβών, ἐπανῆλθε, φρουρὰν καταλιπὼν ἐν τῇ Φιλίππου πόλει.

[7] ταύτην δὲ συνέβη μετά τινα χρόνον ἐκπεσεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν Ὀδρυσῶν, ἀθετησάντων τὰς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πίστεις.

β. ολψμπ. 149, 2. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸ δεύτερον ἔτος ἡ σύγκλητος, παραγενομένων πρέσβεων παρʼ Εὐμένους καὶ Φαρνάκου καὶ Φιλίππου καὶ παρὰ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους, ἔτι δὲ παρὰ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἐκπεπτωκότων καὶ παρὰ τῶν κατεχόντων τὴν πόλιν, ἐχρημάτισε τούτοις.

[2] ἧκον δὲ καὶ Ῥόδιοι πρεσβεύοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς Σινωπέων ἀτυχίας.

[3] τούτοις μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῖς παρʼ Εὐμένους καὶ Φαρνάκου πρεσβεύουσιν ἡ σύγκλητος ἀπεκρίθη διότι πέμψει πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους περί τε Σινωπέων καὶ περὶ τῶν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀμφισβητουμένων.

[4] τοῦ δὲ Κοΐντου Μαρκίου προσφάτως ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παραγεγονότος καὶ περί τε τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ διασεσαφηκότος, οὐκέτι πολλῶν προσεδεήθη λόγων ἡ σύγκλητος,

[5] ἀλλʼ εἰσκαλεσαμένη καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου καὶ Μακεδονίας πρεσβεύοντας διήκουσε μὲν τῶν λόγων, τάς γε μὴν ἀποκρίσεις ἔδωκε καὶ τὴν διάληψιν ἐποιήσατο τῶν πραγμάτων οὐ πρὸς τοὺς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν λόγους, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀποπρεσβείαν ἁρμοσαμένη τοῦ Μαρκίου.

[6] ὃς ὑπὲρ μὲν τοῦ Φιλίππου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπηγγέλκει διότι πεποίηκε μὲν τὰ προσταττόμενα, πεποίηκε δὲ τὰ πάντα βαρυνόμενος, καὶ καθότι λαβὼν καιρὸν πᾶν τι ποιήσει κατὰ Ῥωμαίων.

[7] διὸ καὶ τοῖς μὲν παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρεσβευταῖς τοιαύτην ἔδωκε τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, διʼ ἧς ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἐπῄνει τὸν Φίλιππον, εἰς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ᾤετο δεῖν προσέχειν αὐτὸν ἵνα μηδὲν ὑπεναντίον φαίνηται πράττων Ῥωμαίοις.

[8] περὶ δὲ τῶν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον ὁ Μάρκιος τοιαύτην ἐπεποίητο τὴν ἀπαγγελίαν διότι, τῶν Ἀχαιῶν οὐ βουλομένων ἀναφέρειν οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀλλὰ φρονηματιζομένων καὶ πάντα διʼ ἑαυτῶν πράττειν ἐπιβαλλομένων,

[9] ἐὰν παρακούσωσι μόνον αὐτῶν κατὰ τὸ παρὸν καὶ βραχεῖαν ἔμφασιν ποιήσωσιν δυσαρεστήσεως, ταχέως ἡ Λακεδαίμων τῇ Μεσσήνῃ συμφρονήσει.

[10] τούτου δὲ γενομένου μετὰ μεγάλης χάριτος ἥξειν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔφη καταπεφευγότας ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους.

[11] διότι τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἀπεκρίθησαν τοῖς περὶ Σήριππον, βουλόμενοι μετέωρον ἐᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, διότι πάντα πεποιήκασιν αὐτοῖς τὰ δυνατά, κατὰ δὲ τὸ παρὸν οὐ νομίζουσιν εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ πρᾶγμα πρὸς αὑτούς.

[12] τῶν δʼ Ἀχαιῶν παρακαλούντων, εἰ μὲν δυνατόν ἐστιν, βοήθειαν αὐτοῖς πέμψαι κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐπὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, εἰ δὲ μή, προνοηθῆναι γʼ ἵνα μηθεὶς τῶν ἐξ Ἰταλίας μήθʼ ὅπλα μήτε σῖτον εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην εἰσαγάγῃ, τούτων μὲν οὐδενὶ προσεῖχον,

[13] ἀπεκρίθησαν δὲ διότι οὐδʼ ἂν ὁ Λακεδαιμονίων ἢ Κορινθίων ἢ τῶν Ἀργείων ἀφίστηται δῆμος, οὐ δεήσει τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς θαυμάζειν ἐὰν μὴ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἡγῶνται.

[14] ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἐκθέμενοι, κηρύγματος ἔχουσαν διάθεσιν τοῖς βουλομένοις ἕνεκεν Ῥωμαίων ἀφίστασθαι τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτείας, λοιπὸν τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς παρακατεῖχον, καραδοκοῦντες τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην, πῶς προχωρήσει τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς.

[15] καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

ιι. ρες μαξεδονιαε

[1] ὅτι τῷ βασιλεῖ Φιλίππῳ καὶ τῇ συμπάσῃ Μακεδονίᾳ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν δεινή τις ἀρχὴ κακῶν ἐνέπεσε καὶ πολλῆς ἐπιστάσεως καὶ μνήμης ἀξία.

[2] καθάπερ γὰρ ἂν εἰ δίκην ἡ τύχη βουλομένη λαβεῖν ἐν καιρῷ παρʼ αὐτοῦ πάντων τῶν ἀσεβημάτων καὶ παρανομημάτων ὧν εἰργάσατο κατὰ τὸν βίον, τότε παρέστησέ τινας ἐρινῦς καὶ ποινὰς καὶ προστροπαίους τῶν διʼ ἐκεῖνον ἠτυχηκότων·

[3] οἳ συνόντες αὐτῷ καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν τοιαύτας ἔλαβον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τιμωρίας, ἕως οὗ τὸ ζῆν ἐξέλιπεν, ὡς καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁμολογῆσαι διότι κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν ἔστι Δίκης ὀφθαλμός, ἧς μηδέποτε δεῖ καταφρονεῖν ἀνθρώπους ὑπάρχοντας.

[4] πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ ταύτην παρεστήσαντο τὴν ἔννοιαν ὅτι δεῖ μέλλοντα πολεμεῖν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων καὶ παραθαλαττίων πόλεων τοὺς μὲν πολιτικοὺς ἄνδρας μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἀναστάτους ποιήσαντα μεταγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν νῦν μὲν Ἠμαθίαν, τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν Παιονίαν προσαγορευομένην,

[5] πληρῶσαι δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ βαρβάρων τὰς πόλεις, ὡς βεβαιοτέρας αὐτῷ τῆς ἐκ τούτων πίστεως ὑπαρξούσης κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις. οὗ συντελουμένου,

[6] καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀνασπάστων γινομένων, τηλικοῦτο συνέβη γενέσθαι πένθος καὶ τηλικοῦτον θόρυβον ὥστε δοριάλωτον δοκεῖν ἅπασαν γίνεσθαι.

[7] ἐξ ὧν κατάραι καὶ θεοκλυτήσεις ἐγίνοντο κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, οὐκέτι λάθρᾳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φανερῶς.

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα βουληθεὶς μηδὲν ἀλλότριον ὑποκαθέσθαι μηδὲ δυσμενὲς μηδὲν ἀπολιπεῖν πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν, ἔγραψε τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν πόλεων διατεταγμένοις ἀναζητήσασι τοὺς υἱοὺς καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Μακεδόνων ἀνῃρημένων, εἰς φυλακὴν ἀποθέσθαι,

[9] μάλιστα μὲν φέρων ἐπὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἄδμητον καὶ Πύρριχον καὶ Σάμον καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτων ἀπολομένους·

[10] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις συμπεριέλαβε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας, ὅσοι κατὰ βασιλικὸν πρόσταγμα τοῦ ζῆν ἐστερήθησαν, ἐπιφθεγξάμενος, ὥς φασι, τὸν στίχον τοῦτον·

νήπιος ὃς πατέρα κτείνας υἱοὺς καταλείπει.

[11] ὄντων δὲ τῶν πλείστων ἐπιφανῶν διὰ τὰς τῶν πατέρων προαγωγάς, ἐπιφανῆ καὶ τὴν τούτων ἀτυχίαν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι καὶ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἐλεεινήν.

[12] τρίτον δʼ ἡ τύχη δρᾶμα κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἐπεισήγαγεν τὸ κατὰ τοὺς υἱούς,

[13] ἐν ᾧ τῶν μὲν νεανίσκων ἀλλήλοις ἐπιβουλευόντων, τῆς δʼ ἀναφορᾶς περὶ τούτων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν γινομένης, καὶ δέον διαλαμβάνειν ποτέρου δεῖ γίνεσθαι τῶν υἱῶν φονέα καὶ πότερον αὐτῶν δεδιέναι μᾶλλον κατὰ τὸν ἑξῆς βίον, μὴ γηράσκων αὐτὸς πάθῃ τὸ παραπλήσιον, ἐστροβεῖτο νύκτωρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν περὶ τούτων διανοούμενος.

[14] ἐν τοιαύταις δʼ οὔσης ἀτυχίαις καὶ ταραχαῖς τῆς αὐτοῦ ψυχῆς, τίς οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως ὑπολάβοι θεῶν τινων αὐτῷ μῆνιν εἰς τὸ γῆρας κατασκῆψαι διὰ τὰς ἐν τῷ προγεγονότι βίῳ παρανομίας;

[15] τοῦτο δʼ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἔσται δῆλον ἐκ τῶν ἑξῆς ῥηθησομένων. —

ὅτι Φίλιππος ὁ Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀνελὼν καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτῶν ἐπανεῖλεν, ὥς φασι, τὸν στίχον τοῦτον εἰπών·

νήπιος ὃς πατέρα κτείνας υἱοὺς καταλείπει.

[16] καὶ διὰ ταῦτα τῆς ψυχῆς οἱονεὶ λυττώσης αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὸ κατὰ τοὺς υἱοὺς νεῖκος ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις ἐξεκαύθη, τῆς τύχης ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἀναβιβαζούσης ἐπὶ σκηνὴν ἐν ἑνὶ καιρῷ τὰς τούτων συμφοράς. —

[17] ἐναγίζουσιν οὖν τῷ Ξανθῷ Μακεδόνες καὶ καθαρμὸν ποιοῦσι σὺν ἵπποις ὡπλισμένοις. —

[1] ὅτι "δεῖ μὴ μόνον ἀναγινώσκειν τὰς τραγῳδίας καὶ τοὺς μύθους καὶ τὰς ἱστορίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ γινώσκειν καὶ συνεφιστάνειν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος.

[2] ἐν οἷς ἅπασιν ἔστιν ὁρᾶν, ὅσοι μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὀργὴν καὶ φιλονικίαν ἐμπεσόντες ἐπὶ πολὺ προύβησαν, ἅπαντας τοὺς τοιούτους οὐ μόνον σφᾶς ἀπολωλεκότας, ἀλλὰ καὶ βίον καὶ τέκνα καὶ πόλεις ἄρδην κατεστραφότας,

[3] ὅσοι δὲ μετρίως ἐζήλωσαν τὸ στέργειν αὑτοὺς καὶ φέρειν τὰς ἀλλήλων ἀγνοίας, τούτους ἅπαντας σωτῆρας γεγονότας ὧν ἀρτίως εἶπον καὶ μετὰ τῆς καλλίστης φήμης καὶ δόξης βεβιωκότας.

[4] καὶ μὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι βασιλεῖς πολλάκις ὑμᾶς ἐπέστησα, λέγων ὅτι τοσοῦτον χρόνον διετήρησαν σφῶν τῇ πατρίδι τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίαν ὅσον πειθαρχοῦντες ὥσπερ γονεῦσι τοῖς ἐφόροις ἠνείχοντο συμβασιλεύοντες ἀλλήλοις·

[5] ὅτε δὲ διαφωνήσαντες εἰς μοναρχίαν τὰ πράγματα μετέστησαν, τότε πάντων ἅμα τῶν κακῶν πεῖραν ἐποίησαν λαβεῖν τὴν Σπάρτην·

[6] τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ὡσανεὶ κατʼ ἔνδειξιν ὑμῖν λέγων καὶ τιθεὶς ἐναργῶς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν διετέλουν τούτους τοὺς περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον,

[7] ὅτι παραλαβόντες οὗτοι μικρὰν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν τυχοῦσαν ηὐξήκασι ταύτην, ὥστε μηδεμιᾶς εἶναι καταδεεστέραν, διʼ οὐθὲν ἕτερον ἢ διὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ὁμόνοιαν καὶ συμφωνίαν καὶ τὸ δύνασθαι καταξίωσιν ἀλλήλοις διαφυλάττειν· ὧν ὑμεῖς ἀκούοντες οὐχ οἷον εἰς νοῦν ἐλαμβάνετε,

[8] τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον ἠκονᾶτʼ, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τοὺς κατʼ ἀλλήλων θυμούς."

ιιι. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] Πολύβιος. ὁ δʼ ἐξαναστὰς προῆγε, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀρρωστίας, τὰ δʼ ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλικίας βαρυνόμενος· εἶχε γὰρ ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἔτος.

[2] Πολύβιος· διαβιασάμενος δὲ τὴν ἀσθένειαν τῇ συνηθείᾳ τῇ πρὸ τοῦ παρῆν ἐξ Ἄργους εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν αὐθημερόν. —

[3] ὅτι Φιλοποίμην ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς συλληφθεὶς ὑπὸ Μεσσηνίων ἀνῃρέθη φαρμάκῳ, ἀνὴρ γενόμενος οὐδενὸς τῶν πρὸ τοῦ κατʼ ἀρετὴν δεύτερος, τῆς τύχης μέντοι γʼ ἥττων, καίτοι δόξας ἐν παντὶ τῷ πρὸ τοῦ βίῳ συνεργὸν ἐσχηκέναι ταύτην·

[4] ἀλλά μοι δοκεῖ κατὰ τὴν κοινὴν παροιμίαν εὐτυχῆσαι μὲν ἄνθρωπον ὄντα δυνατόν, διευτυχῆσαί γε μὴν ἀδύνατον·

[5] διὸ καὶ μακαριστέον τῶν προγεγονότων οὐχ ὡς διευτυχηκότας τινάς· τίς γὰρ ἀνάγκη ψευδεῖ λόγῳ χρωμένοις ματαίως προσκυνεῖν τὴν τύχην;

[6] ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὡς πλεῖστον χρόνον ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἵλεων ἔχοντας ταύτην, κἄν ποτε μετανοῇ, μετρίαις περιπεσόντας συμφοραῖς. —

Μετ.

[7] Λυκόρταν, ὃς ἦν οὐδὲν ἥττων τούτου. —

[8] ὅτι Φιλοποίμην τετταράκοντʼ ἔτη συνεχῶς φιλοδοξήσας ἐν δημοκρατικῷ καὶ πολυειδεῖ πολιτεύματι, πάντῃ πάντως διέφυγε τὸν τῶν πολλῶν φθόνον,

[9] τὸ πλεῖον οὐ πρὸς χάριν, ἀλλὰ μετὰ παρρησίας πολιτευόμενος· ὃ σπανίως ἂν εὕροι τις γεγονός. —

[1] ὅτι θαυμαστόν ἐστι καὶ μέγιστον σημεῖον γεγονέναι τῇ φύσει τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἡγεμονικὸν καὶ πολύ τι διαφέροντα τῶν ἄλλων πρὸς τὸν πραγματικὸν τρόπον·

[2] ἑπτακαίδεκα γὰρ ἔτη μείνας ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις πλεῖστά τʼ ἔθνη καὶ βάρβαρα διεξελθὼν καὶ πλείστοις ἀνδράσιν ἀλλοφύλοις καὶ ἑτερογλώττοις χρησάμενος συνεργοῖς πρὸς ἀπηλπισμένας καὶ παραδόξους ἐπιβολάς, ὑπʼ οὐθενὸς οὔτʼ ἐπεβουλεύθη τὸ παράπαν οὔτʼ ἐγκατελείφθη τῶν ἅπαξ αὐτῷ κοινωνησάντων καὶ δόντων ἑαυτοὺς εἰς χεῖρας. —

[1] ὅτι Πόπλιος φιλοδοξήσας ἐν ἀριστοκρατικῷ πολιτεύματι τηλικαύτην περιεποιήσατο παρὰ μὲν τοῖς ὄχλοις εὔνοιαν παρὰ δὲ τῷ συνεδρίῳ πίστιν ὥστʼ,

[2] ἐν μὲν τῷ δήμῳ κρίνειν τινὸς ἐπιβαλομένου κατὰ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἔθη καὶ πολλὰ κατηγορήσαντος καὶ πικρῶς, ἄλλο μὲν οὐθὲν εἶπε προελθών,

[3] οὐκ ἔφη δὲ πρέπον εἶναι τῷ δήμῳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐθενὸς ἀκούειν κατηγοροῦντος Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου Σκιπίωνος, διʼ ὃν αὐτὴν τὴν τοῦ λέγειν ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσιν οἱ κατηγοροῦντες.

[4] ὧν ἀκούσαντες οἱ πολλοὶ παραχρῆμα διελύθησαν πάντες ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἀπολιπόντες τὸν κατηγοροῦντα μόνον. —

[5] ὅτι Πόπλιος ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ χρείας ποτὲ χρημάτων οὔσης εἴς τινα κατεπείγουσαν οἰκονομίαν, τοῦ δὲ ταμίου διά τινα νόμον οὐ φάσκοντος ἀνοίξειν τὸ ταμιεῖον κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, αὐτὸς ἔφη λαβὼν τὰς κλεῖς ἀνοίξειν·

[6] αὐτὸς γὰρ αἴτιος γεγονέναι καὶ τοῦ κλείεσθαι τὸ ταμιεῖον.

[7] πάλιν δέ ποτε λόγον ἀπαιτοῦντός τινος ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν χρημάτων ὧν ἔλαβε παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρὸ τῶν συνθηκῶν εἰς τὴν τοῦ στρατοπέδου μισθοδοσίαν, ἔχειν μὲν ἔφη τὸν λογισμόν, οὐ δεῖν δʼ αὐτὸν ὑποσχεῖν οὐδενὶ λόγον·

[8] τοῦ δʼ ἐπικειμένου καὶ κελεύοντος φέρειν ἠξίωσε τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐνεγκεῖν· κομισθέντος δὲ τοῦ βυβλίου, προτείνας αὐτὸ καὶ κατασπαράξας πάντων ὁρώντων τὸν μὲν ἀπαιτοῦντα τὸν λόγον ἐκ τούτων ζητεῖν ἐκέλευσε,

[9] τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἤρετο πῶς τῶν μὲν τρισχιλίων ταλάντων τὸν λόγον ἐπιζητοῦσι πῶς ἐδαπανήθη καὶ διὰ τίνων, τῶν δὲ μυρίων καθόλου καὶ πεντακισχιλίων ὧν παρʼ Ἀντιόχου λαμβάνουσιν, οὐκέτι ζητοῦσι πῶς εἰσπορεύεται καὶ διὰ τίνων,

[10] οὐδὲ πῶς τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ τῆς Λιβύης, ἔτι δὲ τῆς Ἰβηρίας κεκυριεύκασιν.

[11] ὥστε μὴ μόνον καταπλαγῆναι πάντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ζητήσαντα τὸν λόγον ἀποσιωπῆσαι.

[12] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν εἰρήσθω τῆς τε τῶν μετηλλαχότων ἀνδρῶν εὐκλείας ἕνεκεν καὶ τῆς τῶν ἐπιγινομένων παρορμήσεως πρὸς τὰ καλὰ τῶν ἔργων. —

[1] ὅτι οὐ καλὸν τὸ φθείρειν τοὺς καρποὺς τῶν ὑπεναντίων· φησὶ γὰρ ὁ Πολύβιος οὐδέποτε δʼ ἐγὼ συντίθεμαι τὴν γνώμην τοῖς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον διατιθεμένοις τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ὥστε μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐπετείους καρποὺς παραιρεῖσθαι τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ δένδρα καὶ τὰ κατασκευάσματα διαφθείρειν, μηδὲ μεταμελείας καταλείποντας τόπον.

[2] ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσι μεγαλείως ἀγνοεῖν οἱ ταῦτα πράττοντες·

[3] καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ὑπολαμβάνουσι καταπλήττεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους λυμαινόμενοι τὴν χώραν καὶ παραιρούμενοι πάσας, οὐ μόνον τὰς κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον ἀναγκαίων, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἀποθηριοῦντες τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀμετάθετον ποιοῦσι τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ὀργὴν τῶν ἅπαξ ἐξαμαρτόντων. —

[1] ὅτι ὁ Λυκόρτας ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους καταπληξάμενος τῷ πολέμῳ

[2] πάλαι μὲν οἱ Μεσσήνιοι καταπεπληγμένοι τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον τοὺς προεστῶτας, τότε μόλις ἐθάρρησάν τινες αὐτῶν φωνὴν ἀφιέναι, πιστεύσαντες τῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἐφεδρείᾳ, καὶ λέγειν ὅτι δεῖ πρεσβεύειν ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως.

[3] οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Δεινοκράτην οὐκέτι δυνάμενοι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἀντοφθαλμεῖν διὰ τὸ περιέχεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν εἴξαντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὰς ἰδίας οἰκήσεις.

[4] οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ παρακληθέντες ὑπό τε τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἐκ Βοιωτίας πρεσβευτῶν,

[5] οἳ πρότερον ἤδη παραγεγονότες ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις, Ἐπαίνετος καὶ Ἀπολλόδωρος, εὐκαίρως τότε παρέτυχον ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ, ταχέως ἐπακολουθήσαντες ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις οἱ Μεσσήνιοι κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς καὶ τούτους ἐξέπεμψαν, δεόμενοι τυχεῖν συγγνώμης ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις.

[6] ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν παραλαβὼν τοὺς συνάρχοντας καὶ διακούσας τῶν παραγεγονότων μίαν ἔφη Μεσσηνίοις πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος εἶναι διάλυσιν,

[7] ἐὰν μὲν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως καὶ τῆς Φιλοποίμενος ἀναιρέσεως ἤδη παραδῶσιν αὐτῷ, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ἐπιτροπὴν δῶσιν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, εἰς δὲ τὴν ἄκραν εἰσδέξωνται παραχρῆμα φυλακήν.

[8] ἀναγγελθέντων δὲ τούτων εἰς τοὺς ὄχλους, οἱ μὲν πάλαι πικρῶς διακείμενοι πρὸς τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ πολέμου πρόθυμοι τούτους ἦσαν ἐκδιδόναι καὶ συλλαμβάνειν, οἱ δὲ πεπεισμένοι μηδὲν πείσεσθαι δεινὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἑτοίμως συγκατέβαινον εἰς τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιτροπήν.

[9] τὸ δὲ συνέχον, οὐκ ἔχοντες αἵρεσιν περὶ τῶν παρόντων ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐδέξαντο τὰ προτεινόμενα.

[10] τὴν μὲν οὖν ἄκραν εὐθέως παραλαβὼν ὁ στρατηγὸς τοὺς πελταστὰς εἰς αὐτὴν παρήγαγεν,

[11] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προσλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου παρῆλθεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς ὄχλους παρεκάλεσε τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς ἐνεστῶσι καιροῖς, ἐπαγγελλόμενος ἀμεταμέλητον αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθαι τὴν πίστιν.

[12] τῆς μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων διαλήψεως τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἐποιήσατο — καὶ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες συνέβαινε τότε πάλιν συνάγεσθαι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν ἐπὶ τὴν δευτέραν σύνοδον —

[13] τῶν δʼ ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις ὅσοι μὲν μετέσχον τοῦ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἐπανελέσθαι τὸν Φιλοποίμενα, τούτοις ἐπέταξε παραχρῆμα πάντας αὐτοὺς ἐξάγειν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν —

[1] ὅτι οἱ Μεσσήνιοι διὰ τὴν αὑτῶν ἄγνοιαν εἰς τὴν ἐσχάτην παραγενόμενοι διάθεσιν ἀποκατέστησαν εἰς τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατάστασιν τῆς συμπολιτείας διὰ τὴν Λυκόρτα καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν μεγαλοψυχίαν.

[2] ἡ δʼ Ἀβία καὶ Θουρία καὶ Φαραὶ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Μεσσήνης ἐχωρίσθησαν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ θέμεναι στήλην ἑκάστη μετεῖχεν τῆς κοινῆς συμπολιτείας.

[3] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ πυθόμενοι κατὰ λόγον κεχωρηκέναι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην, οὐδένα λόγον ποιησάμενοι τῆς πρότερον ἀποφάσεως ἄλλην ἔδωκαν τοῖς αὐτοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἀπόκρισιν, διασαφοῦντες ὅτι πρόνοιαν πεποίηνται τοῦ μηθένα τῶν ἐξ Ἰταλίας μήθʼ ὅπλα μήτε σῖτον εἰσάγειν εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην.

[4] ἐξ οὗ καταφανεῖς ἅπασιν ἐγενήθησαν ὅτι τοσοῦτον ἀπέχουσιν τοῦ τὰ μὴ λίαν ἀναγκαῖα τῶν ἐκτὸς πραγμάτων ἀποτρίβεσθαι καὶ παρορᾶν, ὡς τοὐναντίον καὶ δυσχεραίνουσιν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ πάντων τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοὺς γίνεσθαι καὶ πάντα πράττεσθαι μετὰ τῆς αὑτῶν γνώμης.

[5] εἰς δὲ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα παραγενομένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης καὶ κομιζόντων τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, εὐθέως ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν μετὰ τὸ συντελέσαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην συνῆγε τοὺς πολλοὺς εἰς τὴν τῶν Σικυωνίων πόλιν.

[6] ἁθροισθέντων δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀνεδίδου διαβούλιον ὑπὲρ τοῦ προσλαβέσθαι τὴν Σπάρτην εἰς τὴν συμπολιτείαν,

[7] φάσκων Ῥωμαίους μὲν ἀποτρίβεσθαι τὴν πρότερον αὐτοῖς δοθεῖσαν ἐπιτροπὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ταύτης· ἀποκεκρίσθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς νῦν μηθὲν εἶναι τῶν κατὰ Λακεδαίμονα πραγμάτων πρὸς αὑτούς·

[8] τοὺς δὲ κυριεύοντας τῆς Σπάρτης κατὰ τὸ παρὸν βούλεσθαι σφίσιν μετέχειν τῆς συμπολιτείας.

[9] διὸ παρεκάλει προσδέχεσθαι τὴν πόλιν· εἶναι γὰρ τοῦτο κατὰ δύο τρόπους συμφέρον, καθʼ ἕνα μέν, ὅτι τούτους μέλλουσι προσλήψεσθαι τοὺς διατετηρηκότας τὴν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος πίστιν,

[10] καθʼ ἕτερον δέ, διότι τῶν ἀρχαίων φυγάδων τοὺς ἀχαρίστως καὶ ἀσεβῶς ἀνεστραμμένους εἰς αὐτοὺς οὐχ ἕξουσι κοινωνοὺς τῆς πολιτείας, ἀλλʼ ἑτέρων αὐτοὺς ἐκκεκλεικότων τῆς πόλεως, βεβαιώσαντες τὰς ἐκείνων προαιρέσεις ἅμα τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν αὐτοῖς χάριν ἀποδώσουσι μετὰ τῆς τῶν θεῶν προνοίας.

[11] ὁ μὲν οὖν Λυκόρτας ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα λέγων παρεκάλει τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς προσδέξασθαι τὴν πόλιν·

[12] ὁ δὲ Διοφάνης καί τινες ἕτεροι βοηθεῖν ἐπειρῶντο τοῖς φυγάσι καὶ παρεκάλουν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς μὴ συνεπιθέσθαι τοῖς ἐκπεπτωκόσιν μηδὲ διʼ ὀλίγους ἀνθρώπους συνεπισχῦσαι τοῖς ἀσεβῶς καὶ παρανόμως αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος

[1] ἐκβεβληκόσιν. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἦν τὰ ῥηθέντα παρʼ ἑκατέρων. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ διακούσαντες ἀμφοτέρων ἔκριναν προσλαβέσθαι τὴν πόλιν, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα στήλης προγραφείσης συνεπολιτεύετο μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡ Σπάρτη,

[2] προσδεξαμένων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τούτους τῶν ἀρχαίων φυγάδων, ὅσοι μηδὲν ἐδόκουν ἄγνωμον πεποιηκέναι κατὰ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους.

[3] οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ ταῦτα κυρώσαντες πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέστειλαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς περὶ Βίππον τὸν Ἀργεῖον, διασαφήσοντας τῇ συγκλήτῳ περὶ πάντων.

[4] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς περὶ Χαίρωνα κατέστησαν.

[5] ἐξαπέστειλαν δʼ οἱ φυγάδες τοὺς περὶ Κλῆτιν καὶ Διακτόριον τοὺς συγκαταστησομένους ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ πρὸς τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρεσβευτάς.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. 149th Olympiad, B.C. 184-180.

2. Coss. P. Claudius Pulcher, L. Porcius Licinus, B.C. 184.

3. B.C. 183, Coss. M. Claudius Marcellus Q. Fabius Labeo.

4. Demetrius in the Senate. Livy, 39, 47 .

5. The ambassadors of Eumenes complain that Philip has not evacuated Thrace.

6. The high honour paid to Demetrius at Rome, and its fatal result.

7. The four Spartan embassies. 1. Lysis, for the men banished by Nabis. 2. Areus and Alcibiades.

8. 3. Serippus.

9. 4. Chaeron, for the recent exiles,

10. There is some loss in the text as to these names. The last is mentioned on a Greek embassy in . See also the index. Livy, 39, 41 , says nothing of this committee of three.

11. Decision of the IIIviri.

12. Deinocrates of Messene.

13. The ten federal magistrates of the league, who formed a council to act with the general. Their number probably arose from the number of the Achaean cantons or towns, after two of the twelve—Helice and Olenus—were destroyed. Polybius nowhere else gives them this title in any part of the history we possess, but its use by Livy, 32, 22 , seems to point to his having used it—in other places. It also occurs in a letter of Philip II. (perhaps genuine) quoted in Demosth. de Cor. 157 . Polybius calls them also οἱ ἄρχοντες, ἀρχαί, προεστῶτες συνάρχοντες, συναρχίαι. See Freeman’s Federal Gov. p. 282.

14. See .

15. The popularity of Demetrius in Macedonia. His father’s anger and his brother’s jealousy.

16. The end of this fraternal jealousy is described in Livy, 40, 5-24 . By a forged letter purporting to come from Flamininus, Philip is persuaded that his son played the traitor at Rome and gives an order or a permission for his being put to death; which is accordingly done, partly by poison and partly by violence, at Heracleia, B. C. 181.

17. Philip feigns submission to Rome, B. C. 183.

18. The plain of the Hebrus.

19. After midsummer of B. C. 183.

20. That is, apparently, by some fresh disturbance towards the end of B. C. 183. See Strachan-Davidson, p. 495.

21. February, B. C. 182.

22. The Messenians revolted from the league B.C. 183, and in the course of the fighting which ensued Philopoemen fell into an ambush, was taken prisoner, and put to death by them. See .

23. The conflict of feelings in Philip’s mind.

24. See .

25. Stasinus fr.

26. Fragment referring to the military sham fight in which Perseus and Demetrius quarrelled, B. C. 182. See Livy, 40, 6 .

27. Part of a speech of Philip to his two sons after the quarrel at the manœuvres. See Livy, 40, 8 .

28. He was ill with fever. Plutarch, Phil. 18 .

29. The death of Philopoemen, B.C. 183, or perhaps early in B.C. 182.

30. Philopoemen was murdered by the Messenians, who had abandoned the league and were at war with it. See Livy, 39, 49 -50.

31. Character of Philopoemen. He is succeeded by Lycortas as Strategus.

32. Livy (39, 50) speaks of Lycortas at the time of Philopoemen’s death as

alter imperator Achaeorum.

If he had been the ὑποστρατηγός we know that he would not by law have succeeded on the death of the Strategus. Plutarch, Phil. 21 , seems to assert that an election was held at once, but not the ordinary popular election.

33. Character of Hannibal, who poisoned himself at the court of Prusias, B.C. 183. See Livy, 39, 1 .

34. Character of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, whose death Polybius places in this year, but according to Livy wrongly, who assigns it to the previous year (39, 52) .

35. Lycortas, the successor of Philopoemen, compels the Messenians to sue for peace, B. C. 183- 182.

36. That is the ten Demiurgi.

37. Summer B. C. 182.

38. The second congress of the year seems to mean not that held for election of the Strategus for the next year, which met about 12th May, but the second regular meeting in August.

39. Abia, Thuria, and Pharae make a separate league.

40. Achaean meeting at Sicyon.

41. Sparta admitted to the league.

42. This looks like a local name, but no place is known corresponding to it. A Diactorides of Sparta is mentioned in Herodotus, 6, 127 ; and perhaps, as Hultsch suggests, we ought to read Cletis and Diactorius.

Polybius Histories 23

Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator)