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Embassy from Sparta

AT this time also it happened that the embassy, which the ¹ Lacedaemonians had sent to Rome, returned disappointed. The subject of their mission was the hostages and the villages. As to the villages the Senate answered that they would give instructions to envoys sent by themselves; and as to the hostages they desired to consider further. But as to the exiles of past times, they said that they wondered why they were not recalled, now that Sparta had been freed from her tyrants. . . .

Embassy from Philip

At the same period the Senate dealt with the ambassadors from Philip. They had come to set forth the loyalty and zeal of the king, which he had shown to the Romans in the war against Antiochus. On hearing what the envoys had to say, the Senate released the king’s son Demetrius from his position as hostage at once, and promised that they would also remit part of the yearly indemnity, if he kept faith with Rome in future. The Senate likewise released the Lacedaemonian hostages, except Armenas, son of Nabis; who subsequently fell ill and died. . . .

The Scipios In Greece

Directly the news of the victory at sea reached Rome, ² the Senate first decreed a public supplicatio for nine days,—which means a public and universal holiday, accompanied by the sacrifice of thank offerings to the gods for the happy success,—and next gave audience to the envoys from Aetolia and Manius Acilius. ³ When both parties had pleaded their cause at some length, the Senate decreed to offer the Aetolians the alternative of committing their when cause unconditionally to the arbitration of the Senate, or of paying a thousand talents down and making an offensive and defensive alliance with Rome. ⁴ But on the Aetolians desiring the Senate to state definitely on what points they were to submit to such arbitration, the Senate refused to define them. Accordingly the war with the Aetolians went on. . . .

The Athenians Intercede for the Aetolians

While Amphissa was still being besieged by Manius ⁵ Acilius, the Athenians, hearing at that time both of the distress of the Amphissians and of the arrival of Publius Scipio, despatched Echedemus and others on an embassy to him, with instructions to pay their respects to both Lucius and Publius Scipio, and at the same time to try what could be done to get peace for the Aetolians. ⁶ On their arrival, Publius welcomed them gladly and treated them with great courtesy; because he saw that they would be of assistance to him in carrying out his plans. For he was very desirous of effecting a settlement in Aetolia on good terms; but had resolved that, if the Aetolians refused to comply, he would at all hazards relinquish that business for the present, and cross to Asia: for he was well aware that the ultimate object of the war and of the entire expedition was not to reduce the Aetolian nation to obedience, but to conquer Antiochus and take possession of Asia. Therefore, directly the Athenians mentioned the pacification, he accepted their suggestion with eagerness, and bade them sound the Aetolians also. Accordingly, Echedemus and his colleagues, having sent a preliminary deputation to Hypata, presently followed in person, and entered into a discussion with the Aetolian magistrates on the subject of a pacification. ⁷ They, too, readily acquiesced in the suggestion, and certain envoys were appointed to meet the Romans. They found Publius and the army encamped sixty stades from Amphissa, and there discoursed at great length on their previous services to Rome. Publius Scipio adopted in reply a still milder and more conciliatory style, quoting his own conduct in Iberia and Libya, and explaining how he had treated all who in those countries had confided to his honour: and finally expressing an opinion that they had better put themselves in his hands. At first, all who were present felt very sanguine that the pacification was about to be accomplished. But when, in answer to the Aetolian demand to know on what terms they were to make the peace, Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives—to submit their entire case unconditionally to the arbitrament of Rome, or to pay a thousand talents down and to make an offensive and defensive alliance with her—the Aetolians present were thrown into the state of the most painful perplexity at the inconsistency of this announcement with the previous talk: but finally they said that they would consult the Aetolians on the terms imposed.

Truce With the Aetolians

On the return of the Aetolian envoys for the purpose of consulting their countrymen, Echedemus and his colleagues joined the council of the apocleti in their deliberations on this subject. One of the alternatives was impossible owing to the amount of money demanded, and the other was rendered alarming in their eyes by the deception they had experienced before, when, after submitting to the surrender, they had narrowly escaped being thrown into chains. ⁸ Being then much perplexed and quite unable to decide, they sent the same envoys back to beg the Scipios that they would either abate part of the money, so as to be within their power to pay, or except from the surrender the persons of citizens, men and women. But upon their arrival in the Roman camp and delivering their message, Lucius Scipio merely replied that The only terms on which he was commissioned by the Senate to treat were those which he had recently stated. They therefore returned once more, and were followed by Echedemus and his colleagues to Hypata, who advised the Aetolians that Since there was at present a hitch in the negotiations for peace, they should ask for a truce; and, having thus at least delayed the evils threatening them, should send an embassy to the Senate. If they obtained their request, all would be well; but, if they did not, they must trust to the chapter of accidents: for their position could not be worse than it was now, but for many reasons might not impossibly be better. The advice of Echedemus was thought sound, and the Aetolians accordingly voted to send envoys to obtain a truce; who, upon reaching Lucius Scipio, begged that for the present a truce of six months might be granted them, that they might send an embassy to the Senate. ⁹ Publius Scipio, who had for some time past been anxious to begin the campaign in Asia, quickly persuaded his brother to grant their request. The agreement therefore was reduced to writing, and thereupon Manius Acilius handed over his army to Lucius Scipio, and returned with his military tribunes to Rome. . . .

Asia: Factions at Phocaea

Factions became rife at Phocaea,¹⁰ partly because they ¹¹ suffered from the Romans left with the ships being quartered on them, and partly because they were annoyed at the tribute imposed on them. . . .

Then the Phocaean magistrates, alarmed at the state of popular excitement caused by the dearth of corn, and the agitation kept up by the partisans of Antiochus, sent envoys to Seleucus,¹² who was on their frontiers, ordering him not to approach the town, as they were resolved to remain neutral and await the final decision of the quarrel, and then obey orders. Of these ambassadors the partisans of Seleucus and his faction were Aristarchus, Cassander, and Rhodon; those, on the contrary, who inclined to Rome were Hegias and Gelias. On their arrival Seleucus at once showed every attention to Aristarchus and his partisans, but treated Hegias and Gelias with complete neglect. But when he was informed of the state of popular feeling, and the shortness of provisions in Phocaea, he threw aside all negotiation or discussion with the envoys, and marched towards the town. . . .

Two Galli, with sacred images and figures¹³ on their breasts, advanced from the town, and besought them not to adopt any extreme measures against the city.¹⁴ . . .

The Rhodian Firing Apparatus

The fire-carrier used by Pausistratus, the navarch of the Rhodians, was a scoop or basket. On either side of the prow two staples were fixed into the inner part of the two sides of the ship, into which poles were fitted with their extremities extending out to sea. To the end of these the scoop filled with fire was attached by an iron chain, in such a way that in charging the enemy’s ship, whether on the prow or the broadside, fire was thrown upon it, while it was kept a long way off from his own ship by the slope of the poles. . . .

The Rhodian admiral Pamphilidas was thought to be¹⁵ better capable than Pausistratus of adapting himself to all possible contingencies, because his character was more remarkable for its depth and solidity than for its boldness. For most men judge not from any fixed principle but by results. Thus, though they had recently elected Pausistratus to the command, on the ground of his possessing these very qualities of energy and boldness, their opinions at once underwent a complete revolution when he met with his disaster. . . .

The Aetolian Truce Announced

At this time a letter arrived at Samos for Lucius ¹⁶ Aemilius and Eumenes from the consul Lucius Scipio, announcing the agreement made with the Aetolians for the truce, and the approaching advance of the land forces to the Hellespont. Another to the same effect was sent to Antiochus and Seleucus from the Aetolians. . . .

Antiochus At Pergamum

An embassy from King Eumenes having arrived in ¹⁷ Achaia proposing an alliance, the Achaeans met in public assembly and ratified it, and sent out some soldiers, a thousand foot and a hundred horse, under the command of Diophanes of Megalopolis. . . .

Diophanes was a man of great experience in war; for during the protracted hostilities with Nabis in the neighbourhood of Megalopolis, he had served throughout under Philopoemen, and accordingly had gained a real familiarity with the operations of actual warfare. And besides this advantage, his appearance and physical prowess were impressive; and, most important of all, he was a man of personal courage and exceedingly expert in the use of arms. . . .

Antiochus Proposes Peace

King Antiochus had already penetrated into the territory of Pergamum; but when he heard that ¹⁸ king Eumenes was close at hand, and saw that the land forces as well as the fleet were ready to attack him, he began to consider the propriety of proposing a pacification with the Romans, Eumenes, and the Rhodians at once. He therefore removed with his whole army to Elaea, and having seized a hill facing that town, he encamped his infantry upon it, while he entrenched his cavalry, amounting to over six thousand, close under the walls of the town. He took up his own position between these two, and proceeded to send messengers to Lucius Aemilius in the town, proposing a peace. The Roman imperator thereupon called Eumenes and the Rhodians to a meeting, and desired them to give their opinions on the proposal. Eudemus and Pamphilidas were not averse to making terms; but the king said that To make peace at the present moment was neither honourable nor possible. ¹⁹ How could it be an honourable conclusion of the war that they should make terms while confined within the walls of a town? And how was it possible to give validity to those terms without waiting for the Consul and obtaining his consent? Besides, even if they did give any indication of coming to an agreement with Antiochus, neither the naval nor military forces could of course return home until the Senate and people had ratified the terms of it. All that would be left for them to do would be to spend the winter where they were, waiting idly for the decision from home, doing nothing, and exhausting the wealth and resources of their allies. And then, if the Senate withheld its approval of the terms, they would have to begin the war all over again, having let the opportunity pass, which, with God’s help, would have enabled them to put a period to the whole war. Such was the speech of king Eumenes. Lucius Aemilius accepted the advice, and answered the envoys of Antiochus that the peace could not possibly be made until the Proconsul arrived. On hearing this Antiochus immediately began devastating the territory of Elaea; and subsequently, while Seleucus remained in occupation of that district, Antiochus continued his march through the country as far as the plain of Thebe, and having there entered upon an exceedingly fertile and wealthy district, he gorged his army with spoil of every description. . . .

Prusias Refuses To Help Antiochus

On his arrival at Sardis after this expedition, Antiochus ²⁰ at once sent to Prusias to urge him to an alliance. Now in former times Prusias had by no means been disinclined to join Antiochus, because he was much alarmed lest the Romans should cross over to Asia for the purpose of putting down all crowned heads. But the perusal of a letter received from Lucius and Publius Scipio had served to a great extent to relieve his anxiety, and give him a tolerably correct forecast of the result of the war. ²¹ For the Scipios had put the case with great clearness in their letter, and had supported their assertions by numerous proofs. They entered not only upon a defence of the policy adopted by themselves, but of that also of the Roman people generally; by which they showed that, so far from depriving any of the existing kings of their sovereignties, they had themselves been the authors in some cases of their establishment, in others of the extension of their powers and the large increase of their dominions. To prove this they quoted the instances of Andobales and Colichas in Iberia, of Massanissa in Libya, and of Pleuratus in Illyria, all of whom they said they had raised from petty and insignificant princes to the position of undisputed royalty. They further mentioned the cases of Philip and Nabis in Greece. As to Philip, they had conquered him in war and reduced him to the necessity of giving hostages and paying tribute: yet, after receiving a slight proof of his good disposition, they had restored his son and the young men who were hostages with him, had remitted the tribute, and given him back several of the towns that had been taken in the course of war. While as for Nabis, though they might have utterly destroyed him, they had not done so, but had spared him, tyrant as he was, on receiving the usual security for his good faith. With these facts before his eyes they urged Prusias in their letter not to be in any fear for his kingdom, but to adopt the Roman alliance without misgiving, for he would never have reason to regret his choice. This letter worked an entire change in the feelings of Prusias; and when, besides, Caius Livius and the other legates arrived at his court, after conversation with them, he entirely relinquished all ideas of looking for support from Antiochus. Foiled, therefore, of hope in this quarter, Antiochus retired to Ephesus: and being convinced on reflection that the only way of preventing the transport of the enemy’s army, and in fact of repelling an invasion of Asia at all, was to keep a firm mastery of the sea, he determined to fight a naval battle and leave the issue of the struggle to be decided by his success in that. . . .

Pirates

When the pirates ²² saw that the Roman fleet was coming they turned and fled. . . .

²³

Antiochus Sends an Envoy To Discuss Peace

After sustaining this defeat at sea, Antiochus remained ²⁴ in Sardis, neglecting to avail himself of such opportunities as he had left, and taking no steps whatever to prosecute the war; and when he learnt that the enemy had crossed into Asia he lost all heart, and determined in despair to send an envoy to Lucius and Publius Scipio to treat of peace. He selected Heracleides of Byzantium for this purpose, and despatched him with instructions to offer to surrender the territories of Lampsacus and Smyrna as well as Alexandria (Troas), which were the original cause of the war, and any other cities in Aeolis and Ionia of which they might wish to deprive him, as having embraced their side in the war; and in addition to this to promise an indemnity of half the expenses they had incurred in their quarrel with him. Such were the offers which the envoy was instructed to make in his public audience; but, besides these, there were others to be committed to Publius Scipio’s private ear, of which I will speak in detail later on. On his arrival at the Hellespont the envoy found the Romans still occupying the camp which they had constructed immediately after crossing. At first he was much cheered by this fact, for he thought it would materially aid his negotiation that the enemy were exactly where they were at first, and had not as yet taken any further action. But when he learnt that Publius Scipio was still on the other side of the water he was much disturbed, because the turn which his negotiations were to take depended principally on Scipio’s view of the matter. ²⁵ The reason of the army being still in their first camp, and of Publius Scipio’s absence from the army, was that he was one of the Salii. These are, as I have before stated, one of the three colleges of priests by whom the most important sacrifices to the gods are offered at Rome. And it is the law that, at the time of these sacrifices, they must not quit the spot for thirty days in which it happens to find them.²⁶ This was the case at the present time with Publius Scipio; for just as the army was on the point of crossing this season arrived, and prevented him from changing his place of abode. Thus it came about that he was separated from the legions and remained in Europe, while, though the army crossed, it remained encamped, and could take no further step, because they were waiting for him.

Antiochus Tries To Negotiate

However, Publius arrived a few days afterwards, and ²⁷ Heracleides being summoned to attend the Council, delivered the message with which he was charged, announcing that Antiochus abandoned Lampsacus, Smyrna, and Alexandria; and also all such towns in Aeolis and Ionia as had sided with Rome; and that he offered, further, an indemnity of half their expenses in the present war. He added many arguments besides, urging the Romans Not to tempt fortune too far, as they were but men; nor to extend their empire indefinitely, but rather to keep it within limits, if possible those of Europe,—for even then they would have an enormous and unprecedented dominion, such as no nation before them had attained;—but if they were determined at all hazards to grasp parts of Asia also, let them say definitely what parts those were, for the king would go to the utmost stretch of his power to meet their wishes. After the delivery of this speech the council decided that the Consul should answer that It was only fair that Antiochus should pay, not the half, but the whole expense of the war, seeing that he, and not they, had originally begun it; and as to the cities, he must not only liberate those in Aeolis and Ionia, but must surrender his whole dominion on this side of Mount Taurus. On receiving this answer from the council, conveying demands which went far beyond his instructions, the envoy, without answering a word, abstained from a public audience thenceforth, but exerted himself to conciliate Publius Scipio.²⁸

Scipio Scorns Antiochus’s Secret Proposal

Having at length got a suitable opportunity, he disclosed ²⁹ to him the offers with which he was charged. These were that the king would first restore his son without ransom, who had been taken prisoner in the early part of the war; and was prepared, secondly, to pay him any sum of money he might name, and thenceforth share with him the wealth of his kingdom, if he would only support the acceptance of the terms offered by the king. Publius replied that the promise as to his son he accepted, and would feel under an obligation to the king if he fulfilled it; but as to the rest he assured him that the king, among his other delusions, was under a complete mistake as to the course demanded by his own interests.³⁰ For if he had made these offers while still master of Lysimacheia and the entrance into the Chersonese, he would at once have got what he asked: and so too, even after evacuating these places, if he had appeared with his army at the Hellespont and shown that he meant to prevent our crossing, and then had sent his envoys, he might even thus have obtained his demands. But when he comes with his proposals of equitable terms, after allowing our troops to set foot in Asia, and having so not only submitted to the bridle, but allowed the rider to mount, he must expect to fail and be disappointed of his hopes. Therefore, I advise him to adopt wiser measures, and look at the facts in their true light. In return for his promise in regard to my son, I will give him a hint which is well worth the favour he offers me: make any concession, do anything, rather than fight with the Romans. With this answer Heracleides returned and told the king everything. And Antiochus, considering that no severer terms could be imposed on him if he were beaten in the field, abandoned all idea of negotiation, and began making preparations of all sorts and in every direction for the battle. . . .

³¹

Zeuxis and Antipater Sent to Negotiate Peace

After the victory the Romans took Sardis and its Acropolis, and there they were visited by Musaeus bringing a message from Antiochus. Being politely received by the Scipios, he announced that Antiochus wished to send envoys to treat on the terms of peace, and therefore desired that a safe conduct should be given them. This was granted and the herald returned; and some days after, Zeuxis, formerly Satrap of Lydia, and Antipater, his nephew, came as ambassadors from king Antiochus. Their first anxiety was to meet king Eumenes, because they feared that his old quarrel would cause him to be only too ready to do them a bad turn. But when they found him, contrary to their expectation, disposed to moderate and gentle methods, they at once addressed themselves to meeting the council. Being summoned to attend it they made a lengthy speech, among other things exhorting the Romans to use their victory with mildness and generosity; and alleging that such a course was still more to the interest of the Romans than of Antiochus, since Fortune had committed to them the empire and lordship of the world. Finally, they asked What they were to do to obtain peace and the friendship of Rome? The members of the council had already in a previous sitting discussed and agreed upon this point, and now bade Publius Scipio deliver their decision.

The Roman Terms To Antiochus

Scipio began by saying that victory never made the ³² Romans more severe than before, and accordingly the envoys would receive the same answer as they had previously received when they came to the Hellespont before the battle. They must evacuate Europe and all Asia this side Taurus: must pay the Romans fifteen thousand Euboic talents as an indemnity for the expenses of the war, five hundred at once, two thousand five hundred on the ratification of the treaty by the people, and the rest in twelve yearly instalments of a thousand talents. Further, Antiochus must pay Eumenes the four hundred talents owing to him, and the balance of the corn due in accordance with the treaty made with his father Attalus. He must at the same time deliver Hannibal the Carthaginian, Thoas the Aetolian, Mnasilochus the Acarnanian, and Philo and Eubulides the Chalcidians. As security for the fulfilment of these terms, Antiochus must at once give twenty hostages named in the treaty. Such was the decision announced by Publius Scipio in the name of the whole Council. Antipater and Zeuxis having expressed their consent to them, it was agreed by all to send envoys to Rome to appeal to the Senate and people to confirm the treaty. ³³ The ambassadors of Antiochus departed with this understanding: and during the following days the Roman commanders divided their forces into their winter quarters; and when some few days later the hostages arrived, both Eumenes and the envoys of Antiochus started on their voyage to Rome. Nor were they alone in their mission; for Rhodes also, and Smyrna, and nearly all the nations and states on this side Taurus sent ambassadors to Rome. . . .

Eumenes Persuaded to Speak

³⁴

At the beginning of the summer ³⁵ following the victory of the Romans over Antiochus, the ambassadors of that king, and those from Rhodes, as well as from the other states arrived in Rome. For, as I said, nearly all the states in Asia began sending envoys to Rome immediately after the battle, because the hopes of all as to their future position rested at that time on the Senate. ³⁶ All who arrived were graciously received by the Senate; but the most imposing reception was that accorded to king Eumenes, both in the complimentary processions sent out to meet him and the arrangements made for his entertainment; and next in cordiality to his reception was that given to the Rhodians. ³⁷ When the time for the audiences came, they first called in the king and bade him say freely what he wished to obtain at the hands of the Senate. But Eumenes at first evaded the task by saying: If I had been desirous of obtaining any favour from others, I should have looked to the Romans for advice, that I might neither desire anything that was wrong nor ask anything unfair; but seeing that I am here to prefer my request to the Romans themselves, I think it better to leave the interests of myself and my brothers unreservedly in their hands. And though one of the Senators rose and begged him to have no apprehension, but to speak his mind, he still adhered to this view. And so after a certain time had elapsed the king withdrew; and the Senate, remaining in the curia, debated what was to be done. Eventually it was decreed to call upon Eumenes to declare with his own mouth the objects of his visit without reserve, on the ground that he knew best what his own kingdom required, and what was the state of things in Asia. He was then called in; and, one of the Senators having informed him of the vote, he was compelled to speak on the business.

King Eumenes In the Senate

He said therefore that He would not say another ³⁸ word on his own concerns, but would adhere strictly to his resolution of leaving the decision as to them entirely in the hands of the Romans. But there was one subject on which he felt anxiety, namely, the policy of Rhodes; and it was this that induced him to address the Senate on the present occasion. These Rhodians had come to Rome to further the interests of their own country, and their own prosperity, quite as much as he had come to promote those of his own kingdom at that moment; but their professions were entirely at variance with their real purpose. And it was easy to satisfy one’s self of this: for, when they enter the Senate house, they will say that they come neither to ask anything for themselves nor to thwart Eumenes in any way whatever; but are ambassadors for the liberty of the Greek inhabitants of Asia. to secure this, they will say, is not so much a favour to themselves as an act incumbent on the Romans, and in consonance with their former achievements. Such will be their specious professions; but the real truth of the case will be wholly different. For if these cities are once set free, the result will be that their dominion will be many times increased, while his own would be in a manner entirely broken up. For the attractive name of liberty and autonomy would draw from his rule not only the cities to be freed at present, but those also which had been under his rule from of old, directly it is made apparent that the Senate has adopted that policy, and would add them to the dominion of Rhodes. That was the natural course for things to take. Imagining that they owed their freedom to Rhodes, those cities would become in name its allies, but in reality entirely subservient, owing to the heavy obligation under which they will find themselves. He begged the Senators, therefore, to be on their guard on that point: lest they should find that they had unwittingly aggrandised one friendly nation too much, and disproportionately weakened another; or even that they were benefiting men who had once been their foes, to the neglect and contempt of their genuine friends.

Eumenes Has Always Been a Friend to Rome

For myself, he continued, though in every other point I would yield, if it were necessary, to my neighbours, yet in the matter of your friendship and of my goodwill towards you I will never, if I can help it, yield to any one alive. And I think that my father, if he had been living, would have said the same: for as he was the first to become your friend and ally, so of all the inhabitants of Asia and Greece he was the most nobly loyal to you to the last day of his life, not only in heart but in deed. For he took his part in all your wars in Greece, and furnished the largest contingents of men and ships of all your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies; and faced the most serious dangers: and to sum up all, ended his life actually engaged in the war with Philip, while employed in urging the Boeotians to join your alliance. I, too, when I succeeded to his kingdom, while fully maintaining my father’s views, for it was impossible to do more, have yet gone even beyond him in actual achievements: for the state of the times brought me to a more fiery test than they did him. Antiochus offered me his daughter and a share in his whole kingdom: offered me immediate restoration of all the cities that had been before wrested from me: and finally promised me any price I chose if I would join him in his war with you. But so far from accepting any one of these offers, I joined you in your struggle against Antiochus with the largest military and naval contingents of any of your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies at the time of your utmost need; and exposed myself unreservedly to every danger along with your generals. Finally, I submitted to being invested in Pergamos itself, and risked my life as well as my crown in my loyalty to your people.

Conclusion of Eumenes’ Speech

Therefore, men of Rome, as many of you have been eye-witnesses of the truth of my words, and all of you know it, it is but just that you should have a corresponding regard for my interests. You have made Massanissa king of the greater part of Libya, though he had once been your enemy and at last deserted to your side accompanied only by a few horsemen, only because he kept faith with you in one war: you have raised Pleuratus to the first position among the princes of Illyria, though he had done absolutely nothing for you beyond keeping loyal; it would be the height of inconsistency if you should neglect me and my family, who from generation to generation have co-operated in your most important and glorious undertakings. What is it, then, that I am asking you to do, and what do I claim at your hands? I will tell you openly, since you have called upon me to speak my mind to you. If you decide, then, to continue holding certain parts of Asia which are on this side Taurus, and were formerly subject to Antiochus, that is what I should wish to see best of all: for I consider that the security of my realm would best be secured by having you for neighbours, and especially by my sharing in your prestige. But if you decide not to do this, but to evacuate Asia entirely, there is no one to whom you may with greater justice surrender the prizes you have won in the field than to me. But it may be said, it is a more honourable thing still to set the enslaved free. Yes! if they had not ventured to join Antiochus in the war against you. But since they had the hardihood to do so, it is a much more honourable course to make a proper return to your sincere friends, than to benefit those who have shown themselves your enemies.

The Rhodians Address the Senate

After the delivery of this effective speech Eumenes ³⁹ retired. The Senate received both the king himself and the speech with every mark of favour, and were enthusiastic for doing everything in their power to gratify him. They wished to call in the Rhodians next after him; but one of the Rhodian ambassadors not being there in time, they called in those from Smyrna, who delivered a long disquisition on the goodwill and zeal which they had displayed towards Rome during the late war. But as there are no two opinions about the fact of their having been, of all the autonomous states in Asia, the most strenuous in the cause, I do not think it necessary to set forth their speech in detail.

But next to them came in the Rhodians: who, after a short⁴⁰ preamble as to their services to the Romans, quickly came to the discussion of the position of their own country. They said that It was a very great embarrassment to them, in the discharge of their ambassadorial duties, to find themselves placed by the necessities of the case in opposition to a sovereign with whom their public and private relations were of the most friendly description. It was the opinion of their countrymen that the most honourable course, and the one which above all others would redound to the credit of Rome, was, that the Greeks in Asia should be set free, and should recover that possession dearest to all mankind—autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit Eumenes and his brothers. It was the nature of monarchy to hate equality, and to endeavour to have everybody, or at least as many as possible, subject and obedient. But though that was the case now, still they felt convinced that they should gain their object, not because they had greater influence with the Romans than Eumenes, but because they would be shown to be suggesting a course more just in itself and more indisputably advantageous to all concerned. If, indeed, the only way the Romans could requite Eumenes was by handing over to him the autonomous towns, they might reasonably be at a loss to determine what to do; for they would have had to decide between neglecting a sincere friend and disregarding their own honour and duty, and thus entirely obscuring and degrading the glory of their great achievements. But if, on the other hand, it were possible adequately to consult for both these objects at the same time, who could doubt about the matter any longer? Yet the fact was that, as in a costly banquet, there was enough and to spare for all. Lycaonia, Phrygia on the Hellespont, and Pisidia, the Chersonese also and the districts bordering on it, were at the disposal of the Romans to give to whom they chose; only a few of which added to the kingdom of Eumenes would double its present extent, while if all, or even the great part were assigned to him, it would become second to that of no other prince in Asia.

Conclusion of the Rhodians’ Speech

It was therefore in the power of the Romans to strengthen their friends very materially without destroying the glory of their own policy. For the end which they proposed to themselves in their war was not the same as that of other nations, but widely different. The rest of the world all entered upon war with the view of conquering and seizing cities, wealth, or ships: but heaven had ordained that they should want none of these things, by having put everything in the whole world under their rule. What was it, then, that they had still occasion to wish for, and to take the securest means to obtain? Plainly praise and glory among mankind; which it was difficult indeed to gain, but most difficult of all to preserve when gained. Their war with Philip might show them their meaning. That war they had, as they professed, undertaken with the sole object of liberating Greece; and that was in fact the only prize they gained in it, and no other whatever: yet the glory they got by it was greater than that which the tribute of the Carthaginians had brought them. And justly so: for money is a possession common to all mankind, but honour and praise and glory are attributes of the gods and of those men who approach nearest to them. Therefore, the most glorious of all their achievements was the liberation of Greece; and if they now completed that work their fame would receive its consummation: but if they neglected to do so, even what they had already accomplished would lose its lustre. They finally wound up by saying, As for us, gentlemen, having once deliberately adopted this policy and joined with you in the severest battles and in genuine dangers, we do not now propose to abandon the part of friends; but have not hesitated to say openly what we believe to be for your honour and your interests alike, with no ulterior design whatever, and with a single eye to our duty as the highest earthly object.

The Decision of the Senate

This speech of the Rhodians was universally regarded ⁴¹ as temperate and fair. The Senate next caused Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors of Antiochus, to be introduced: and on their speaking in a tone of entreaty and supplication, an approval of the agreement made by him with Scipio in Asia was voted. A few days later the people also ratified it, and oaths were accordingly interchanged with Antipater and his colleague. This done, the other ambassadors from Asia were introduced into the Senate: but a very brief hearing was given to each, and the same answer was returned to all; namely, that ten commissioners would be sent to decide on all points of dispute between the cities.⁴²The Senate then appointed ten commissioners, to whom they gave the entire settlement of particulars; while as a general principle they decided that of Asia this side Taurus such inhabitants as had been subject to Antiochus were to be assigned to Eumenes, except Lycia and Caria up to the Maeander, which were to belong to the Rhodians; while of the Greek cities, such of them as had been accustomed to pay tribute to Attalus were to pay the same to Eumenes; and only those who had done so to Antiochus were to be relieved of tribute altogether. Having given the ten commissioners these outlines of the general settlement, they sent them out to join the consul, Cnaeus Manlius Vulso, in Asia.

After these arrangements had been completed, the Rhodian⁴³ envoys came to the Senate again with a request in regard to Soli in Cilicia, alleging that they were called upon by ties of kindred to think of the interests of that city; for the people of Soli were, like the Rhodians, colonists from Argos. Having listened to what they had to say, the Senate invited the attendance of the ambassadors from Antiochus, and at first were inclined to order Antiochus to evacuate the whole of Cilicia; but upon these ambassadors resisting this order, on the ground of its being contrary to the treaty, they once more discussed the case of Soli by itself. The king’s ambassadors still vehemently maintaining their rights, the Senate dismissed them and called in the Rhodians. Having informed them of the opposition raised by Antipater, they added that they were ready to go any length in the matter, if the Rhodians, on a review of the whole case, determined to push their claim. The Rhodian envoys, however, were much gratified by the spirit shown by the Senate, and said that they would ask nothing more.⁴⁴This question, therefore, was left as it was; and just as the ten commissioners and the other ambassadors were on the point of starting, the two Scipios, and Lucius Aemilius, the victor in the sea fight with Antiochus, arrived at Brundisium; and after certain days all three entered Rome in triumph.

⁴⁵

The Aetolian War

Amynandrus, king of the Athamanes, thinking that he ⁴⁶ had now permanently recovered his kingdom, sent envoys to Rome and to the Scipios in Asia, for they were still in the neighbourhood of Ephesus, partly to excuse himself for having, as it appeared, secured his recall by the help of the Aetolians, but chiefly to entreat that he might be received again into the Roman alliance. But the Aetolians, imagining that they had now a good opportunity of once more annexing Amphilochia and Aperantia, determined on an expedition against those countries; and when Nicander their Strategus had mustered the league army, they invaded Amphilochia. Finding most of the people willing to join them, they advanced into Aperantia; and the Aperantians also willingly yielding to them, they continued their expedition into Dolopia. The Dolopians for a time made a show of resistance, and of keeping loyal to, Philip; but on considering what had happened to the Athamanes, and the check which Philip had received there, they quickly changed their minds and gave in their adhesion to the Aetolians. After this successful issue of his expedition Nicander led his army home, believing that Aetolia was secured by the subjection of these tribes and places, against the possibility of any one injuring its territory. ⁴⁷ But immediately after these events, and when the Aetolians were still in the full elation of their successes, a report reached them of the battle in Asia, in which they learnt that Antiochus had been utterly defeated. ⁴⁸This caused a great revulsion of feeling; and when presently Damoteles came from Rome and announced that a continuation of the war was decreed against them, and that Marcus Fulvius and an army had crossed to attack them, they were reduced to a state of complete despair; and not knowing how to meet the danger which was impending over them, they resolved to send to Rhodes and Athens, begging them to despatch envoys to Rome to intercede in their behalf, and, by softening the anger of the Romans, to find some means of averting the evils that threatened Aetolia. They also sent ambassadors of their own to Rome once more, Alexander, Isius, and Phaeneas, accompanied by Callippus of Ambracia and Lycopus.

Fulvius Aims to Fight at Ambracia

Some envoys from Epirus having visited the Roman ⁴⁹ Consul, he consulted with them as to the best way of attacking the Aetolians. They advised that he should begin by attacking Ambracia, which was at that time a member of the Aetolian league. They gave as their reasons that, if the Aetolians ventured to give battle, the neighbourhood of Ambracia was very favourable for the legions to fight in; and that if, on the other hand, the Aetolians avoided an engagement, the town was an excellent one to besiege; for the district round it would supply abundant timber for the construction of siege artillery; and the river Arachthus, which flowed right under the walls, would be of great use in conveying supplies to the army in the summer season, and serve as a protection to their works. ⁵⁰ Fulvius thought the advice good, and accordingly marched through Epirus to attack Ambracia. On his arrival there, as the Aetolians did not venture to meet him, he reconnoitred the city, and set vigorously to work on the siege. ⁵¹ Meanwhile the Aetolian envoys that had been sent to Rome were caught off Cephallenia by Sibyrtus, son of Petraeus, and brought into Charadrus. The Epirotes first resolved to place these men at Buchetus and keep them under strict guard. But a few days afterwards they demanded a ransom of them on the ground that they were at war with the Aetolians. It happened that one of them, Alexander, was the richest man in Greece, while the others were badly off, and far inferior to Alexander in the amount of their property. At first the Epirotes demanded five talents from each. The others did not absolutely refuse this, but were willing to pay if they could, because they cared above everything to secure their own safety. But Alexander refused to consent, for it seemed a large sum of money, and he lay awake at night bewailing himself at the idea of being obliged to pay five talents. The Epirotes, however, foresaw what would happen, and were extremely alarmed lest the Romans should hear that they had detained men who were on a mission to themselves, and should send a despatch ordering their release; they, therefore, lowered their demand to three talents a-piece. The others gladly accepted the offer, gave security, and departed: but Alexander said that he would not pay more than a talent, and that was too much; and at last, giving up all thought of saving himself, remained in custody, though he was an old man, and possessed property worth more than two hundred talents; and I think he would have died rather than pay the three talents. So extraordinarily strong in some men is the passion for accumulating money. But on this occasion Fortune so favoured his greed, that the result secured all men’s praise and approval for his infatuation. For, a few days afterwards, a despatch arrived from Rome ordering the release of the ambassadors; and, accordingly, he was the only one of them that was set free without ransom. When the Aetolians learnt what had happened to him, they elected Damoteles as their ambassador to Rome; who, however, when as far as Leucas on his voyage, was informed that Marcus Fulvius was marching through Epirus upon Ambracia, and, therefore, gave up the mission as useless, and returned back to Aetolia. . . .

Siege of Ambracia

The Aetolians being besieged by the consul Marcus ⁵² Fulvius, offered a gallant resistance to the assault of the siege artillery and battering rams. Marcus having first strongly secured his camp began the siege on an extensive scale; he opened three separate parallel works across the plain against the Pyrrheium, and a fourth opposite the temple of Asclepius, and a fifth directed against the Acropolis. And the attack being pushed on energetically at all these points at once, the besieged became terribly alarmed at the prospect before them. Still, as the rams vigorously battered the walls, and the long poles with their iron sickles tore off the battlements, they tried to invent machines to baffle them, letting down huge masses of lead and stones and oak logs by means of levers upon the battering rams; and putting iron hooks upon the sickles and hauling them inside the walls, so that the poles to which they were fastened broke against the battlements, and the sickles fell into their hands. Moreover they made frequent sallies, in which they fought with great courage: sometimes making a descent by night upon the pickets quartered at the works, and at others attacking in broad daylight the day-parties of the besiegers: and by these means they managed to protract the siege. . . .

Nicander was outside the city, and sent five hundred horse into it. They carried the intervening entrenchment of the enemy and forced their way into the town. With these he had fixed on a day on which they were to sally out, and he was to be ready to support them. They accordingly made the sally with great courage and fought gallantly; but either from fear of the danger, or because he conceived that what he was engaged upon at the time could not be neglected, Nicander failed to come up to time, and accordingly the attempt failed. . . .⁵³

Smoking Out the Enemy

By assiduously working the battering rams the Romans were always breaking down this or that part of the wall. But yet they could not succeed in storming any of these breaches, because the besieged were energetic in raising counter walls, and the Aetolians fought with determined gallantry on the debris. ⁵⁴ They, therefore, in despair had recourse to mines and underground tunnels. Having safely secured the central one of their three works, and carefully concealed the shaft with wattle screens, they erected in front of it a covered walk or stoa about two hundred feet long, parallel with the wall; and beginning their digging from that, they carried it on unceasingly day and night, working in relays. ⁵⁵ For a considerable number of days the besieged did not discover them carrying the earth away through the shaft; but when the heap of earth thus brought out became too high to be concealed from those inside the city, the commanders of the besieged garrison set to work vigorously digging a trench inside, parallel to the wall and to the stoa which faced the towers. When the trench was made to the required depth, they next placed in a row along the side of the trench nearest the wall a number of brazen vessels made very thin; and, as they walked along the bottom of the trench past these, they listened for the noise of the digging outside. Having marked the spot indicated by any of these brazen vessels, which were extraordinarily sensitive and vibrated to the sound outside, they began digging from within, at right angles to the trench, another underground tunnel leading under the wall, so calculated as to exactly hit the enemy’s tunnel. This was soon accomplished, for the Romans had not only brought their mine up to the wall, but had under-pinned a considerable length of it on either side of their mine; and thus the two parties found themselves face to face. At first they conducted this underground fighting with their spears: but as neither side could do much good, because both parties protected themselves with shields and wattles, some one suggested another plan to the defenders. ⁵⁶ Putting in front of them an earthenware jar, made to the width of the mine, they bored a hole in its bottom, and, inserting an iron funnel of the same length as the depth of the vessel, they filled the jar itself with fine feathers, and putting a little fire in it close to the mouth of the jar, they clapped on an iron lid pierced full of holes. They carried this without accident through the mine with its mouth towards the enemy. When they got near the besiegers they stopped up the space all round the rim of the jar, leaving only two holes on each side through which they thrust spears to prevent the enemy coming near the jar. They then took a pair of bellows such as blacksmiths use, and, having attached them to the orifice of the funnel, they vigorously blew up the fire placed on the feathers near the mouth of the jar, continually withdrawing the funnel in proportion as the feathers became ignited lower down. The plan was successfully executed; the volume of smoke created was very great, and, from the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore, found themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing position, as they could neither stop nor endure the smoke in the mines.⁵⁷ The siege being thus still further protracted the Aetolian commander determined to send an envoy to the Consul. . . .

Athens, Rhodes, and Athamania Intercede

About this time the ambassadors from Athens and ⁵⁸ Rhodes came to the Roman camp for the purpose of furthering, if they could, the conclusion of a peace. The Athamanian king, Amynandrus, also arrived, very eager to relieve the Ambraciots from their miserable position, and having received a safe conduct from Marcus Fulvius in consideration of the urgent nature of the business: For he had a very friendly feeling towards the Ambraciots, from having passed most of the time of his exile in that town.⁵⁹ A few days afterwards also some Acarnanians arrived, bringing Damoteles and his fellow envoys. For Marcus Fulvius, having been informed of their misfortunes, had written to the people of Thyreum to bring the men to him. All these various persons, therefore, having assembled, the negotiations for peace were pushed on energetically. For his part, Amynandrus was urgent in his advice to the Ambraciots to save themselves from the destruction which would not be long in coming to them unless they adopted wiser counsels. On his coming again and again up to the wall and conversing with them on this subject, the Ambraciots decided to invite him inside the town. The consul having given the king leave to enter the walls, he went in and discussed the situation with the inhabitants. Meanwhile the Athenian and Rhodian envoys got hold oof the consul and tried by ingenious arguments to mollify his anger. Some one also suggested to Damoteles and Phaeneas to apply to Caius Valerius and endeavour to win him over. He was the son of that Marcus Valerius Laevinus who made the first alliance with the Aetolians; and half brother, by the mother’s side, of the consul Marcus Fulvius, and being a young man of vigorous character enjoyed the greatest confidence of the consul. Being appealed to by Damoteles, and thinking that in a way he had a family interest in the matter, and was bound to undertake the patronage of the Aetolians, he exerted himself with the greatest zeal and enthusiasm to rescue that people from their perilous position. The matter then being vigorously pushed forward on all sides at once was at length accomplished. For the Ambraciots, by the persuasion of the king, surrendered to the consul unreservedly as far as they themselves were concerned, and gave up the town, on the one condition that the Aetolian garrison should march out under truce. This primary exception they made that they might keep faith with their allies.

End of the Aetolian War

So the consul agreed to grant the Aetolians peace on condition of receiving two hundred Euboic talents down, and three hundred in six yearly instalments of fifty: of the restoration to the Romans of all prisoners and deserters within six months without ransom: of their retaining no city in their league, nor thenceforth admitting any fresh one, of such as had been captured by the Romans, or had voluntarily embraced their friendship since Titus Quinctius crossed into Greece: the Cephallenians not to be included in these terms. ⁶⁰

Such was the sketch in outline of the main points of the treaty.⁶¹ But it required first the consent of the Aetolians, and then to be referred to Rome: and meanwhile the Athenian and Rhodian envoys remained where they were, waiting for the decision of the Aetolians. On being informed by Damoteles and his colleagues on their return of the nature of the terms that had been granted them, the Aetolians consented to the general principle—for they were in fact much better than they had expected,—but in regard to the towns formerly included in their league they hesitated for some time; finally, however, they acquiesced. Marcus Fulvius accordingly took over Ambracia, and allowed the Aetolian garrison to depart under terms; but removed from the town the statues and pictures, of which there was a great number, owing to the fact of Ambracia having been a royal residence of Pyrrhus. He was also presented with a crown⁶² weighing one hundred and fifty talents. After this settlement of affairs he directed his march into the interior of Aetolia, feeling surprised at meeting with no communication from the Aetolians. But on arriving at Amphilochian Argos, a hundred and eighty stades from Ambracia, he pitched his camp; and being there met by Damoteles and his colleagues with the information that the Aetolians had resolved to ratify the treaty which they had concluded, they went their several ways, the Aetolians back to their own country, and Marcus to Ambracia, where he busied himself about getting his army across to Cephallenia; while the Aetolians appointed Phaeneas and Nicander ambassadors to go to Rome about the peace: for not a single line of the above treaty held good until ratified by the Roman people.

The Treaty With the Aetolians

While these envoys, accompanied by those from Rhodes and Athens, were on their voyage with this object, Marcus Fulvius sent Caius Valerius also, and some others of his friends to Rome to secure the ratification of the treaty. But when they arrived at Rome they found that a fresh cause of anger with the Aetolians had arisen by the instrumentality of king Philip; who, looking upon himself as wronged by the Aetolians having taken Athamania and Dolopia from him, had sent to some of his friends at Rome, urging them to share his displeasure and secure the rejection of the pacification. Accordingly, on the first arrival of the Aetolians, the Senate would not listen to them; but afterwards, at the intercession of the Rhodians and Athenians, changed its mind and consented to their request: for Damis,⁶³ besides other excellences displayed in his speech, was thought to have introduced a very apt simile, extremely applicable to the case in hand. ⁶⁴ He said The Romans had good cause for anger with the Aetolians; for, instead of being grateful for the many kindnesses received at their hands, they had brought the Roman Empire into great danger by causing the war with Antiochus to break out. But the Senate were wrong in one point, namely in directing their anger against the masses. For in states the common people were like the sea, which left to its own nature was ever calm and unmoved, and not in the least likely ever to trouble any of those who approached or used it; but directly violent winds blew upon and disturbed it, and forced it against its nature to become agitated, then indeed nothing could be more dreadful or formidable than the sea. This was just the case with the Aetolians. As long as they were left to themselves, no people in Greece were more loyal to you or more staunch in supporting your active measures. But when Thoas and Dicaearchus brought a storm from Asia, and Mnestas and Damocritus from Europe, and, disturbing the calm of the Aetolian masses, compelled them to become reckless of what they said or did,—then indeed their good disposition gave way to bad, and while intending to do mischief to you they really inflicted damage upon themselves. It is against these mischief-makers therefore that you should be implacable; while you should take pity on the masses and make peace with them: with the assurance that, if once more left to themselves, with the additional feeling of having owed their safety on the present occasion to you, their attachment to you will be the warmest in Greece.

Terms of the Treaty

By these arguments the Athenian envoy persuaded the ⁶⁵ Senate to make peace with the Aetolians. The decree therefore having been passed and confirmed by a vote of the people, the treaty was formally ratified, of which the text was as follows: The people of the Aetolians shall in good faith maintain the empire and majesty of the people of Rome.

They shall not allow hostile forces to pass through their territory or cities against the Romans, their allies or friends; nor grant them any supplies from the public fund.

They shall have the same enemies as the people of Rome; and if the Roman people go to war with any, the Aetolian people shall do so also.

The Aetolians shall surrender to the praefectus in Corcyra, within a hundred days from the completion of the treaty, runaway slaves, and prisoners of the Romans and their allies, except such as having been taken during the war have returned to their own land and been subsequently captured; and except such as were in arms against Rome during the time that the Aetolians were fighting on the side of the Romans.

If there should be any not found within that time, they shall hand them over as soon as they are forthcoming, without deceit or fraud. And such persons, after the completion of the treaty, shall not be allowed to return to Aetolia.

The Aetolians shall pay the consul in Greece at once two hundred Euboic talents of silver, of a standard not inferior to the Attic. In place of one third of this silver, they may, if they so choose, pay gold, at the rate of a mina of gold to ten minae of silver. They shall pay the money in the six years next following the completion of the treaty in yearly instalments of fifty talents; and shall deliver the money in Rome.

The Aetolians shall give the Consul forty hostages, not less than ten or more than forty years old, to remain for the six years; they shall be selected by the Romans freely, excepting only the Strategus, Hipparch, public secretary, and such as have already been hostages at Rome.

The Aetolians shall deliver such hostages in Rome; and if any one of them die, they shall give another in his place.

Cephallenia shall not be included in this treaty.

Of such territories, cities, and men as once belonged⁶⁶ to the Aetolians, and, in the consulship of Titus Quinctius and Cnaeus Domitius, or subsequently, were either captured by the Roman or voluntarily embraced their friendship, the Aetolians shall not annex any, whether city or men therein.

The city and territory of Oeniadae shall belong to the Acarnanians.

The treaty having been solemnly sworn, peace was concluded, and the war in Aetolia, as is in the rest of Greece, thus came to an end. . . .

The War with the Gauls of Asia

While the negotiations for peace with Antiochus, and for the settlement of Asia generally were going on at Rome, and the Aetolian war was being fought in Greece, it happened that another war in Asia, that, namely, against the Gauls, was brought to a conclusion, the account of which I am now about to give. . . .

MoagĕTes of Cibyra

Moagĕtes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man, whose career deserves somewhat more than a passing reference. . . .

When Cnaeus Manlius was approaching Cibyra and had ⁶⁷ sent Helvius to find out the intentions of Moagĕtes, the latter begged him by ambassadors not to damage the country, because he was a friend of Rome, and ready to do anything that was required of him; and, at the same time, he offered Helvius a compliment of fifteen talents. In answer to this, Helvius said that he would refrain from damaging the territory; but that as to the general question Moagĕtes must communicate with the Consul, for he was close behind with his army. Moagĕtes accordingly sent ambassadors to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them. When the Consul met them in the road, he addressed them in threatening and reproachful terms, asserting that Not only had Moagĕtes shown himself the most determined enemy of Rome, of all the princes in Asia, but had done his very best to overthrow their empire, and deserved punishment rather than friendship.⁶⁸ Terrified by this display of anger, the ambassadors abstained from delivering the rest of the message with which they were charged, and merely begged him to have an interview with Moagĕtes: and when Cnaeus consented they returned to Cibyra. Next morning the Tyrant came out of the town accompanied by his friends, displaying his humility by a mean dress and absence of all pomp; and, in conducting his defence, descanted in melancholy terms on his own helplessness and the poverty of the towns under his rule (which consisted of Cibyra, Syleium, and the town in the Marsh), and entreated Cnaeus to accept the fifteen talents. Astonished at his assurance, Cnaeus made no answer, except that, If he did not pay five hundred talents, and be thankful that he was allowed to do so, he would not loot the country, but he would storm and sack the city. In abject terror Moagĕtes begged him not to do anything of the sort; and kept adding to his offer little by little, until at last he persuaded Cnaeus to take one hundred talents, and one thousand medimni of corn, and admit him to friendship.⁶⁹ . . .

Pacification of Pamphylia

When Cnaeus Manlius was crossing the River Colobatus, ambassadors came to him from the town of Sinda (in Pisidia) begging for help, because the people of Termessus had called in the aid of the people of Philomelus, and had depopulated their territory and sacked their town; and were at that very moment besieging its citadel, into which all the citizens, with wives and children, had retreated. On hearing this, Cnaeus immediately promised them aid with the greatest readiness; and thinking the affair was a stroke of luck for himself, directed his march towards Pamphylia. On his arrival in the neighbourhood of Termessus, he admitted the Termessians to friendship on the payment of fifty talents. He did the same with the Aspendians: and having received the ambassadors of the other towns in Pamphylia, he impressed on them in these interviews the conviction mentioned above,⁷⁰ and having relieved the Sindians from their siege, he once more directed his march against the Gauls. . . .

Conquest of Pisidia

After taking the town of Cyrmasa (in Pisidia), and a very large booty, Cnaeus Manlius continued his advance. And as he was marching along the marsh, envoys came from Lysinoe, offering an unconditional surrender. After accepting this, Cnaeus entered the territory of Sagalassus, and having driven off a vast quantity of spoil waited to see what the Sagalassians were prepared to do. When their ambassadors arrived he received them; and accepting a compliment of fifty talents, twenty thousand medimni of barley, and twenty thousand of wheat, admitted them to friendship with Rome. . . .

The Gauls of Asia

Cnaeus sent envoys to Eposognatus the Gaul, desiring ⁷¹ him to send embassies to the kings of the Gauls. Eposognatus in his turn sent envoys to Cnaeus begging him not to move his quarters or attack the Tolistobogian Gauls; and assuring him that he would send embassies to the kings, and propose peace to them, and felt quite certain that he would be able to bring them to a proper view of affairs in all respects. . . .

In the course of his march through the country Cnaeus made a bridge over the River Sangorius, which was extremely deep and difficult to cross. And having encamped on the bank of the river, he was visited by some Galli⁷² sent by Attis and Battacus, the priests of the mother of the gods at Pesinus, wearing figures and images on their breasts, and announcing that the goddess promised him victory and power; to whom Cnaeus gave a courteous reception. . . .

When Cnaeus was at the small town of Gordieium, ambassadors came from Eposognatus, announcing that he had been round and talked with the kings of the Gauls, but that they would not consent to make any overtures of friendship whatever; on the contrary, they had collected their children and women on Mount Olympus, and were prepared to give battle. . . .

⁷³

A Gallic Woman Takes Vengeance

It chanced that among the prisoners made when ⁷⁴ the Romans won the victory at Olympus over the Gauls of Asia, was Chiomara, wife of Ortiago. The centurion who had charge of her availed himself of his chance in soldierly fashion, and violated her.

He was a slave indeed both to lust and money: but eventually his love of money got the upper hand; and, on a large sum of gold being agreed to be paid for the woman, he led her off to put her to ransom. There being a river between the two camps, when the Gauls had crossed it, paid the man the money, and received the woman, she ordered one of them by a nod to strike the Roman as he was in the act of taking a polite and affectionate farewell of her. The man obeyed, and cut off the centurion’s head, which she picked up and drove off with, wrapped in the folds of her dress: On reaching her husband she threw the head at his feet; and when he expressed astonishment and said: Wife to keep faith is a good thing, she replied: Yes; but it is a better thing that there should be only one man alive who has lain with me! [Polybius says that he conversed with the woman at Sardis, and was struck with her dignified demeanour and intelligence.]⁷⁵ . . .

Attempted Treachery By the Gauls

After the victory over the Gauls at Olympus, when the ⁷⁶ Romans were encamped at Ancyra, and Cnaeus was on the point of continuing his advance, ambassadors came from the Tectosages asking that Cnaeus would leave his troops in their quarters, and advance himself in the course of the next day into the space between the two camps; and promising that their kings would come to meet him, and discuss the terms of a peace. But when Cnaeus consented, and duly arrived at the appointed place with five hundred horse, the kings did not appear. After his return to the camp, however, the ambassadors came again, and, offering some excuses for the kings, begged him to come once more, as they would send some of their chief men to discuss the whole question. Cnaeus consented; but, without leaving the camp himself, sent Attalus and some tribunes with three hundred horse. The envoys of the Gauls duly appeared and discussed the business: but finally said that it was impossible for them to conclude the matter or ratify anything they agreed upon; but they engaged that the kings would come next day to agree on the terms, and finally settle the treaty, if the Consul would also come to them. Attalus promised that Cnaeus would come, and they separated for that day. But the Gauls were deliberately contriving these postponements, and amusing the Romans, because they wanted to get some part of their families and property beyond the river Halys; and, first of all, to get the Roman Consul into their hands if they could, but if not, at any rate to kill him. With this purpose they watched next day for the coming of the Romans, with a thousand horse ready to fall upon him. When Cnaeus heard the result of Attalus’s interview, believing that the kings would come, he left the camp, attended as usual by five hundred horse. Now it happened that, on the days of the previous interviews, the foraging parties which went out from the Roman camp to fetch wood and hay had gone in the same direction, in order to have the protection of the squadron which went to the parley. A numerous foraging party acted in the same way on this third occasion, and the tribunes ordered them to proceed in the same direction, with the usual number of horsemen to protect them as they advanced. And their being out on this duty proved accidentally to be the salvation of their comrades in the danger which threatened them. . . .

Cephallenia

M. Fulvius took the quarter of the town ⁷⁷ in which was the citadel by a night surprise, and introduced the Romans into the town.⁷⁸

Philopoemen Combines What is Right and What is Expedient

The good and the expedient are seldom compatible, ⁷⁹ and rare indeed are those who can combine and reconcile them. For as a general rule we all know that the good shuns the principles of immediate profit, and profit those of the good. However, Philopoemen attempted this task, and succeeded in his aim. For it was a good thing to restore the captive exiles to Sparta; and it was an expedient thing to humble the Lacedaemonian state, and to punish those who had served as bodyguards to a tyrant. But seeing clearly that money is ever the support on which every dynasty rests, and having a clear head and the instincts of a ruler, he took measures to prevent the introduction into the town of money from outside. . . .

⁸⁰

Settlement of Asia

Meanwhile in Asia the Roman consul Cnaeus Manlius wintered at Ephesus, in the last year of this ⁸¹ Olympiad, and was there visited by embassies from the Greek cities in Asia and many others, bringing complimentary crowns to him for his victories over the Gauls. For the entire inhabitants of Asia this side Taurus were not so much rejoiced at the prospect given them by Antiochus’s defeat of being relieved from tribute, garrisons, or other royal exactions, as at the removal of all fear of the barbarians, and at their escape from their insolence and lawlessness. Among the rest Musaeus came from Antiochus, and some envoys from the Gauls, desiring to ascertain the terms upon which friendship would be granted them; and also from Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. For this latter prince, having attached himself to the fortunes of Antiochus, and having taken part in his battle with the Romans, had become alarmed and dismayed for his own fate, and therefore was endeavouring by frequent embassies to ascertain what he would have to pay or do to get pardon for his error. The Consul complimented the ambassadors from the cities, and dismissed them after a very favourable reception; but he replied to the Gauls that he would not make a treaty with them until king Eumenes, whom he expected, had arrived. To the envoys from Ariarathes he said that they might have peace on the payment of six hundred talents. With the ambassador of Antiochus he arranged that he would come with his army to the frontier of Pamphylia, to receive the two thousand five hundred talents, and the corn with which the king had undertaken to furnish the Roman soldiers before his treaty with Lucius Scipio. ⁸² This business being thus settled, he solemnly purified his army; and, as the season for military operations was now beginning, he broke up his quarters, and, taking Attalus with him, arrived at Apameia in eight days’ march, and remained there three days. On the fourth he continued his advance; and, pushing on at great speed, arrived on the third day at the rendezvous with Antiochus, and there pitched his camp. Here he was visited by Musaeus, who begged him to wait, as the carts and cattle that were bringing the corn and money were late. He consented to wait: and, when the supply arrived, he distributed the corn among the soldiers, and handed over the money to one of his tribunes, with orders to convey it to Apameia.

The Roman Commissioners Arrive at Ephesus

He himself started in full force for Perga, where he ⁸³ heard that a commander of a garrison placed in that town by Antiochus had neither left it himself nor withdrawn his garrison. When he came within a short distance of the place he was met by the captain of the garrison, who begged Cnaeus not to condemn him unheard. He had received the city from Antiochus in trust, and was holding it until he should be instructed what to do by the sovereign who had entrusted it to him. And he therefore begged for thirty days’ respite, to enable him to send and ask the king for instructions. Observing that Antiochus was behaving straightforwardly in other particulars, Cnaeus consented to allow him to send and ask the king the question. After some days the officer accordingly received an answer, and surrendered the city.

About this time, just at the beginning of summer, the ten⁸⁴ commissioners and king Eumenes arrived by sea at Ephesus; and, after giving themselves two days to recover from the voyage, proceeded up the country to Apameia. When their arrival was known to Cnaeus Manlius, he sent his brother Lucius with four thousand men to Oroanda (in Pisidia), as a forcible hint that they must pay the money owing, in accordance with the terms agreed on; while he himself marched his army at full speed to meet Eumenes and the commissioners. On his arrival he found the king and the ten commissioners, and immediately held a consultation with them on the measures to be taken. The first resolution come to was to confirm the sworn agreement and treaty with Antiochus, about which I need say no more, beyond giving the actual text of the treaty, which was as follows:—

Treaty With Antiochus

There shall be perpetual peace between Antiochus ⁸⁵ and the Romans if he fulfils the provisions of the treaty.

Neither Antiochus nor any subject to him shall allow any to pass through their territories to attack the Romans or their allies, nor supply them with aught. Neither shall the Romans or their allies do the like for those attacking Antiochus or those subject to him.

Antiochus shall not wage war upon the Islanders or the dwellers in Europe.

He shall evacuate all cities and territory (this side Taurus⁸⁶). His soldiers shall take nothing out with them except the arms they are carrying. If they chance to have taken anything away they shall restore it to the same cities.

He shall receive neither soldiers nor other men from the territory of king Eumenes.

If there be any men in the army of Antiochus coming from any of the cities taken over by the Romans, he shall deliver them up at Apameia.

If there be any from the kingdom of Antiochus with the Romans or their allies, they may remain or depart as they choose.

Antiochus and those subject to him shall give back the slaves, captives, and deserters of the Romans or their allies and any captive received from any quarter. Antiochus shall give up, if it be within his power so to do, Hannibal, son of Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, Mnesilochus the Acarnanian, Thoas the Aetolian, Euboulidas and Philo the Chalcidians, and such of the Aetolians as have held national offices.

Antiochus shall give up all his elephants, and shall have none henceforth.

Anitiochus shall surrender his ships of war, their tackle, and fittings, and henceforth have only ten decked ships. He shall not have a vessel rowed by thirty oars, [or by less] ⁸⁷ for purposes of war begun by himself.

He shall not sail west of the river Calycadnus and the promontory of Sarpedon, except to convey tribute or ambassadors or hostages.

It shall not be lawful for Antiochus to enlist soldiers or receive exiles from the territory subject to Rome.

Such houses as belonged to the Rhodians or their allies, in the territory subject to Antiochus, shall continue to belong to the Rhodians as before the war: any money owed to them shall still be recoverable: and any property left behind by them, if sought for, shall be restored.

The Rhodians shall, as before the war, be free from tribute.

If Antiochus has given any of the towns to others which he is bound to restore, he shall remove from them also his garrisons and men. And if any shall wish hereafter to desert to him, he shall not receive them.

Antiochus shall pay to the Romans ten thousand talents, in ten yearly instalments, of the best Attic silver, each talent to weigh not less than eighty Roman pounds, and ninety thousand medemni of corn.

Antiochus shall pay to king Eumenes three hundred and fifty talents in the five years next following, in yearly instalments of seventy talents; and in lieu of the corn, according to the valuation of Antiochus himself, one hundred and twenty-seven talents, two hundred and eight drachmae, which sum Eumenes has consented to accept as satisfying his claims.

Antiochus shall give twenty hostages, not less than eighteen nor more than forty-five years old, and change them every three years.

If there be in any year a deficit in the instalment paid, Antiochus shall make it good in the next year.

If any of the cities or nations, against whom it has been hereby provided that Antiochus should not make war, should commence war against him, it shall be lawful for Antiochus to war with them; but of such nations and cities he shall not have sovereignty nor attach them as friends to himself.

Such complaints as arise between the parties to this treaty shall be referred to arbitration.

If both parties agree in wishing anything to be added to or taken from this treaty, it shall be lawful so to do.

The Romans Burn Antiochus’s Ships at Patara

Immediately after this treaty had been solemnly sworn ⁸⁸ to, the proconsul Cnaeus sent Quintus Minucius Thermus and his brother Lucius, who had just brought the money from Oroanda to Syria, with orders to receive the oath from the king, and confirm the several clauses of the treaty. And to Quintus Fabius Labeo, who was in command of the fleet, he sent a despatch ordering him to sail back to Patara, and take over and burn the ships there. . . .

Ariarathes Declared a Friend of Rome

The proconsul Cnaeus Manlius made ⁸⁹ Ariarathes a friend of Rome on receipt of three hundred talents. . . .

The Commissioners In Asia

At Apameia the Proconsul and the ten commissioners, ⁹⁰ after listening to all who appealed to them, assigned in the case of disputed claims to territory, money, or anything else, certain cities in which the parties might have their claims settled by arbitration. The general scheme which they drew out was as follows: Those of the autonomous cities which, having formerly paid tribute to Antiochus, had remained faithful to Rome, they relieved from tribute altogether. Those that had been tributary to Attalus they ordered to pay the same tribute to his successor Eumenes. Such as had abandoned the Roman friendship and joined Antiochus in the war, they ordered to pay Eumenes the amount of tribute imposed on them by Antiochus. The people of Colophon, Notium, Cymae, and Mylae, they freed from tribute. To the Clazomenians, besides this relief, they gave the Island Drymussa. To the Ephesians they restored the sacred district which they had been obliged by the enemy to evacuate. . . .⁹¹ To the people of Chios, Smyrna, and Erythrae, besides other marks of honour, they assigned the territory which they severally expressed a wish to have at the time, and alleged was their right, from regard for their loyalty and zeal which they had shown to Rome during the war. To the Phocaeans they restored their ancestral city and the territory which they possessed of old. They next transacted business with the Rhodians, giving them Lycia and Caria up to the river Maeander, except Telmissus. As to king Eumenes and his brothers, not content with the liberal provision made for them in their treaty with Antiochus, they now assigned him in addition the Chersonese, Lysimacheia, and the castles on the borders of these districts, and such country as had been subject to Antiochus in Europe; and in Asia, Phrygia on the Hellespont, Great Phrygia, so much of Mysia as he had before subjugated, Lycaonia, Milyas, Lydia, Tralles, Ephesus, and Telmissus: all these they gave to Eumenes. As to Pamphylia, Eumenes alleged that it was on this side Taurus, the ambassadors of Antiochus on the other; and the commissioners feeling unable to decide, referred the question to the Senate. Having thus decided the largest number and most important of the matters brought before them, they started on the road towards the Hellespont, intending on their journey to still further secure the settlement arrived at with the Gauls. . . .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 21.1 focus

α. ολψμπ. 147, 2. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον συνέβη καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρεσβείαν, ἣν ἀπέστειλαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, παραγενέσθαι διεψευσμένην τῶν ἐλπίδων.

[2] ἐπρέσβευον μὲν γὰρ περὶ τῶν ὁμήρων καὶ τῶν κωμῶν·

[3] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος περὶ μὲν τῶν κωμῶν ἔφησεν ἐντολὰς δώσειν τοῖς παρʼ αὐτῶν ἀποστελλομένοις πρέσβεσιν, περὶ δὲ τῶν ὁμήρων ἔτι βουλεύσασθαι θέλειν.

[4] περὶ δὲ τῶν φυγάδων τῶν ἀρχαίων θαυμάζειν ἔφησαν, πῶς οὐ κατάγουσιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ἠλευθερωμένης τῆς Σπάρτης. —

[1] ὅτι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τῆς κατὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν νίκης ἄρτι προσηγγελμένης, πρῶτον μὲν τῷ δήμῳ παρήγγειλαν ἐλινύας ἄγειν ἡμέρας ἐννέα —

[2] τοῦτο δʼ ἔστιν σχολάζειν πανδημεὶ καὶ θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς χαριστήρια τῶν εὐτυχημάτων —

[3] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρέσβεις καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Μανίου προσῆγον τῇ συγκλήτῳ. γενομένων δὲ πλειόνων παρʼ ἀμφοῖν λόγων,

[4] ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ δύο προτείνειν γνώμας τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἢ διδόναι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν περὶ πάντων τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἢ χίλια τάλαντα παραχρῆμα δοῦναι καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν καὶ φίλον νομίζειν Ῥωμαίοις.

[5] τῶν δʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἀξιούντων διασαφῆσαι ῥητῶς ἐπὶ τίσι δεῖ διδόναι τὴν ἐπιτροπήν, οὐ προσδέχεται τὴν διαστολὴν ἡ σύγκλητος. διὸ καὶ τούτοις γέγονε κατάμονος ὁ πόλεμος.

[6] —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐχρημάτισε τοῖς παρὰ Φιλίππου πρεσβευταῖς·

[2] ἧκον γὰρ παρʼ αὐτοῦ πρέσβεις ἀπολογιζόμενοι τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ προθυμίαν, ἣν παρέσχηται Ῥωμαίοις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πολέμῳ.

[3] ὧν διακούσασα τὸν μὲν υἱὸν Δημήτριον ἀπέλυσε τῆς ὁμηρείας παραχρῆμα· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν φόρων ἐπηγγείλατο παραλύσειν, διαφυλάξαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν πίστιν ἐν τοῖς ἐνεστῶσι καιροῖς.

[4] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμήρους ἀφῆκε πλὴν Ἀρμένα τοῦ Νάβιδος υἱοῦ· τοῦτον δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα συνέβη νόσῳ μεταλλάξαι τὸν βίον.

ιι. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] ὅτι καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, πρεσβείας παραγενομένης εἰς Ἀχαΐαν παρʼ Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας,

[2] ἁθροισθέντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τήν τε συμμαχίαν ἐπεκύρωσαν καὶ νεανίσκους ἐξαπέστειλαν, πεζοὺς μὲν χιλίους ἱππεῖς δʼ ἑκατόν, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Διοφάνης ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης. —

[1] ὅτι πολιορκουμένων τῶν Ἀμφισσέων ὑπὸ Μανίου τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ, κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος, πυνθανόμενος τήν τε τῶν Ἀμφισσέων ταλαιπωρίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ Ποπλίου παρουσίαν, ἐξαπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον,

[2] ἐντειλάμενος ἅμα μὲν ἀσπάσασθαι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον καὶ Πόπλιον, ἅμα δὲ καταπειράζειν τῆς πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διαλύσεως.

[3] ὧν παραγενομένων ἀσμένως ἀποδεξάμενος ὁ Πόπλιος ἐφιλανθρώπει τοὺς ἄνδρας, θεωρῶν ὅτι παρέξονται χρείαν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς προκειμένας ἐπιβολάς.

[4] ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ ἐβούλετο θέσθαι μὲν καλῶς τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς· εἰ δὲ μὴ συνυπακούοιεν, πάντως διειλήφει παραλιπὼν ταῦτα διαβαίνειν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν,

[5] σαφῶς γινώσκων διότι τὸ τέλος ἐστὶ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τῆς ὅλης ἐπιβολῆς οὐκ ἐν τῷ χειρώσασθαι τὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἔθνος, ἀλλʼ ἐν τῷ νικήσαντας τὸν Ἀντίοχον κρατῆσαι τῆς Ἀσίας.

[6] διόπερ ἅμα τῷ μνησθῆναι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὑπὲρ τῆς διαλύσεως, ἑτοίμως προσδεξάμενος τοὺς λόγους ἐκέλευσε παραπλησίως πειράζειν αὐτοὺς καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον, προδιαπεμψάμενοι καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πορευθέντες εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν αὐτοί, διελέγοντο περὶ τῆς διαλύσεως τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[8] ἑτοίμως δὲ κἀκείνων συνυπακουόντων κατεστάθησαν οἱ συμμίξοντες τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις·

[9] οἳ καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον, καταλαβόντες αὐτοὺς στρατοπεδεύοντας ἐν ἑξήκοντα σταδίοις ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀμφίσσης, πολλοὺς διετίθεντο λόγους, ἀναμιμνήσκοντες τῶν γεγονότων σφίσι φιλανθρώπων πρὸς Ῥωμαίους.

[10] ἔτι δὲ πρᾳότερον καὶ φιλανθρωπότερον ὁμιλήσαντος τοῦ Ποπλίου καὶ προφερομένου τάς τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ τὴν Λιβύην πράξεις καὶ διασαφοῦντος τίνα τρόπον κέχρηται τοῖς κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους αὐτῷ πιστεύσασιν καὶ τέλος οἰομένου δεῖν ἐγχειρίζειν σφᾶς αὑτῷ καὶ πιστεύειν,

[11] τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἅπαντες οἱ παρόντες εὐέλπιδες ἐγενήθησαν, ὡς αὐτίκα μάλα τελεσιουργηθησομένης τῆς διαλύσεως·

[12] ἐπεὶ δέ, πυθομένων τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπὶ τίσι δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην, ὁ Λεύκιος διεσάφησεν διότι δυεῖν προκειμένων αὐτοῖς αἵρεσις ὑπάρχει —

[13] δεῖν γὰρ ἢ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν διδόναι περὶ πάντων τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἢ χίλια τάλαντα παραχρῆμα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ φίλον Ῥωμαίοις —

[14] ἐδυσχρήστησαν μὲν οἱ παρόντες τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα διὰ τὸ μὴ γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπόφασιν ἀκόλουθον τῇ προγενομένῃ λαλιᾷ, πλὴν ἐπανοίσειν ἔφασαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπιταττομένων τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.

[1] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐπανῄεσαν βουλευσόμενοι περὶ τῶν προειρημένων·

[2] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον συμμίξαντες τοῖς ἀποκλήτοις ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν προειρημένων.

[3] ἦν δὲ τῶν ἐπιταττομένων τὸ μὲν ἀδύνατον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν χρημάτων, τὸ δὲ φοβερὸν διὰ τὸ πρότερον αὐτοὺς ἀπατηθῆναι, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐπινεύσαντες ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς παρὰ μικρὸν εἰς τὴν ἅλυσιν ἐνέπεσον.

[4] διόπερ ἀπορούμενοι καὶ δυσχρηστούμενοι περὶ ταῦτα πάλιν ἐξέπεμπον τοὺς αὐτοὺς δεησομένους ἢ τῶν χρημάτων ἀφελεῖν, ἵνα δύνωνται τελεῖν, ἢ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς ἐκτὸς ποιῆσαι τοὺς πολιτικοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας.

[5] οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον διεσάφουν τὰ δεδογμένα.

[6] τοῦ δὲ Λευκίου φήσαντος ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔχειν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἐφʼ οἷς ἀρτίως εἶπεν, οὗτοι μὲν αὖθις ἐπανῆλθον,

[7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον ἐπακολουθήσαντες εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν συνεβούλευσαν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἐπεὶ τὰ τῆς διαλύσεως ἐμποδίζοιτο κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ἀνοχὰς αἰτησαμένους καὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων κακῶν ὑπέρθεσιν ποιησαμένους πρεσβεύειν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, κἂν μὲν ἐπιτυγχάνωσι περὶ τῶν ἀξιουμένων·

[8] εἰ δὲ μή, τοῖς καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύειν.

[9] χείρω μὲν γὰρ ἀδύνατον γενέσθαι τῶν ὑποκειμένων τὰ περὶ σφᾶς, βελτίω γε μὴν οὐκ ἀδύνατον διὰ πολλὰς αἰτίας.

[10] φανέντων δὲ καλῶς λέγειν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον, ἔδοξε πρεσβεύειν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνοχῶν.

[11] ἀφικόμενοι δὲ πρὸς τὸν Λεύκιον ἐδέοντο συγχωρηθῆναι σφίσι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἑξαμήνους ἀνοχάς, ἵνα πρεσβεύσωσι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον.

[12] ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος, πάλαι πρὸς τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν πράξεις παρωρμημένος, ταχέως ἔπεισε τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπακοῦσαι τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις.

[13] γραφεισῶν δὲ τῶν ὁμολογιῶν, ὁ μὲν Μάνιος, λύσας τὴν πολιορκίαν καὶ παραδοὺς ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα καὶ τὰς χορηγίας τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον, εὐθέως ἀπηλλάττετο μετὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

ιιι. ρες ασιαε

[1] οἱ δὲ Φωκαιεῖς, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀπολειφθέντων Ῥωμαίων ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπισταθμευόμενοι, τὰ δὲ τὰς ἐπιταγὰς δυσχερῶς φέροντες, ἐστασίαζον. —

[2] ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους οἱ τῶν Φωκαιέων ἄρχοντες, δεδιότες τάς τε τῶν πολλῶν ὁρμὰς διὰ τὴν σιτοδείαν καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀντιοχιστῶν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξέπεμψαν πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς Σέλευκον, ὄντα πρὸς τοῖς ὅροις τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν,

[3] ἀξιοῦντες μὴ πελάζειν τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι πρόκειται σφίσι τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν καὶ καραδοκεῖν τὴν τῶν ὅλων κρίσιν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς εἰρημένοις.

[4] ἦσαν δὲ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἴδιοι μὲν τοῦ Σελεύκου καὶ ταύτης τῆς ὑποθέσεως Ἀρίσταρχος καὶ Κάσσανδρος καὶ Ῥόδων, ἐναντίοι δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀπονενευκότες Ἡγίας καὶ Γελίας.

[5] ὧν συμμιξάντων ὁ Σέλευκος εὐθέως τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἀρίσταρχον ἀνὰ χεῖρας εἶχε, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἡγίαν παρεώρα.

[6] πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν πολλῶν καὶ τὴν σπάνιν τοῦ σίτου, παρεὶς τὸν χρηματισμὸν καὶ τὴν ἔντευξιν τῶν παραγεγονότων προῆγε πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. —

[7] ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι δύο μετὰ τύπων καὶ προστηθιδίων ἐδέοντο μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῆς πόλεως. —

[1] πυρφόρος, ᾧ ἐχρήσατο Παυσίστρατος ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων ναύαρχος.

[2] ἦν δὲ κημός· ἐξ ἑκατέρου δὲ τοῦ μέρους τῆς πρώρρας ἀγκύλαι δύο παρέκειντο παρὰ τὴν ἐντὸς ἐπιφάνειαν τῶν τοίχων, εἰς ἃς ἐνηρμόζοντο κοντοὶ προτείνοντες τοῖς κέρασιν εἰς θάλατταν.

[3] ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ τούτων ἄκρον ὁ κημὸς ἁλύσει σιδηρᾷ προσήρτητο πλήρης πυρός,

[4] ὥστε κατὰ τὰς ἐμβολὰς καὶ παραβολὰς εἰς μὲν τὴν πολεμίαν ναῦν ἐκτινάττεσθαι πῦρ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς οἰκείας πολὺν ἀφεστάναι τόπον διὰ τὴν ἔγκλισιν. —

[5] ὅτι Παμφιλίδας ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων ναύαρχος ἐδόκει πρὸς πάντας τοὺς καιροὺς εὐαρμοστότερος εἶναι τοῦ Παυσιστράτου διὰ τὸ βαθύτερος τῇ φύσει καὶ στασιμώτερος μᾶλλον ἢ τολμηρότερος ὑπάρχειν.

[6] ἀγαθοὶ γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὐκ ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν συμβαινόντων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλήψεις.

[7] ἄρτι γὰρ διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο προκεχειρισμένοι τὸν Παυσίστρατον, διὰ τὸ πρᾶξιν ἔχειν τινὰ καὶ τόλμαν, παραχρῆμα μετέπιπτον εἰς τἀναντία ταῖς γνώμαις διὰ τὴν περιπέτειαν. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον εἰς τὴν Σάμον προσέπεσε γράμματα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον καὶ τὸν Εὐμένη παρά τε τοῦ Λευκίου τοῦ τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος καὶ παρὰ Ποπλίου Σκιπίωνος,

[2] δηλοῦντα τὰς πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς γεγενημένας συνθήκας ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνοχῶν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον πορείαν τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων.

[3] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον καὶ Σέλευκον ταῦτα διεσαφεῖτο παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. —

[1] ὅτι Διοφάνης ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης μεγάλην ἕξιν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς διὰ τὸ πολυχρονίου γεγονότος τοῦ πρὸς Νάβιν πολέμου τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις ἀστυγείτονος πάντα συνεχῶς τὸν χρόνον ὑπὸ τὸν Φιλοποίμενα τεταγμένος τριβὴν ἐσχηκέναι τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργων ἀληθινήν.

[2] χωρίς τε τούτων κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν σωματικὴν χρείαν ἦν ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ δυνατὸς καὶ καταπληκτικός.

[3] τὸ δὲ κυριώτατον, πρὸς πόλεμον ὑπῆρχεν ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐχρῆτο διαφερόντως. —

[1] ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὸν Πέργαμον ἐμβαλών, πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν παρουσίαν Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ θεωρῶν οὐ μόνον τὰς ναυτικάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις ἐπʼ αὐτὸν παραγινομένας, ἐβουλεύετο λόγους ποιήσασθαι περὶ διαλύσεως ὁμοῦ πρός τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τοὺς Ῥοδίους.

[2] ἐξάρας οὖν ἅπαντι τῷ στρατεύματι παρῆν πρὸς τὴν Ἐλαίαν καὶ λαβὼν λόφον τινὰ καταντικρὺ τῆς πόλεως τὸ μὲν πεζικὸν ἐπὶ τούτου κατέστησε, τοὺς δʼ ἱππεῖς παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν παρενέβαλε, πλείους ὄντας ἑξακισχιλίων.

[3] αὐτὸς δὲ μεταξὺ τούτων γενόμενος διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὑπὲρ διαλύσεων.

[4] ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων συναγαγὼν τούς τε Ῥοδίους καὶ τὸν Εὐμένην ἠξίου λέγειν περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων τὸ φαινόμενον.

[5] οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Εὔδαμον καὶ Παμφιλίδαν οὐκ ἀλλότριοι τῆς διαλύσεως ἦσαν· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς οὔτʼ εὐσχήμονα τὴν διάλυσιν οὔτε δυνατὴν ἔφησε κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εἶναι.

[6] "εὐσχήμονα γάρ" ἔφη "πῶς οἷόν τε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἔκβασιν, ἐὰν τειχήρεις ὄντες ποιώμεθα τὰς διαλύσεις;

[7] " καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ δυνατὴν ἔφησε κατὰ τὸ παρόν· "πῶς γὰρ ἐνδέχεται, μὴ προσδεξαμένους ὕπατον, ἄνευ τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης βεβαιῶσαι τὰς ὁμολογηθείσας συνθήκας;

[8] χωρίς τε τούτων, ἐὰν ὅλως γένηταί τι σημεῖον ὁμολογίας πρὸς Ἀντίοχον, οὔτε τὰς ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις δυνατὸν ἐπανελθεῖν δήπουθεν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν οὔτε τὰς πεζικάς, ἐὰν μὴ πρότερον ὅ τε δῆμος ἥ τε σύγκλητος ἐπικυρώσῃ τὰ δοχθέντα.

[9] λείπεται δὴ καραδοκοῦντας τὴν ἐκείνων ἀπόφασιν παραχειμάζειν ἐνθάδε καὶ πράττειν μὲν μηδέν, ἐκδαπανᾶν δὲ τὰς τῶν ἰδίων συμμάχων χορηγίας καὶ παρασκευάς·

[10] ἔπειτʼ, ἂν μὴ σφίσι παρῇ τῇ συγκλήτῳ διαλύεσθαι, καινοποιεῖν πάλιν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς τὸν πόλεμον, παρέντας τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιρούς, ἐν οἷς δυνάμεθα θεῶν βουλομένων πέρας ἐπιθεῖναι τοῖς ὅλοις.

[11] " ὁ μὲν οὖν Εὐμένης ταῦτʼ εἶπεν· ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἀποδεξάμενος τὴν συμβουλίαν, ἀπεκρίθη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ὅτι πρὸ τοῦ τὸν ἀνθύπατον ἐλθεῖν οὐκ ἐνδέχεται γενέσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις.

[12] ὧν ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον παραυτίκα μὲν ἐδῄουν τὴν τῶν Ἐλαϊτῶν χώραν·

[13] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις Σέλευκος μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων ἔμεινε τῶν τόπων, Ἀντίοχος δὲ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπιπορευόμενος ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὸ Θήβης καλούμενον πεδίον,

[14] καὶ παραβεβληκὼς εἰς χώραν εὐδαίμονα καὶ γέμουσαν ἀγαθῶν ἐπλήρου τὴν στρατιὰν παντοδαπῆς λείας. —

[1] ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς παραγενόμενος εἰς τὰς Σάρδεις ἀπὸ τῆς προρρηθείσης στρατείας διεπέμπετο συνεχῶς πρὸς Προυσίαν, παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν σφετέραν συμμαχίαν.

[2] ὁ δὲ Προυσίας κατὰ μὲν τοὺς ἀνώτερον χρόνους οὐκ ἀλλότριος ἦν τοῦ κοινωνεῖν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον· πάνυ γὰρ ἐδεδίει τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, μὴ ποιῶνται τὴν εἰς Ἀσίαν διάβασιν ἐπὶ καταλύσει πάντων τῶν δυναστῶν.

[3] παραγενομένης δʼ ἐπιστολῆς αὐτῷ παρά τε Λευκίου καὶ Ποπλίου τῶν ἀδελφῶν, κομισάμενος ταύτην καὶ διαναγνοὺς ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἔστη τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ προείδετο τὸ μέλλον ἐνδεχομένως,

[4] ἅτε τῶν περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον ἐναργέσι κεχρημένων καὶ πολλοῖς μαρτυρίοις πρὸς πίστιν διὰ τῶν ἐγγράπτων.

[5] οὐ γὰρ μόνον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως ἔφερον ἀπολογισμούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων Ῥωμαίων,

[6] διʼ ὧν παρεδείκνυον οὐχ οἷον ἀφῃρημένοι τινὸς τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς βασιλέων τὰς δυναστείας, ἀλλὰ τινὰς μὲν καὶ προσκατεσκευακότες αὐτοὶ δυνάστας, ἐνίους δʼ ηὐξηκότες καὶ πολλαπλασίους αὐτῶν τὰς ἀρχὰς πεποιηκότες.

[7] ὧν κατὰ μὲν τὴν Ἰβηρίαν Ἀνδοβάλην καὶ Κολίχαντα προεφέροντο, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Λιβύην Μασαννάσαν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα τόποις Πλευρᾶτον·

[8] οὓς ἅπαντας ἔφασαν ἐξ ἐλαφρῶν καὶ τῶν τυχόντων δυναστῶν πεποιηκέναι βασιλεῖς ὁμολογουμένως.

[9] ὁμοίως κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα Φίλιππον καὶ Νάβιν, ὧν Φίλιππον μὲν καταπολεμήσαντες καὶ συγκλείσαντες εἰς ὅμηρα καὶ φόρους, βραχεῖαν αὐτοῦ νῦν λαβόντες ἀπόδειξιν εὐνοίας ἀποκαθεστακέναι μὲν αὐτῷ τὸν υἱὸν καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τούτῳ συνομηρεύοντας νεανίσκους, ἀπολελυκέναι δὲ τῶν φόρων, πολλὰς δὲ τῶν πόλεων ἀποδεδωκέναι τῶν ἁλουσῶν κατὰ πόλεμον·

[10] Νάβιν δὲ δυνηθέντες ἄρδην ἐπανελέσθαι, τοῦτο μὲν οὐ ποιῆσαι, φείσασθαι δʼ αὐτοῦ, καίπερ ὄντος τυράννου, λαβόντες πίστεις τὰς εἰθισμένας.

[11] εἰς ἃ βλέποντα παρεκάλουν τὸν Προυσίαν διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς μὴ δεδιέναι περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, θαρροῦντα δʼ αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων· ἔσεσθαι γὰρ ἀμεταμέλητον αὐτῷ τὴν τοιαύτην προαίρεσιν.

[12] ὧν ὁ Προυσίας διακούσας ἐπʼ ἄλλης ἐγένετο γνώμης. ὡς δὲ καὶ παρεγενήθησαν πρὸς αὐτὸν πρέσβεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Γάιον Λίβιον, τελέως ἀπέστη τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐλπίδων, συμμίξας τοῖς προειρημένοις ἀνδράσιν.

[13] Ἀντίοχος δὲ ταύτης ἀποπεσὼν τῆς ἐλπίδος παρῆν εἰς Ἔφεσον καὶ συλλογιζόμενος ὅτι μόνως ἂν οὕτω δύναιτο κωλῦσαι τὴν τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων διά

βασιν καὶ καθόλου τὸν πόλεμον ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας ἀποτρίβεσθαι βεβαίως κρατοίη τῆς θαλάττης, προέθετο ναυμαχεῖν καὶ κρίνειν τὰ πράγματα διὰ τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν κινδύνων. —

[1] Πολύβιος· οἱ δὲ πειραταὶ θεασάμενοι τὸν ἐπίπλουν τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν πλοίων, ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἀναχώρησιν. —

[1] ὅτι ὁ Ἀντίοχος μετὰ τὴν κατὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν γενομένην ἧτταν ἐν ταῖς Σάρδεσιν παριεὶς τοὺς καιροὺς καὶ καταμέλλων ἐν τοῖς ὅλοις,

[2] ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τῶν πολεμίων τὴν διάβασιν συντριβεὶς τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ δυσελπιστήσας ἔκρινεν διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον καὶ Πόπλιον ὑπὲρ διαλύσεων.

[3] προχειρισάμενος οὖν Ἡρακλείδην τὸν Βυζάντιον ἐξέπεμψε, δοὺς ἐντολὰς ὅτι παραχωρεῖ τῆς τε τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν καὶ Σμυρναίων, ἔτι δὲ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρέων πόλεως, ἐξ ὧν ὁ πόλεμος ἔλαβε τὰς ἀρχάς·

[4] ὁμοίως δὲ κἄν τινας ἑτέρας ὑφαιρεῖσθαι βούλωνται τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἰολίδα καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ὅσαι τἀκείνων ᾕρηνται κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον.

[5] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὅτι τὴν ἡμίσειαν δώσει τῆς γεγενημένης σφίσι δαπάνης εἰς τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν διαφοράν.

[6] ταύτας μὲν οὖν ὁ πεμπόμενος εἶχε τὰς ἐντολὰς πρὸς τὴν κατὰ κοινὸν ἔντευξιν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πρὸς τὸν Πόπλιον ἑτέρας, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν.

[7] ἀφικόμενος δʼ εἰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ὁ προειρημένος πρεσβευτὴς καὶ καταλαβὼν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μένοντας ἐπὶ τῆς στρατοπεδείας, οὗ πρῶτον κατεσκήνωσαν ἀπὸ τῆς διαβάσεως,

[8] τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἥσθη, νομίζων αὑτῷ συνεργὸν εἶναι πρὸς τὴν ἔντευξιν τὸ μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ὡρμηκέναι τῶν ἑξῆς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους,

[9] πυθόμενος δὲ τὸν Πόπλιον ἔτι μένειν ἐν τῷ πέραν ἐδυσχρήστησε διὰ τὸ τὴν πλείστην ῥοπὴν κεῖσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων ἐν τῇ ʼκείνου προαιρέσει.

[10] αἴτιον δʼ ἦν καὶ τοῦ μένειν τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης παρεμβολῆς καὶ τοῦ κεχωρίσθαι τὸν Πόπλιον ἀπὸ τῶν δυνάμεων τὸ σάλιον εἶναι τὸν προειρημένον ἄνδρα. τοῦτο δʼ ἔστιν,

[11] καθάπερ ἡμῖν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς πολιτείας εἴρηται, τῶν τριῶν ἓν σύστημα, διʼ ὧν συμβαίνει τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας θυσίας ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ συντελεῖσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς·

[12] τριακονθήμερον μὴ μεταβαίνειν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς θυσίας, ἐν ᾗ ποτʼ ἂν χώρᾳ καταληφθῶσιν [οἱ σάλιοι οὗτοι].

[13] ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι Ποπλίῳ· τῆς γὰρ δυνάμεως μελλούσης περαιοῦσθαι κατέλαβεν αὐτὸν οὗτος ὁ χρόνος, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι μεταβαλεῖν τὴν χώραν.

[14] διὸ συνέβη τόν τε Σκιπίωνα χωρισθῆναι τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ μεῖναι κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην, τὰς δὲ δυνάμεις περαιωθείσας μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ μὴ δύνασθαι πράττειν τῶν ἑξῆς μηθέν, προσαναδεχομένας τὸν προειρημένον ἄνδρα.

[1] ὁ δʼ Ἡρακλείδης, μετά τινας ἡμέρας παραγενομένου τοῦ Ποπλίου, κληθεὶς πρὸς τὸ συνέδριον εἰς ἔντευξιν διελέγετο περὶ ὧν εἶχε τὰς ἐντολάς,

[2] φάσκων τῆς τε τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν καὶ Σμυρναίων, ἔτι δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων πόλεως ἐκχωρεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἰολίδα καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ὅσαι τυγχάνουσιν ᾑρημέναι τὰ Ῥωμαίων·

[3] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὴν ἡμίσειαν ἀναδέχεσθαι τῆς γεγενημένης αὐτοῖς δαπάνης εἰς τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον.

[4] πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διελέχθη, παρακαλῶν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μήτε τὴν τύχην λίαν ἐξελέγχειν ἀνθρώπους ὑπάρχοντας, μήτε τὸ μέγεθος τῆς αὑτῶν ἐξουσίας ἀόριστον ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ περιγράφειν, μάλιστα μὲν τοῖς τῆς Εὐρώπης ὅροις·

[5] καὶ γὰρ ταύτην μεγάλην ὑπάρχειν καὶ παράδοξον διὰ τὸ μηδένα καθῖχθαι τῶν προγεγονότων αὐτῆς·

[6] εἰ δὲ πάντως καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας βούλονταί τινα προσεπιδράττεσθαι, διορίσαι ταῦτα· πρὸς πᾶν γὰρ τὸ δυνατὸν προσελεύσεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα.

[7] ῥηθέντων δὲ τούτων, ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀποκριθῆναι διότι τῆς μὲν δαπάνης οὐ τὴν ἡμίσειαν, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν δίκαιόν ἐστιν Ἀντίοχον ἀποδοῦναι· φῦναι γὰρ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξ ἀρχῆς οὐ διʼ αὑτούς, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἐκεῖνον·

[8] τῶν δὲ πόλεων μὴ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Αἰολίδα καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν μόνον ἐλευθεροῦν, ἀλλὰ πάσης τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστείας ἐκχωρεῖν.

[9] ὁ μὲν οὖν πρεσβευτὴς ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας παρὰ τοῦ συνεδρίου, διὰ τὸ πολὺ τῶν ἀξιουμένων τὰς ἐπιταγὰς ὑπεραίρειν οὐδένα λόγον ποιησάμενος, τῆς μὲν κοινῆς ἐντεύξεως ἀπέστη, τὸν δὲ Πόπλιον ἐθεράπευσε φιλοτίμως.

[1] λαβὼν δὲ καιρὸν ἁρμόζοντα διελέγετο περὶ ὧν εἶχε τὰς ἐντολάς.

[2] αὗται δʼ ἦσαν διότι πρῶτον μὲν χωρὶς λύτρων ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ τὸν υἱὸν ἀποδώσει

[3] συνέβαινε γὰρ ἐν ἀρχαῖς τοῦ πολέμου τὸν υἱὸν τὸν τοῦ Σκιπίωνος γεγονέναι τοῖς περὶ Ἀντίχον ὑποχείριον·

[4] δεύτερον δὲ διότι καὶ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἕτοιμός ἐστιν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσον ἂν ἀποδείξῃ διδόναι πλῆθος χρημάτων καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κοινὴν ποιεῖν τὴν ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας χορηγίαν, ἐὰν συνεργήσῃ ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως προτεινομέναις διαλύσεσιν.

[5] ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος τὴν μὲν κατὰ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαγγελίαν ἔφη δέχεσθαι καὶ μεγάλην χάριν ἕξειν ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐὰν βεβαιώσῃ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν·

[6] περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγνοεῖν αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ παραπαίειν ὁλοσχερῶς τοῦ σφετέρου συμφέροντος οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτὸν ἔντευξιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ συνέδριον.

[7] εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἔτι Λυσιμαχείας καὶ τῆς εἰς τὴν Χερρόνησον εἰσόδου κύριος ὑπάρχων ταῦτα προύτεινε, ταχέως ἂν αὐτὸν ἐπιτυχεῖν.

[8] ὁμοίως, εἰ καὶ τούτων ἐκχωρήσας παραγεγόνει πρὸς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ δῆλος ὢν ὅτι κωλύσει τὴν διάβασιν ἡμῶν ἐπρέσβευε περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων, ἦν ἂν οὕτως αὐτὸν ἐφικέσθαι τῶν ἀξιουμένων.

[9] ὅτε δʼ ἐάσας ἐπιβῆναι τῆς Ἀσίας τὰς ἡμετέρας δυνάμεις καὶ προσδεξάμενος οὐ μόνον τὸν χαλινόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἀναβάτην παραγίνεται πρεσβεύων περὶ διαλύσεων ἴσων, εἰκότως αὐτὸν ἀποτυγχάνειν καὶ διεψεῦσθαι τῶν ἐλπίδων.

[10] διόπερ αὐτῷ παρῄνει βέλτιον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων καὶ βλέπειν τοὺς καιροὺς ἀληθινῶς.

[11] ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς κατὰ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαγγελίας ὑπισχνεῖτο δώσειν αὐτῷ συμβουλίαν ἀξίαν τῆς προτεινομένης χάριτος· παρεκάλει γὰρ αὐτὸν εἰς πᾶν συγκαταβαίνειν, μάχεσθαι δὲ κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον Ῥωμαίοις.

[12] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλείδης ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας ἐπανῆλθε καὶ συμμίξας διεσάφει τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ κατὰ μέρος·

[13] Ἀντίοχος δὲ νομίσας οὐδὲν ἂν βαρύτερον αὑτῷ γενέσθαι πρόσταγμα τῶν νῦν ἐπιταττομένων, εἰ λειφθείη μαχόμενος, τῆς μὲν περὶ τὰς διαλύσεις ἀσχολίας ἀπέστη, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἀγῶνα πάντα καὶ πανταχόθεν ἡτοίμαζεν. —

[1] ὅτι μετὰ τὴν νίκην οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν αὑτῶν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον παρειληφότες καὶ τὰς Σάρδεις καὶ τὰς ἀκροπόλεις ἄρτι ἧκε Μουσαῖος ἐπικηρυκευόμενος παρʼ Ἀντιόχου.

[2] τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον φιλανθρώπως προσδεξαμένων αὐτόν, ἔφη βούλεσθαι τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐξαποσταλῆναι πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς διαλεχθησομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων.

[3] διόπερ ἀσφάλειαν ἠξίου δοθῆναι τοῖς παραγινομένοις. τῶν δὲ συγχωρησάντων οὗτος μὲν ἐπανῆλθεν,

[4] μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας ἧκον πρέσβεις παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀντιόχου Ζεῦξις ὁ πρότερον ὑπάρχων Λυδίας σατράπης καὶ Ἀντίπατρος ἀδελφιδοῦς.

[5] οὗτοι δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἔσπευδον ἐντυχεῖν Εὐμένει τῷ βασιλεῖ, διευλαβούμενοι μὴ διὰ τὴν προγεγενημένην παρατριβὴν φιλοτιμότερος ᾖ πρὸς τὸ βλάπτειν αὐτούς.

[6] εὑρόντες δὲ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν μέτριον αὐτὸν καὶ πρᾷον, εὐθέως ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὴν κοινὴν ἔντευξιν.

[7] κληθέντες δʼ εἰς τὸ συνέδριον πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἕτερα διελέχθησαν, παρακαλοῦντες πρᾴως χρήσασθαι καὶ μεγαλοψύχως τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι,

[8] φάσκοντες οὐχ οὕτως Ἀντιόχῳ τοῦτο συμφέρειν ὡς αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἐπείπερ ἡ τύχη παρέδωκεν αὐτοῖς τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν·

[9] τὸ δὲ συνέχον ἠρώτων τί δεῖ ποιήσαντας τυχεῖν τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τῆς φιλίας τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους.

[10] οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρότερον ἤδη συνηδρευκότες καὶ βεβουλευμένοι περὶ τούτων, τότʼ ἐκέλευον διασαφεῖν τὰ δεδογμένα τὸν Πόπλιον.

[1] ὁ δὲ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ οὔτε νικήσαντας ἔφη Ῥωμαίους οὐδέποτε γενέσθαι βαρυτέρους,

[2] διὸ καὶ νῦν αὐτοῖς τὴν αὐτὴν ἀπόκρισιν δοθήσεσθαι παρὰ Ῥωμαίων, ἣν καὶ πρότερον ἔλαβον, ὅτε πρὸ τῆς μάχης παρεγενήθησαν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον.

[3] δεῖν γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἔκ τε τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐκχωρεῖν καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πάσης.

[4] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Εὐβοϊκὰ τάλαντʼ ἐπιδοῦναι μύρια καὶ πεντακισχίλια Ῥωμαίοις ἀντὶ τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον δαπάνης.

[5] τούτων δὲ πεντακόσια μὲν παραχρῆμα, δισχίλια δὲ καὶ πεντακόσια πάλιν, ἐπειδὰν ὁ δῆμος κυρώσῃ τὰς διαλύσεις, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τελεῖν ἐν ἔτεσι δώδεκα, διδόντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος χίλια τάλαντα.

[6] ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ Εὐμένει τετρακόσια τάλαντα τὰ προσοφειλόμενα καὶ τὸν ἐλλείποντα σῖτον κατὰ τὰς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα συνθήκας.

[7] σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀννίβαν ἐκδοῦναι τὸν Καρχηδόνιον καὶ Θόαντα τὸν Αἰτωλὸν καὶ Μνασίλοχον Ἀκαρνᾶνα καὶ Φίλωνα καὶ Εὐβουλίδαν τοὺς Χαλκιδέας.

[8] πίστιν δὲ τούτων ὁμήρους εἴκοσι δοῦναι παραχρῆμα τὸν Ἀντίοχον τοὺς παραγραφέντας.

[9] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Πόπλιος ἀπεφήναθʼ ὑπὲρ παντὸς τοῦ συνεδρίου. συγκαταθεμένων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον καὶ Ζεῦξιν, ἔδοξε πᾶσιν ἐξαποστεῖλαι πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς παρακαλέσοντας τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐπικυρῶσαι τὰς συνθήκας.

[10] καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐχωρίσθησαν, ταῖς δʼ ἑξῆς ἡμέραις οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διεῖλον τὰς δυνάμεις

[11] μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας παραγενομένων τῶν ὁμήρων εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον, εὐθέως ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὸ πλεῖν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ὅ τʼ Εὐμένης οἵ τε παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευταί,

[12] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ παρὰ Ῥοδίων καὶ παρὰ Σμυρναίων καὶ σχεδὸν τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πάντων τῶν κατοικούντων ἐθνῶν καὶ πολιτευμάτων ἐπρέσβευον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

β. ολψμπ. 147, 3. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι ἤδη τῆς θερείας ἐνισταμένης μετὰ τὴν νίκην τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὴν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον παρῆν ὅ τε βασιλεὺς Εὐμένης οἵ τε παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρέσβεις οἵ τε παρὰ τῶν Ῥοδίων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων·

[2] σχεδὸν γὰρ ἅπαντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν εὐθέως μετὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τὴν μάχην ἔπεμπον πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, διὰ τὸ πᾶσιν τότε καὶ πάσας τὰς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἐλπίδας ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ κεῖσθαι.

[3] ἅπαντας μὲν οὖν τοὺς παραγενομένους ἐπεδέχετο φιλανθρώπως ἡ σύγκλητος, μεγαλομερέστατα δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἀπάντησιν καὶ τὰς τῶν ξενίων παροχὰς Εὐμένη τὸν βασιλέα, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον τοὺς Ῥοδίους.

[4] ἐπειδὴ δʼ ὁ τῆς ἐντεύξεως καιρὸς ἦλθεν, εἰσεκαλέσαντο πρῶτον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ λέγειν ἠξίουν μετὰ παρρησίας ὧν βούλεται τυχεῖν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου.

[5] τοῦ δʼ Εὐμένους φήσαντος διότι εἰ καὶ παρʼ ἑτέρων τυχεῖν τινος ἐβούλετο φιλανθρώπου, Ῥωμαίοις ἂν ἐχρήσατο συμβούλοις πρὸς τὸ μήτʼ ἐπιθυμεῖν μηδενὸς παρὰ τὸ δέον μήτʼ ἀξιοῦν μηδʼ ἓν πέρα τοῦ καθήκοντος·

[6] ὁπότε δʼ αὐτῶν πάρεστι δεόμενος Ῥωμαίων, ἄριστον εἶναι νομίζει τὸ διδόναι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἐκείνοις καὶ περὶ αὑτοῦ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν·

[7] τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων τινὸς ἀναστάντος καὶ κελεύοντος μὴ κατορρωδεῖν, ἀλλὰ λέγειν τὸ φαινόμενον, διότι πρόκειται τῇ συγκλήτῳ πᾶν αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθαι τὸ δυνατόν, ἔμεινεν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης. χρόνου δʼ ἐγγινομένου ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐξεχώρησεν,

[8] ἡ δὲ ἐντὸς ἐβουλεύετο τί δεῖ ποιεῖν.

[9] ἔδοξεν οὖν τὸν Εὐμένη παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ὑποδεικνύναι θαρροῦντα περὶ ὧν πάρεστιν· καὶ γὰρ εἰδέναι τὰ διαφέροντα τοῖς ἰδίοις πράγμασιν ἐκεῖνον ἀκριβέστερον τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν.

[10] δοξάντων δὲ τούτων εἰσεκλήθη, καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τινὸς ἀποδείξαντος τὰ δεδογμένα λέγειν

[1] ἠναγκάσθη περὶ τῶν προκειμένων. ἔφασκεν οὖν ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν εἰπεῖν περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ μεῖναι τελέως διδοὺς ἐκείνοις τὴν ἐξουσίαν· ἕνα δὲ τόπον ἀγωνιᾶν τὸν κατὰ τοὺς Ῥοδίους·

[2] διὸ καὶ προῆχθαι νῦν εἰς τὸ λέγειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων.

[3] ἐκείνους γὰρ παρεῖναι μὲν οὐδὲν ἧττον ὑπὲρ τῆς σφετέρας πατρίδος συμφερόντως σπουδάζοντας ἤπερ αὑτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς φιλοτιμεῖσθαι κατὰ τὸ παρόν·

[4] τοὺς δὲ λόγους αὐτῶν τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔμφασιν ἔχειν τῇ προθέσει τῇ κατὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν. τοῦτο δʼ εἶναι ῥᾴδιον καταμαθεῖν.

[5] ἐρεῖν μὲν γὰρ αὐτούς, ἐπειδὰν εἰσπορευθῶσιν, διότι πάρεισιν οὔτε παρʼ ὑμῶν αἰτούμενοι τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲν οὔθʼ ἡμᾶς βλάπτειν θέλοντες κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον, πρεσβεύονται δὲ περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων Ἑλλήνων. "

[6] τοῦτο δʼ οὐχ οὕτως αὐτοῖς εἶναι κεχαρισμένον φήσουσιν ὡς ὑμῖν καθῆκον καὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἔργοις ἀκόλουθον.

[7] ἡ μὲν οὖν διὰ τῶν λόγων φαντασία τοιαύτη τις αὐτῶν ἔσται· τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔχοντα τούτοις εὑρεθήσεται διάθεσιν.

[8] τῶν γὰρ πόλεων ἐλευθερωθεισῶν, ὡς αὐτοὶ παρακαλοῦσιν, τὴν μὲν τούτων συμβήσεται δύναμιν αὐξηθῆναι πολλαπλασίως, τὴν δʼ ἡμετέραν τρόπον τινὰ καταλυθῆναι.

[9] τὸ γὰρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὄνομα καὶ τῆς αὐτονομίας ἡμῖν μὲν ἄρδην ἀποσπάσει πάντας οὐ μόνον τοὺς νῦν ἐλευθερωθησομένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πρότερον ἡμῖν ὑποταττομένους, ἐπειδὰν ὑμεῖς ἐπὶ ταύτης ὄντες φανεροὶ γένησθε τῆς προαιρέσεως, τούτοις δὲ προσθήσει πάντας.

[10] τὰ γὰρ πράγματα φύσιν ἔχει τοιαύτην· δόξαντες γὰρ ἠλευθερῶσθαι διὰ τούτους ὀνόματι μὲν ἔσονται σύμμαχοι τούτων, τῇ δʼ ἀληθείᾳ πᾶν ποιήσουσι τὸ κελευόμενον ἑτοίμως, τῇ μεγίστῃ χάριτι γεγονότες ὑπόχρεοι.

[11] διόπερ, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἀξιοῦμεν ὑμᾶς τοῦτον τὸν τόπον ὑπιδέσθαι, μὴ λάθητε τοὺς μὲν παρὰ τὸ δέον αὔξοντες, τοὺς δʼ ἐλαττοῦντες τῶν φίλων ἀλόγως,

[12] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους γεγονότας εὐεργετοῦντες, τοὺς δʼ ἀληθινοὺς φίλους παρορῶντες καὶ

[1] κατολιγωροῦντες τούτων. ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων, ὅτου δέοι, παντὸς ἂν παραχωρήσαιμι τοῖς πέλας ἀφιλονίκως, περὶ δὲ τῆς ὑμετέρας φιλίας καὶ τῆς εἰς ὑμᾶς εὐνοίας ἁπλῶς οὐδέποτʼ ἂν οὐδενὶ τῶν ὄντων ἐκχωρήσαιμι κατὰ δύναμιν.

[2] δοκῶ δὲ καὶ τὸν πατέρα τὸν ἡμέτερον, εἴπερ ἔζη, τὴν αὐτὴν ἂν προέσθαι φωνὴν ἐμοί.

[3] καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος, πρῶτος μετασχὼν τῆς ὑμετέρας φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, σχεδὸν πάντων τῶν [κατὰ] τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα νεμομένων, εὐγενέστατα διεφύλαξε ταύτην ἕως τῆς τελευταίας ἡμέρας, οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὰς πράξεις.

[4] πάντων γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐκοινώνησε τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολέμων καὶ πλείστας μὲν εἰς τούτους καὶ πεζικὰς καὶ ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις παρέσχετο τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων, πλείστην δὲ συνεβάλετο χορηγίαν καὶ μεγίστους ὑπέμεινε κινδύνους·

[5] τέλος δʼ εἰπεῖν, κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον ἐν αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἔργοις κατὰ τὸν Φιλιππικὸν πόλεμον, παρακαλῶν Βοιωτοὺς εἰς τὴν ὑμετέραν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν.

[6] ἐγὼ δὲ διαδεξάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν μὲν προαίρεσιν τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς διεφύλαξα — ταύτην γὰρ οὐχ οἷόν τʼ ἦν ὑπερθέσθαι — τοῖς δὲ πράγμασιν ὑπερεθέμην.

[7] οἱ γὰρ καιροὶ τὴν ἐκ πυρὸς βάσανον ἐμοὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ʼκείνῳ προσῆγον.

[8] Ἀντιόχου γὰρ σπουδάζοντος ἡμῖν θυγατέρα δοῦναι καὶ συνοικειωθῆναι τοῖς ὅλοις, διδόντος δὲ παραχρῆμα μὲν τὰς πρότερον ἀπηλλοτριωμένας ἀφʼ ἡμῶν πόλεις, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πᾶν ὑπισχνουμένου ποιήσειν, εἰ μετάσχοιμεν τοῦ πρὸς ὑμᾶς πολέμου,

[9] τοσοῦτον ἀπέσχομεν τοῦ προσδέξασθαί τι τούτων, ὡς πλείσταις μὲν καὶ πεζικαῖς καὶ ναυτικαῖς δυνάμεσιν τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων ἠγωνίσμεθα μεθʼ ὑμῶν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον, πλείστας δὲ χορηγίας συμβεβλήμεθα πρὸς τὰς ὑμετέρας χρείας ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις καιροῖς, εἰς πάντας δὲ τοὺς κινδύνους δεδώκαμεν αὑτοὺς ἀπροφασίστως μετά γε τῶν ὑμετέρων ἡγεμόνων.

[10] τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ὑπεμείναμεν συγκλεισθέντες εἰς αὐτὸν τὸν Πέργαμον πολιορκεῖσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν ἅμα περὶ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ὑμέτερον δῆμον εὔνοιαν.

[1] ὥσθʼ ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, πολλοὺς μὲν γεγονότας αὐτόπτας, πάντας δὲ γινώσκοντας διότι λέγομεν ἀληθῆ, δίκαιόν ἐστι τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν πρόνοιαν ποιήσασθαι περὶ ἡμῶν.

[2] καὶ γὰρ ἂν πάντων γένοιτο δεινότατον, εἰ Μασαννάσαν μὲν τὸν οὐ μόνον ὑπάρξαντα πολέμιον ὑμῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον καταφυγόντα πρὸς ὑμᾶς μετά τινων ἱππέων, τοῦτον, ὅτι καθʼ ἕνα πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους ἐτήρησε τὴν πίστιν, βασιλέα τῶν πλείστων μερῶν τῆς Λιβύης πεποιήκατε, Πλευρᾶτον δέ,

[3] πράξαντα μὲν ἁπλῶς οὐδέν, διαφυλάξαντα δὲ μόνον τὴν πίστιν, μέγιστον τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα δυναστῶν ἀναδεδείχατε,

[4] ἡμᾶς δὲ τοὺς διὰ προγόνων τὰ μέγιστα καὶ κάλλιστα τῶν ἔργων ὑμῖν συγκατειργασμένους παρʼ οὐδὲν ποιήσεσθε.

[5] τί οὖν ἐστιν ὃ παρακαλῶ, καὶ τίνος φημὶ δεῖν ἡμᾶς τυγχάνειν παρʼ ὑμῶν; ἐρῶ μετὰ παρρησίας,

[6] ἐπείπερ ἡμᾶς ἐξεκαλέσασθε πρὸς τὸ λέγειν ὑμῖν τὸ φαινόμενον.

[7] εἰ μὲν αὐτοὶ κρίνετέ τινας τόπους διακατέχειν τῆς Ἀσίας τῶν ὄντων μὲν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου, ταττομένων δὲ πρότερον ὑπʼ Ἀντίοχον, τοῦτο καὶ μάλιστα βουλοίμεθʼ ἂν ἰδεῖν γενόμενον·

[8] καὶ γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατα βασιλεύσειν ὑμῖν γειτνιῶντες ὑπολαμβάνομεν καὶ μάλιστα μετέχοντες τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐξουσίας.

[9] εἰ δὲ τοῦτο μὴ κρίνετε ποιεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐκχωρεῖν τῆς Ἀσίας ὁλοσχερῶς, οὐδενί φαμεν δικαιότερον εἶναι παραχωρεῖν ὑμᾶς τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου γεγονότων ἄθλων ἤπερ ἡμῖν.

[10] νὴ Δίʼ, ἀλλὰ κάλλιόν ἐστι τοὺς δουλεύοντας ἐλευθεροῦν. εἴγε μὴ μετʼ Ἀντιόχου πολεμεῖν ὑμῖν ἐτόλμησαν.

[11] ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦθʼ ὑπέμειναν, πολλῷ κάλλιον τὸ τοῖς ἀληθινοῖς φίλοις τὰς ἁρμοζούσας χάριτας ἀποδιδόναι μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους γεγονότας εὐεργετεῖν."

[1] ὁ μὲν οὖν Εὐμένης ἱκανῶς εἰπὼν ἀπηλλάγη, τὸ δὲ συνέδριον αὐτόν τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὰ ῥηθέντα φιλοφρόνως ἀπεδέχετο καὶ πᾶν τὸ δυνατὸν προθύμως εἶχεν αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθαι.

[2] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἐβούλοντο μὲν εἰσάγειν Ῥοδίους. ἀφυστεροῦντος δέ τινος τῶν πρεσβευτῶν εἰσεκαλέσαντο τοὺς Σμυρναίους.

[3] οὗτοι δὲ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπολογισμοὺς εἰσήνεγκαν περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας, ἣν παρέσχηνται Ῥωμαίοις κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον·

[4] οὔσης δὲ τῆς περὶ αὐτῶν δόξης ὁμολογουμένης, διότι γεγόνασι πάντων ἐκτενέστατοι τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας αὐτονομουμένων, οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἡγούμεθʼ εἶναι τοὺς κατὰ μέρος ἐκτίθεσθαι λόγους.

[5] ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις εἰσῆλθον οἱ Ῥόδιοι καὶ βραχέα προενεγκάμενοι περὶ τῶν κατʼ ἰδίαν σφίσι πεπραγμένων εἰς Ῥωμαίους, ταχέως εἰς τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἐπανῆλθον λόγον.

[6] ἐν ᾧ μέγιστον αὑτοῖς ἔφασαν γεγονέναι σύμπτωμα κατὰ τὴν πρεσβείαν, πρὸς ὃν οἰκειότατα διάκεινται βασιλέα καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν, πρὸς τοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἀντιπεπτωκέναι τὴν φύσιν τῶν πραγμάτων.

[7] τῇ μὲν γὰρ αὑτῶν πατρίδι δοκεῖν τοῦτο κάλλιστον εἶναι καὶ μάλιστα πρέπον Ῥωμαίοις, τὸ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἕλληνας ἐλευθερωθῆναι καὶ τυχεῖν τῆς αὐτονομίας τῆς ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις προσφιλεστάτης, Εὐμένει δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἥκιστα τοῦτο συμφέρειν· φύσει γὰρ πᾶσαν μοναρχίαν τὸ μὲν ἴσον ἐχθαίρειν,

[8] ζητεῖν δὲ πάντας, εἰ δὲ μή γʼ ὡς πλείστους, ὑπηκόους εἶναι σφίσι καὶ πειθαρχεῖν.

[9] ἀλλὰ καίπερ τοιούτων ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων, ὅμως ἔφασαν πεπεῖσθαι διότι καθίξονται τῆς προθέσεως, οὐ τῷ πλεῖον Εὐμένους δύνασθαι παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ τῷ δικαιότερα φαίνεσθαι λέγοντες καὶ συμφορώτερα πᾶσιν ὁμολογουμένως.

[10] εἰ μὲν γὰρ μὴ δυνατὸν ἦν ἄλλως Εὐμένει χάριν ἀποδοῦναι Ῥωμαίους, εἰ μὴ παραδοῖεν αὐτῷ τὰς αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις, ἀπορεῖν εἰκὸς ἦν περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων· ἢ γὰρ φίλον ἀληθινὸν ἔδει παριδεῖν,

[11] ἢ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ καθήκοντος αὑτοῖς ὀλιγωρῆσαι καὶ τὸ τέλος τῶν ἰδίων πράξεων ἀμαυρῶσαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν.

[12] "εἰ δʼ ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ἱκανῶς ἔξεστιν προνοηθῆναι, τίς ἂν ἔτι περὶ τούτου διαπορήσειεν;

[13] καὶ μὴν ὥσπερ ἐν δείπνῳ πολυτελεῖ, πάντʼ ἔνεστιν ἱκανὰ πᾶσιν καὶ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν.

[14] καὶ γὰρ Λυκαονίαν καὶ Φρυγίαν τὴν ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τὴν Πισιδικήν, πρὸς δὲ ταύταις Χερρόνησον καὶ τὰ προσοροῦντα ταύτῃ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν οἷς ἂν βούλησθε

[15] προστεθέντα πρὸς τὴν Εὐμένους βασιλείαν δεκαπλασίαν αὐτὴν δύναται ποιεῖν τῆς νῦν ὑπαρχούσης· πάντων δὲ τούτων ἢ τῶν πλείστων αὐτῇ προσμερισθέντων, οὐδεμιᾶς ἂν γένοιτο

[1] τῶν ἄλλων δυναστειῶν καταδεεστέρα. ἔξεστιν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τοὺς φίλους μεγαλομερῶς σωματοποιῆσαι καὶ τὸ τῆς ἰδίας ὑποθέσεως λαμπρὸν μὴ καταβαλεῖν.

[2] οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ὑμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ταὐτὸν τέλος τῶν ἔργων, ἀλλʼ ἕτερον.

[3] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι πάντες ὁρμῶσιν πρὸς τὰς πράξεις ὀρεγόμενοι τοῦ καταστρέψασθαι καὶ προσλαβεῖν πόλεις, χορηγίαν, ναῦς·

[4] ὑμᾶς δὲ πάντων τούτων ἀπροσδεήτους οἱ θεοὶ πεποιήκασι, πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην τεθεικότες [μὲν] ὑπὸ τὴν ὑμετέραν ἐξουσίαν.

[5] τίνος οὖν ἔτι προσδεῖσθε, καὶ τίνος ἂν ἔτι δέοι πρόνοιαν ὑμᾶς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἰσχυροτάτην;

[6] δῆλον ὡς ἐπαίνου καὶ δόξης παρʼ ἀνθρώποις, ἃ καὶ κτήσασθαι μέν ἐστι δυσχερές, δυσχερέστερον δὲ κτησαμένους διαφυλάξαι.

[7] γνοίητε δʼ ἂν τὸ λεγόμενον οὕτως. ἐπολεμήσατε πρὸς Φίλιππον καὶ πᾶν ὑπεμείνατε χάριν τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας· τοῦτο γὰρ προέθεσθε, καὶ τοῦθʼ ὑμῖν ἆθλον ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ πολέμου περιγέγονεν, ἕτερον δʼ ἁπλῶς οὐδέν.

[8] ἀλλʼ ὅμως εὐδοκεῖτε τούτῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς παρὰ Καρχηδονίων φόροις· καὶ μάλα δικαίως·

[9] τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀργύριόν ἐστι κοινόν τι πάντων ἀνθρώπων κτῆμα, τὸ δὲ καλὸν καὶ πρὸς ἔπαινον καὶ τιμὴν ἀνῆκον θεῶν καὶ τῶν ἔγγιστα τούτοις πεφυκότων ἀνδρῶν ἐστιν.

[10] τοιγαροῦν σεμνότατον τῶν ὑμετέρων ἔργων ἡ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθέρωσις. τούτῳ νῦν ἐὰν μὲν προσθῆτε τἀκόλουθον, τελειωθήσεται τὰ τῆς ὑμετέρας δόξης. ἐὰν δὲ παρίδητε, καὶ τὰ πρὶν ἐλαττωθήσεται φανερῶς.

[11] ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες, καὶ τῆς προαιρέσεως γεγονότες αἱρετισταὶ καὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἀγώνων καὶ κινδύνων ἀληθινῶς ὑμῖν μετεσχηκότες, καὶ νῦν οὐκ ἐγκαταλείπομεν τὴν τῶν φίλων τάξιν,

[12] ἀλλʼ ἅ γε νομίζομεν ὑμῖν καὶ πρέπειν καὶ συμφέρειν, οὐκ ὠκνήσαμεν ὑπομνῆσαι μετὰ παρρησίας, οὐδενὸς στοχασάμενοι τῶν ἄλλων οὐδὲ περὶ πλείονος οὐδὲν ποιησάμενοι τοῦ καθήκοντος αὑτοῖς."

[13] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥόδιοι ταῦτʼ εἰπόντες πᾶσιν ἐδόκουν μετρίως καὶ καλῶς διειλέχθαι περὶ τῶν προκειμένων.

[1] ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις εἰσήγαγον τοὺς παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευτὰς Ἀντίπατρον καὶ Ζεῦξιν.

[2] ὧν μετʼ ἀξιώσεως καὶ παρακλήσεως ποιησαμένων τοὺς λόγους, εὐδόκησαν ταῖς γεγενημέναις ὁμολογίαις πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Σκιπίωνα κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν,

[3] καὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας τοῦ δήμου συνεπικυρώσαντος ἔτεμον ὅρκια περὶ τούτων πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον.

[4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους εἰσῆγον, ὅσοι παρῆσαν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας πρεσβεύοντες· ὧν ἐπὶ βραχὺ μὲν διήκουσαν, ἅπασιν δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔδωκαν ἀπόκρισιν.

[5] αὕτη δʼ ἦν ὅτι δέκα πρεσβεύοντας ἐξαποστελοῦσι τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων ταῖς πόλεσι διαγνωσομένους.

[6] δόντες δὲ ταύτας τὰς ἀποκρίσεις μετὰ ταῦτα κατέστησαν δέκα πρεσβευτάς, οἷς περὶ μὲν τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἔδωκαν τὴν ἐπιτροπήν,

[7] περὶ δὲ τῶν ὅλων αὐτοὶ διέλαβον ὅτι δεῖ τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου κατοικούντων, ὅσοι μὲν ὑπʼ Ἀντίοχον ἐτάττοντο, τούτους Εὐμένει δοθῆναι πλὴν Λυκίαν καὶ Καρίας τὰ μέχρι τοῦ Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, ταῦτα δὲ Ῥοδίων ὑπάρχειν,

[8] τῶν δὲ πόλεων τῶν Ἑλληνίδων ὅσαι μὲν Ἀττάλῳ φόρον ὑπετέλουν, ταύτας τὸν αὐτὸν Εὐμένει τελεῖν, ὅσαι δʼ Ἀντιόχῳ, μόνον ταύταις ἀφεῖσθαι τὸν φόρον.

[9] δόντες δὲ τοὺς τύπους τούτους ὑπὲρ τῆς ὅλης διοικήσεως, ἐξέπεμπον τοὺς δέκα πρὸς Γνάιον τὸν ὕπατον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν.

[10] ἤδη δὲ τούτων διῳκημένων, προσῆλθον αὖθις οἱ Ῥόδιοι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀξιοῦντες περὶ Σόλων τῶν Κιλικίων· διὰ γὰρ τὴν συγγένειαν ἔφασαν καθήκειν αὑτοῖς προνοεῖσθαι τῆς πόλεως ταύτης.

[11] εἶναι γὰρ Ἀργείων ἀποίκους Σολεῖς, καθάπερ καὶ Ῥοδίους· ἐξ ὧν ἀδελφικὴν οὖσαν ἀπεδείκνυον τὴν συγγένειαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους.

[12] ὧν ἕνεκα δίκαιον ἔφασαν εἶναι τυχεῖν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων διὰ τῆς Ῥοδίων χάριτος.

[13] ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος διακούσασα περὶ τούτων εἰσεκαλέσατο τοὺς παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευτάς, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπέταττε πάσης Κιλικίας ἐκχωρεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον· οὐ προσδεχομένων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον διὰ τὸ παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας εἶναι, πάλιν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν Σόλων ἐποιοῦντο τὸν λόγον.

[14] φιλοτίμως δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο διερειδομένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσαν, τοὺς δὲ Ῥοδίους εἰσκαλεσάμενοι διεσάφουν τὰ συναντώμενα παρὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον καὶ προσεπέλεγον ὅτι πᾶν ὑπομενοῦσιν, εἰ πάντως τοῦτο κέκριται Ῥοδίοις.

[15] τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν εὐδοκουμένων τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ φασκόντων οὐδὲν ἔτι πέρα ζητεῖν, ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων ἔμεινεν.

[16] ἤδη δὲ πρὸς ἀναζυγὴν τῶν δέκα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πρεσβευτῶν ὄντων, κατέπλευσαν τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς Βρεντέσιον οἵ τε περὶ τὸν Σκιπίωνα καὶ Λεύκιον οἱ τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ νικήσαντες τὸν Ἀντίοχον·

[17] οἳ καὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἦγον θριάμβους.

ιι. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] ὅτι Ἀμύνανδρος ὁ τῶν Ἀθαμάνων βασιλεύς, δοκῶν ἤδη τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνειληφέναι βεβαίως, εἰς Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμπε πρεσβευτὰς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Σκιπίωνας εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν — ἔτι γὰρ ἦσαν περὶ τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἔφεσον τόπους —

[2] τὰ μὲν ἀπολογούμενος τῷ δοκεῖν διʼ Αἰτωλῶν πεποιῆσθαι τὴν κάθοδον, τὰ δὲ κατηγορῶν τοῦ Φιλίππου, τὸ δὲ πολὺ παρακαλῶν προσδέξασθαι πάλιν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν.

[3] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ νομίσαντες ἔχειν εὐφυῆ καιρὸν πρὸς τὸ τὴν Ἀμφιλοχίαν καὶ τὴν Ἀπεραντίαν ἀνακτήσασθαι, προέθεντο στρατεύειν εἰς τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους.

[4] ἁθροίσαντος δὲ Νικάνδρου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πάνδημον στρατιάν, ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν Ἀμφιλοχίαν.

[5] τῶν δὲ πλείστων αὐτοῖς ἐθελοντὴν προσχωρησάντων μετῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀπεραντίαν. καὶ τούτων δὲ προσθεμένων ἑκουσίως ἐστράτευσαν εἰς τὴν Δολοπίαν.

[6] οὗτοι δὲ βραχὺν μέν τινα χρόνον ὑπέδειξαν ὡς ἀντιποιησόμενοι, τηρήσαντες τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον πίστιν· λαβόντες δὲ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὰ περὶ τοὺς Ἀθαμᾶνας καὶ τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου , ταχέως μετενόησαν καὶ προσέθεντο πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.

[7] γενομένης δὲ τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων εὐροίας τοιαύτης, ἀπήγαγε τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Νίκανδρος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, δοκῶν ἠσφαλίσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν τοῖς προειρημένοις ἔθνεσι καὶ τόποις τοῦ μηδένα δύνασθαι κακοποιεῖν τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν.

[8] ἄρτι δὲ τούτων συμβεβηκότων καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσι φρονηματιζομένων, προσέπεσε φήμη περὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν μάχης, ἐν ᾗ γνόντες ἡττημένον ὁλοσχερῶς τὸν Ἀντίοχον αὖθις ἀνετράπησαν ταῖς ψυχαῖς.

[9] ὡς δὲ παραγενηθεὶς ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ὁ Δαμοτέλης τόν τε πόλεμον ἀνήγγειλε διότι μένει κατάμονος, καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μάρκου καὶ τῶν δυνάμεων διάβασιν ἐπʼ αὐτούς, τότε δὴ παντελῶς εἰς ἀμηχανίαν ἐνέπιπτον καὶ διηπόρουν πῶς δεῖ χρήσασθαι τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις πράγμασιν.

[10] ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς πρός τε Ῥοδίους πέμπειν καὶ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ἀξιοῦντας καὶ παρακαλοῦντας πρεσβεῦσαι περὶ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ παραιτησαμένους τὴν ὀργὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ποιήσασθαί τινα λύσιν τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν τὴν Αἰτωλίαν.

[11] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ αὑτῶν ἐξέπεμψαν πάλιν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Ἴσιον ἐπικαλούμενον καὶ Φαινέαν, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Χάλεπον. ἔτι δʼ Ἄλυπον τὸν Ἀμβρακιώτην καὶ Λύκωπον. —

[1] ὅτι παραγενομένων πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐξ ἠπείρου πρεσβευτῶν, ἐκοινολογεῖτο τούτοις περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς στρατείας.

[2] τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν συμβουλευόντων — συνέβαινε γὰρ τότε πολιτεύεσθαι τοὺς Ἀμβρακιώτας μετὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν —

[3] καὶ φερόντων ἀπολογισμοὺς διότι καὶ πρὸς τὸ μάχεσθαι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις, ἐὰν εἰς τοῦτο βούλωνται συγκαταβαίνειν Αἰτωλοί, καλλίστους εἶναι τόπους συμβαίνει περὶ τὴν προειρημένην πόλιν,

[4] κἂν ἀποδειλιῶσιν, εὐφυῶς αὐτὴν κεῖσθαι πρὸς πολιορκίαν· καὶ γὰρ ἀφθόνους ἔχειν τὴν χώραν τὰς χορηγίας πρὸς τὰς τῶν ἔργων παρασκευάς, καὶ τὸν Ἄρατθον ποταμὸν ῥέοντα παρὰ τὴν πόλιν συνεργήσειν πρός τε τὰς τοῦ στρατοπέδου χρείας, ἅτε θέρους ὄντος καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἔργων ἀσφάλειαν· δοξάντων δὲ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν καλῶς συμβουλεύειν,

[5] ἀναζεύξας ὁ στρατηγὸς ἦγε διὰ τῆς Ἠπείρου τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν.

[6] ἀφικόμενος δέ, καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν οὐ τολμώντων ἀπαντᾶν, περιῄει κατοπτεύων τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἐνήργει τὰ τῆς πολιορκίας φιλοτίμως.

[7] καὶ οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀποσταλέντες πρέσβεις, παρατηρηθέντες ὑπὸ Σιβύρτου τοῦ Πετραίου περὶ τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν, κατήχθησαν εἰς Χάραδρον.

[8] τοῖς δʼ Ἠπειρώταις ἔδοξεν τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς εἰς Βούχετον ἀποθέσθαι καὶ φυλάττειν ἐπιμελῶς τοὺς ἄνδρας· μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας ἀπῄτουν αὐτοὺς λύτρα διὰ τὸ πόλεμον ὑπάρχειν σφίσιν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.

[9] συνέβαινε δὲ τὸν μὲν Ἀλέξανδρον πλουσιώτατον εἶναι πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς οὐ καθυστερεῖν τοῖς βίοις, πολὺ δὲ λείπεσθαι τοῦ προειρημένου ταῖς οὐσίαις.

[10] καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐκέλευον ἕκαστον ἀποδοῦναι πέντε τάλαντα. τοῦτο δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις οὐδʼ ὅλως ἀπήρεσκεν, ἀλλʼ ἐβούλοντο, περὶ πλείστου ποιούμενοι τὴν σφῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίαν·

[11] ὁ δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος οὐκ ἂν ἔφη συγχωρῆσαι, πολὺ γὰρ εἶναι τἀργύριον [φαίνεται], καὶ τὰς νύκτας διαγρυπνῶν διωλοφύρετο πρὸς αὑτόν, εἰ δεήσει πέντε τάλαντα καταβάλλειν.

[12] οἱ δʼ Ἠπειρῶται προορώμενοι τὸ μέλλον καὶ διαγωνιῶντες μὴ γνόντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διότι πρεσβεύοντας πρὸς αὐτοὺς κατεσχήκασι, κἄπειτα γράψαντες παρακαλῶσι καὶ κελεύωσιν ἀπολύειν τοὺς ἄνδρας, συγκαταβάντες τρία τάλαντα πάλιν ἀπῄτουν ἕκαστον.

[13] ἀσμένως δὲ τῶν ἄλλων προσδεξαμένων, οὗτοι μὲν διεγγυηθέντες ἐπανῆλθον, ὁ δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος οὐκ ἂν ἔφη δοῦναι πλεῖον ταλάντου· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτʼ εἶναι πολύ.

[14] καὶ τέλος ἀπογνοὺς αὑτὸν ἔμεινεν ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ, πρεσβύτερος ἄνθρωπος, πλειόνων ἢ διακοσίων ταλάντων ἔχων οὐσίαν· καί μοι δοκεῖ κἂν ἐκλιπεῖν τὸν βίον ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ δοῦναι τὰ τρία τάλαντα.

[15] τοσαύτη τις ἐνίοις πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ὁρμὴ παρίσταται καὶ προθυμία.

[16] τότε δʼ ἐκείνῳ καὶ ταὐτόματον συνήργησεν πρὸς τὴν φιλαργυρίαν, ὥστε παρὰ πᾶσιν ἐπαίνου καὶ συγκαταθέσεως τυχεῖν τὴν ἀλογιστίαν αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν περιπέτειαν·

[17] μετὰ γὰρ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας γραμμάτων παραγενηθέντων ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης περὶ τῆς ἀφέσεως, αὐτὸς μόνος ἀπελύθη χωρὶς λύτρων.

[18] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοί, γνόντες τὴν αὐτοῦ περιπέτειαν, Δαμοτέλη προεχειρίσαντο πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρεσβευτήν.

[19] ὃς ἐκπλεύσας μέχρι τῆς Λευκάδος καὶ γνοὺς προάγοντα διὰ τῆς Ἠπείρου μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων Μάρκον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν, ἀπογνοὺς τὴν πρεσβείαν αὖθις ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν. —

[1] Αἰτωλοὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὑπάτου Μάρκου πολιορκούμενοι τῇ προσβολῇ τῶν μηχανημάτων καὶ τῶν κριῶν γενναίως ἀντιπαρετάξαντο.

[2] οὗτος γὰρ ἀσφαλισάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὰς στρατοπεδείας συνίστατο μεγαλομερῶς τὴν πολιορκίαν καὶ τρία μὲν ἔργα κατὰ τὸ Πύρρειον προσῆγεν διὰ τῶν ἐπιπέδων [τόπων], διεστῶτα μὲν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, παράλληλα δέ, τέταρτον δὲ κατὰ τὸ Ἀσκληπιεῖον, πέμπτον δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν.

[3] γινομένης δὲ τῆς προσαγωγῆς ἐνεργοῦ κατὰ πάντας ἅμα τοὺς τόπους, ἐκπληκτικὴν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τοῖς ἔνδον τὴν τοῦ μέλλοντος προσδοκίαν.

[4] τῶν δὲ κριῶν τυπτόντων ἐνεργῶς τὰ τείχη, καὶ τῶν δορυδρεπάνων ἀποσυρόντων τὰς ἐπάλξεις, ἐπειρῶντο μὲν οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀντιμηχανᾶσθαι πρὸς ταῦτα, τοῖς μὲν κριοῖς διὰ κεραιῶν ἐνιέντες σηκώματα μολιβδᾶ καὶ λίθους καὶ στύπη δρύινα·

[5] τοῖς δὲ δρεπάνοις σιδηρᾶς περιτιθέντες ἀγκύρας καὶ κατασπῶντες ταῦτʼ ἔσω τοῦ τείχους, ὥστʼ ἐπὶ τὴν ἔπαλξιν συντριβέντος τοῦ δόρατος ἐγκρατεῖς γίνεσθαι τῶν δρεπάνων.

[6] τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ἐπεξιόντες ἐμάχοντο γενναίως, ποτὲ μὲν ἐπιτιθέμενοι νύκτωρ τοῖς ἐπικοιτοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων, ποτὲ δὲ τοῖς ἐφημερεύουσι μεθʼ ἡμέραν προφανῶς ἐγχειροῦντες, καὶ τριβὴν ἐνεποίουν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ. —

[7] τοῦ γὰρ Νικάνδρου ἐκτὸς ἀναστρεφομένου καὶ πέμψαντος πεντακοσίους ἱππεῖς εἰς τὴν πόλιν, οἳ καὶ παραβιασάμενοι τὸν μεταξὺ χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων εἰσέφρησαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν,

[8] παραγγείλας, καθʼ ἣν ἐτάξαντο ἡμέραν, αὐτοὺς μὲν ἐξελθόντας ποιήσασθαι, συνεπιλαβέσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν τούτοις τοῦ κινδύνου.

[9] αὐτῶν μὲν εὐψύχως τῆς πόλεως ἐξορμησάντων καὶ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένων, τοῦ δὲ Νικάνδρου καθυστερήσαντος, εἴτε καταπλαγέντος τὸν κίνδυνον εἴτε καὶ ἀναγκαῖα νομίσαντος τὰ ἐν οἷς διέτριβε πράγμασιν, ἡττήθησαν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. —

[1] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι συνεχῶς ἐνεργοῦντες τοῖς κριοῖς ἀεί τι παρέλυον τῶν τειχῶν·

[2] οὐ μὴν εἴς γε τὴν πόλιν ἐδύναντο βιάσασθαι διὰ τῶν πτωμάτων, τῷ καὶ τὴν ἀντοικοδομίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἔνδον ἐνεργὸν εἶναι καὶ μάχεσθαι γενναίως ἐπὶ τοῦ πίπτοντος μέρους τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.

[3] διόπερ ἀπορούμενοι κατήντησαν ἐπὶ τὸ μεταλλεύειν καὶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ὀρύγμασιν ὑπὸ γῆς.

[4] ἀσφαλισάμενοι δὲ τὸ μέσον ἔργον τῶν τριῶν τῶν προϋπαρχόντων καὶ σκεπάσαντες ἐπιμελῶς [τὴν σύριγγα] τοῖς γέρροις, προεβάλοντο στοὰν παράλληλον τῷ τείχει σχεδὸν ἐπὶ δύο πλέθρα.

[5] καὶ λαβόντες ἀρχὴν ἐκ ταύτης ὤρυττον ἀδιαπαύστως καὶ τὴν νύκτα καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκ διαδοχῆς.

[6] ἐφʼ ἱκανὰς μὲν οὖν ἡμέρας ἐλάνθανον τοὺς ἔνδον φέροντες ἔξω τὸν χοῦν διὰ τῆς σύριγγος.

[7] ὡς δὲ μέγας ὁ σωρὸς ἐγένετο τῆς ἐκφερομένης γῆς καὶ σύνοπτος τοῖς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν πολιορκουμένων ὤρυττον τάφρον ἔσωθεν ἐνεργῶς παράλληλον τῷ τείχει καὶ τῇ στοᾷ τῇ πρὸ τῶν πύργων. ἐπειδὴ δὲ βάθος ἔσχεν ἱκανόν,

[8] ἑξῆς ἔθηκαν παρὰ τὸν ἕνα τοῖχον τῆς τάφρου τὸν ἐγγὺς τῷ τείχει χαλκώματα συνεχῆ, λεπτότατα ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, καὶ παρὰ ταῦτα διὰ τῆς τάφρου παριόντες ἠκροῶντο τοῦ ψόφου τῶν ὀρυττόντων ἔξωθεν.

[9] ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐσημειώσαντο τὸν τόπον, καθʼ ὃν ἐδήλου τινὰ τῶν χαλκωμάτων διὰ τῆς συμπαθείας, ὤρυττον ἔσωθεν ἐπικαρσίαν πρὸς τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἄλλην κατὰ γῆς τάφρον ὑπὸ τὸ τεῖχος, στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ συμπεσεῖν ἐναντίοι τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[10] ταχὺ δὲ τούτου γενομένου, διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μὴ μόνον ἀφῖχθαι πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ὑπὸ γῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ διεστυλωκέναι τόπον ἱκανὸν τοῦ τείχους ἐφʼ ἑκάτερον τὸ μέρος τοῦ μετάλλου, συνέπεσον ἀλλήλοις.

[11] καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐμάχοντο ταῖς σαρίσαις ὑπὸ γῆν· ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐδὲν ἠδύναντο μέγα ποιεῖν διὰ τὸ προβάλλεσθαι θυρεοὺς καὶ γέρρα πρὸ αὑτῶν ἀμφότεροι,

[12] τὸ τηνικάδʼ ὑπέθετό τις τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις πίθον προθεμένους ἁρμοστὸν κατὰ τὸ πλάτος τῷ μετάλλῳ τρυπῆσαι τὸν πυθμένα καὶ διώσαντας αὐλίσκον σιδηροῦν ἴσον τῷ τεύχει πλῆσαι τὸν πίθον ὅλον πτίλων λεπτῶν καὶ πυρὸς παντελῶς μικρὸν ἐμβαλεῖν ὑπʼ αὐτὸ τὸ τοῦ πίθου περιστόμιον·

[13] κἄπειτα σιδηροῦν πῶμα τρημάτων πλῆρες τῷ στόματι περιθέντας ἀσφαλῶς εἰσάγειν διὰ τοῦ μετάλλου, νεύοντι τῷ στόματι πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους·

[14] ὁπότε δʼ ἐγγίσαιεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, περισάξαντας τὰ χείλη τοῦ πίθου πανταχόθεν τρήματα δύο καταλιπεῖν ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους, διʼ ὧν διωθοῦντες τὰς σαρίσας οὐκ ἐάσουσι προσιέναι τῷ πίθῳ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους·

[15] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα λαβόντας ἀσκόν, ᾧπερ οἱ χαλκεῖς χρῶνται, καὶ προσαρμόσαντας πρὸς τὸν αὐλὸν τὸν σιδηροῦν φυσᾶν ἐνεργῶς τὸ πρὸς τῷ στόματι πῦρ ἐν τοῖς πτίλοις ἐγκείμενον, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἐπαγομένους ἀεὶ τὸν αὐλὸν ἐκτός, καθʼ ὅσον ἂν ἐκκάηται τὰ πτίλα. γενομένων δὲ πάντων καθάπερ προείρηται,

[16] τό τε πλῆθος τοῦ καπνοῦ συνέβαινε πολὺ γίνεσθαι καὶ τῇ δριμύτητι διαφέρον διὰ τὴν φύσιν τῶν πτίλων, φέρεσθαί τε πᾶν εἰς τὸ τῶν πολεμίων μέταλλον.

[17] ὥστε καὶ λίαν κακοπαθεῖν καὶ δυσχρηστεῖσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, οὔτε κωλύειν οὔθʼ ὑπομένειν δυναμένους ἐν τοῖς ὀρύγμασι τὸν καπνόν.

[18] τοιαύτην δὲ λαμβανούσης τριβὴν τῆς πολιορκίας ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρεσβεύειν ἔγνω πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον οἱ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν Ῥοδίων πρέσβεις ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων, συνεπιληψόμενοι τῶν διαλύσεων.

[2] ὅ τε βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἀθαμάνων Ἀμύνανδρος παρεγένετο σπουδάζων ἐξελέσθαι τοὺς Ἀμβρακιώτας ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν, δοθείσης αὐτῷ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ὑπὸ τοῦ Μάρκου διὰ τὸν καιρόν·

[3] πάνυ γὰρ οἰκείως εἶχε πρὸς τοὺς Ἀμβρακιώτας διὰ τὸ καὶ πλείω χρόνον ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ διατετριφέναι κατὰ φυγήν.

[4] ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἄγοντές τινες τοὺς περὶ Δαμοτέλην· ὁ γὰρ Μάρκος πυθόμενος τὴν περιπέτειαν αὐτῶν ἔγραψε τοῖς Θυρρειεῦσιν ἀνακομίζειν τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς αὑτόν.

[5] πάντων δὲ τούτων ἡθροισμένων ἐνηργεῖτο φιλοτίμως τὰ πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις.

[6] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀμύνανδρος κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ πρόθεσιν εἴχετο τῶν Ἀμβρακιωτῶν, παρακαλῶν σῴζειν σφᾶς αὐτούς εἶναι δὲ τοῦτον οὐ μακράν, ἐὰν μὴ βουλεύσωνται βέλτιον περὶ αὑτῶν.

[7] πλεονάκις δὲ προσπελάζοντος αὐτοῦ τῷ τείχει καὶ διαλεγομένου περὶ τούτων, ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀμβρακιώταις εἰσκαλέσασθαι τὸν Ἀμύνανδρον εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

[8] τοῦ δὲ στρατηγοῦ συγχωρήσαντος τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν εἴσοδον, οὗτος μὲν εἰσελθὼν διελέγετο τοῖς Ἀμβρακιώταις περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων,

[9] οἱ δὲ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν Ῥοδίων πρέσβεις λαμβάνοντες εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ ποικίλως ὁμιλοῦντες, πραΰνειν ἐπειρῶντο τὴν ὀργὴν αὐτοῦ.

[10] τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλη καὶ Φαινέαν ὑπέθετό τις ἔχεσθαι καὶ θεραπεύειν τὸν Γάιον Οὐαλέριον·

[11] οὗτος δʼ ἦν Μάρκου μὲν υἱὸς τοῦ πρώτου συνθεμένου πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς τὴν συμμαχίαν, Μάρκου δὲ τοῦ τότε στρατηγοῦντος ἀδελφὸς ἐκ μητρός· ἄλλως δὲ πρᾶξιν ἔχων νεανικὴν ἦν μάλιστα παρὰ τῷ στρατηγῷ πιστευόμενος.

[12] ὃς παρακληθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλη καὶ νομίσας ἴδιον εἶναι τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ καθήκειν αὑτῷ τὸ προστατῆσαι τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, πᾶσαν εἰσεφέρετο σπουδὴν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξελέσθαι σπουδάζων τὸ ἔθνος ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν.

[13] ἐνεργῶς δὲ πανταχόθεν προσαγομένης τῆς φιλοτιμίας, ἔλαβε τὸ πρᾶγμα συντέλειαν.

[14] οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἀμβρακιῶται πεισθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπέτρεψαν τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ παρέδωκαν τὴν πόλιν ἐφʼ ᾧ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπελθεῖν·

[15] τοῦτο γὰρ ὑφείλοντο πρῶτον, τη

[1] ροῦντες τὴν πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πίστιν. ὁ δὲ Μάρκος συγκατέθετο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπὶ τούτῳ ποιήσασθαι τὰς διαλύσεις,

[2] ὥστε διακόσια μὲν Εὐβοϊκὰ τάλαντα παραχρῆμα λαβεῖν, τριακόσια δʼ ἐν ἔτεσιν ἕξ, πεντήκοντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος·

[3] ἀποκατασταθῆναι δὲ καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους Ῥωμαίοις ἅπαντας τοὺς παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὄντας ἐν ἓξ μησὶ χωρὶς λύτρων·

[4] πόλιν δὲ μηδεμίαν ἔχειν ἐν τῇ συμπολιτείᾳ μηδὲ μετὰ ταῦτα προσλαβέσθαι τούτων, ὅσαι μετὰ τὴν Λευκίου Κορνηλίου διάβασιν ἑάλωσαν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἢ φιλίαν ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς Ῥωμαίους·

[5] Κεφαλληνίους δὲ πάντας ἐκσπόνδους εἶναι τούτων τῶν συνθηκῶν.

[6] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπετυπώθη τότε κεφαλαιωδῶς περὶ τῶν διαλύσεων· ἔδει δὲ τούτοις πρῶτον μὲν εὐδοκῆσαι τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους.

[7] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Ῥόδιοι παρέμενον αὐτοῦ, καραδοκοῦντες τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀπόφασιν· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλην ἐπανελθόντες διεσάφουν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς περὶ τῶν συγκεχωρημένων.

[8] τοῖς μὲν οὖν ὅλοις εὐδόκουν· καὶ γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς ἅπαντα παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν· περὶ δὲ τῶν πόλεων τῶν πρότερον συμπολιτευομένων αὐτοῖς διαπορήσαντες ἐπὶ ποσὸν τέλος συγκατέθεντο τοῖς προτεινομένοις.

[9] ὁ δὲ Μάρκος παραλαβὼν τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν τοὺς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀφῆκεν ὑποσπόνδους, τὰ δʼ ἀγάλματα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς γραφὰς ἀπήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὄντα καὶ πλείω διὰ τὸ γεγονέναι βασίλειον Πύρρου τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν.

[10] ἐδόθη δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ στέφανος ἀπὸ ταλάντων ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα.

[11] ταῦτα δὲ διοικησάμενος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν εἰς τὴν μεσόγειον τῆς Αἰτωλίας, θαυμάζων ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀπαντᾶσθαι.

[12] παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς Ἄργος τὸ καλούμενον Ἀμφιλοχικὸν κατεστρατοπέδευσεν, ὅπερ ἀπέχει τῆς Ἀμβρακίας ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους.

[13] ἐκεῖ δὲ συμμιξάντων αὐτῷ τῶν περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλην καὶ διασαφούντων ὅτι δέδοκται τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς βεβαιοῦν τὰς διʼ ἑαυτῶν γεγενημένας ὁμολογίας, διεχωρίσθησαν, Αἰτωλοὶ μὲν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, Μάρκος δʼ εἰς τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν.

[14] κἀκεῖσε παραγενόμενος οὗτος μὲν ἐγίνετο περὶ τὸ περαιοῦν τὴν δύναμιν εἰς τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν,

[15] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ προχειρισάμενοι Φαινέαν καὶ Νίκανδρον πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης·

[16] ἁπλῶς γὰρ οὐδὲν ἦν κύριον τῶν προειρημένων, εἰ μὴ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ δόξαι τῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων.

[1] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν παραλαβόντες τούς τε Ῥοδίους καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὸ προκείμενον·

[2] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ Μάρκος ἐξαπέστειλε Γάιον τὸν Οὐαλέριον καί τινας ἑτέρους τῶν φίλων πράξοντας τὰ περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης.

[3] ἀφικομένων δʼ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, πάλιν ἐκαινοποιήθη τὰ τῆς ὀργῆς πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διὰ Φιλίππου τοῦ βασιλέως·

[4] ἐκεῖνος γὰρ δοκῶν ἀδίκως ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀφῃρῆσθαι τὴν Ἀθαμανίαν καὶ τὴν Δολοπίαν διεπέμψατο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς συνοργισθῆναι καὶ μὴ προσδέξασθαι τὰς διαλύσεις.

[5] διὸ καὶ τῶν μὲν Αἰτωλῶν εἰσπορευθέντων παρήκουεν ἡ σύγκλητος, τῶν δὲ Ῥοδίων καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀξιούντων ἐνετράπη καὶ προσέσχε τὸν νοῦν.

[6] καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει μετὰ Δάμωνʼ ὁ Κιχησίου λέων ἄλλα τε καλῶς εἰπεῖν καὶ παραδείγματι πρὸς τὸ παρὸν οἰκείῳ χρήσασθαι κατὰ τὸν λόγον.

[7] ἔφη γὰρ ὀργίζεσθαι μὲν εἰκότως τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς· πολλὰ γὰρ εὖ πεπονθότας τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων οὐ χάριν ἀποδεδωκέναι τούτων, ἀλλʼ εἰς μέγαν ἐνηνοχέναι κίνδυνον τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ἐκκαύσαντας τὸν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πόλεμον· ἐν τούτῳ δὲ διαμαρτάνειν τὴν σύγκλητον,

[8] ἐν ᾧ τὴν ὀργὴν φέρειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολλούς.

[9] εἶναι γὰρ τὸ συμβαῖνον ἐν ταῖς πολιτείαις περὶ τὰ πλήθη παραπλήσιον τῷ γινομένῳ περὶ τὴν θάλατταν.

[10] καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνην κατὰ μὲν τὴν αὑτῆς φύσιν ἀεί ποτʼ εἶναι γαληνὴν καὶ καθεστηκυῖαν καὶ συλλήβδην τοιαύτην ὥστε μηδέποτʼ ἂν ἐνοχλῆσαι μηδένα τῶν προσπελαζόντων αὐτῇ καὶ χρωμένων·

[11] ἐπειδὰν δʼ ἐμπεσόντες εἰς αὐτὴν ἄνεμοι βίαιοι ταράξωσι καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ἀναγκάσωσι κινεῖσθαι, τότε μηθὲν ἔτι δεινότερον εἶναι μηδὲ φοβερώτερον θαλάττης· ὃ καὶ νῦν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν συμπεσεῖν.

[12] "ἕως μὲν γὰρ ἦσαν ἀκέραιοι, πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὑπῆρχον ὑμῖν εὐνούστατοι καὶ βεβαιότατοι συνεργοὶ πρὸς τὰς πράξεις·

[13] ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Ἀσίας πνεύσαντες Θόας καὶ Δικαίαρχος, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης Μενεστᾶς καὶ Δαμόκριτος συνετάραξαν τοὺς ὄχλους καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ἠνάγκασαν πᾶν καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν,

[14] τότε δὴ κακῶς φρονοῦντες ἐβουλήθησαν μὲν ὑμῖν, ἐγένοντο δʼ αὑτοῖς αἴτιοι κακῶν.

[15] ἀνθʼ ὧν ὑμᾶς δεῖ πρὸς ἐκείνους ἔχειν ἀπαραιτήτως, ἐλεεῖν δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ διαλύεσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰδότας ὅτι γενόμενοι πάλιν ἀκέραιοι, καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔτι νῦν ὑφʼ ὑμῶν σωθέντες, εὐνούστατοι πάλιν ἔσονται πάντων Ἑλλήνων.

[16] " ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀθηναῖος ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἔπεισε τὴν σύγκλητον διαλύεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.

[1] δόξαντος δὲ τῷ συνεδρίῳ, καὶ τοῦ δήμου συνεπιψηφίσαντος, ἐκυρώθη τὰ κατὰ τὰς διαλύσεις. τὰ δὲ κατὰ μέρος ἦν τῶν συνθηκῶν ταῦτα.

[2] "ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν δυναστείαν τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ῥωμαίων

[3] . πολεμίους μὴ διιέτω διὰ τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν πόλεων ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἢ τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους αὐτῶν, μηδὲ χορηγείτω μηδὲν δημοσίᾳ βουλῇ.

[4] καὶ ἐὰν πολεμῶσιν πρός τινας Ῥωμαῖοι, πολεμείτω πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[5] τοὺς δὲ αὐτομόλους, τοὺς δραπέτας, τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους πάντας τοὺς Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἀποδότωσαν Αἰτωλοί,

[6] χωρὶς τῶν ὅσοι κατὰ πόλεμον ἁλόντες εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἀπῆλθον καὶ πάλιν ἑάλωσαν, καὶ χωρὶς τῶν ὅσοι πολέμιοι Ῥωμαίων ἐγένοντο, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν Αἰτωλοὶ μετὰ Ῥωμαίων συνεπολέμουν, ἐν ἡμέραις ἑκατὸν ἀφʼ ἧς ἂν τὰ ὅρκια τελεσθῇ, τῷ ἄρχοντι τῷ ἐν Κερκύρᾳ·

[7] ἐὰν δὲ μὴ εὑρεθῶσίν τινες ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ, ὅταν ἐμφανεῖς γένωνται, τότε ἀποδότωσαν χωρὶς δόλου· καὶ τούτοις μετὰ τὰ ὅρκια μὴ ἔστω ἐπάνοδος εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν.

[8] δότωσαν δὲ Αἰτωλοὶ ἀργυρίου μὴ χείρονος Ἀττικοῦ παραχρῆμα μὲν τάλαντα Εὐβοϊκὰ διακόσια τῷ στρατηγῷ τῷ ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, ἀντὶ τρίτου μέρους τοῦ ἀργυρίου χρυσίον, ἐὰν βούλωνται, διδόντες, τῶν δέκα μνῶν ἀργυρίου χρυσίου μνᾶν διδόντες,

[9] ἀφʼ ἧς δʼ ἂν ἡμέρας τὰ ὅρκια τμηθῇ ἐν ἔτεσι τοῖς πρώτοις ἓξ κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον τάλαντα πεντήκοντα· καὶ τὰ χρήματα καθιστάτωσαν ἐν Ῥώμῃ. δότωσαν Αἰτωλοὶ ὁμήρους τῷ στρατηγῷ τετταράκοντα,

[10] μὴ νεωτέρους ἐτῶν δώδεκα μηδὲ πρεσβυτέρους τετταράκοντα, εἰς ἔτη ἕξ, οὓς ἂν Ῥωμαῖοι προκρίνωσιν, χωρὶς στρατηγοῦ καὶ ἱππάρχου καὶ δημοσίου γραμματέως καὶ τῶν ὡμηρευκότων ἐν Ῥώμῃ. καὶ τὰ ὅμηρα καθιστάτωσαν εἰς Ῥώμην·

[11] ἐὰν δέ τις ἀποθάνῃ τῶν ὁμήρων, ἄλλον ἀντικαθιστάτωσαν.

[12] περὶ δὲ Κεφαλληνίας μὴ ἔστω ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις.

[13] ὅσαι χῶραι καὶ πόλεις καὶ ἄνδρες, οἷς οὗτοι ἐχρῶντο, ἐπὶ Λευκίου Κοϊντίου καὶ Γναΐου Δομετίου στρατηγῶν ἢ ὕστερον ἑάλωσαν ἢ εἰς φιλίαν ἦλθον Ῥωμαίοις, τούτων τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν ἐν ταύταις μηδένα προσλαβέτωσαν Αἰτωλοί.

[14] ἡ δὲ πόλις καὶ ἡ χώρα ἡ τῶν Οἰνιαδῶν Ἀκαρνάνων ἔστω."

[15] τμηθέντων δὲ τῶν ὁρκίων ἐπὶ τούτοις συνετετέλεστο τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ καθόλου τοὺς Ἕλληνας τοιαύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἐπιγραφήν. —

[1] ὁ δὲ Φολούιος πραξικοπήσας νυκτὸς κατέλαβε τὸ μέρος τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰσήγαγε. —

[1] ὅτι τὸ καλὸν καὶ τὸ συμφέρον σπανίως εἴωθε συντρέχειν, καὶ σπάνιοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν εἰσιν οἱ δυνάμενοι ταῦτα συνάγειν καὶ συναρμόζειν πρὸς ἄλληλα.

[2] κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ πολὺ πάντες ἴσμεν διότι τό τε καλὸν φεύγει τὴν τοῦ παραυτίκα λυσιτελοῦς φύσιν καὶ τὸ λυσιτελὲς τὴν τοῦ καλοῦ.

[3] πλὴν ὁ Φιλοποίμην προέθετο ταῦτα καὶ καθίκετο τῆς ἐπιβολῆς· καλὸν μὲν γὰρ τὸ κατάγειν τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους φυγάδας εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, συμφέρον δὲ τὸ ταπεινῶσαι τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλιν, καταφονεύσαντα τοὺς δεδορυφορηκότας τῇ τῶν τυράννων δυναστείᾳ.

[4] θεωρῶν δʼ ὅτι πάσης βασιλείας ἐπανορθώσεως αἴτια τὰ χρήματα γέγονεν, ἅτε φύσει νουνεχὴς ὢν καὶ στρατηγικός, περιεβα γένοιτο κομιδὴ τῶν ἔξω ποριζομένων χρημάτων.

ιιι. ρες ασιαε

[1] ὅτι καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τὰ περὶ τὰς συνθήκας τὰς πρὸς Ἀντίοχον καὶ καθόλου περὶ τῆς Ἀσίας αἱ πρεσβεῖαι διεπράττοντο, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἔθνος ἐπολεμεῖτο, κατὰ τοῦτον συνέβη τὸν περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας πόλεμον ἐπιτελεσθῆναι, περὶ οὗ νῦν ἐνιστάμεθα τὴν διήγησιν. —

[2] ὁ δὲ κατευδοκήσας τῷ νεανίσκῳ κατὰ τὴν ἀπάντησιν, τοῦτον ἀπέλυσε παραχρῆμʼ εἰς τὸ Πέργαμον. —

[1] ὅτι Μοαγέτης ἦν τύραννος Κιβύρας, ὠμὸς γεγονὼς καὶ δόλιος,

[2] καὶ οὐκ ἄξιός ἐστιν ἐκ παραδρομῆς, ἀλλὰ μετʼ ἐπιστάσεως τυχεῖν τῆς ἁρμοζούσης μνήμης. —

[3] πλὴν συνεγγίζοντος Γναΐου ὑπάτου Ῥωμαίων τῇ Κιβύρᾳ, καὶ τοῦ Ἑλουίου πεμφθέντος εἰς ἀπόπειραν ἐπὶ τίνος ἐστὶ γνώμης, πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψε, παρακαλῶν μὴ φθεῖραι τὴν χώραν, ὅτι φίλος ὑπάρχει Ῥωμαίων καὶ πᾶν ποιήσει τὸ παραγγελλόμενον.

[4] καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ἅμα προύτεινε στέφανον ἀπὸ πεντεκαίδεκα ταλάντων.

[5] ὧν ἀκούσας αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφέξεσθαι τῆς χώρας ἔφη, πρὸς δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκέλευσε πρεσβεύειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων· ἕπεσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸν μετὰ τῆς στρατείας κατὰ πόδας.

[6] γενομένου δὲ τούτου, καὶ πέμψαντος τοῦ Μοαγέτου μετὰ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἀπαντήσας κατὰ πορείαν ὁ Γνάιος ἀνατατικῶς καὶ πικρῶς ὡμίλησε τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς,

[7] φάσκων οὐ μόνον ἀλλοτριώτατον γεγονέναι Ῥωμαίων τὸν Μοαγέτην πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν δυναστῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ῥώμην ὅλην εἰς καθαίρεσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐπιστροφῆς εἶναι καὶ κολάσεως.

[8] οἱ δὲ πρεσβευταὶ καταπλαγέντες τὴν ἐπίφασιν τῆς ὀργῆς τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐντολῶν ἀπέστησαν, ἠξίουν δʼ αὐτὸν εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν.

[9] συγχωρήσαντος δὲ τότε μὲν ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Κιβύραν,

[10] εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαύριον ἐξῆλθεν μετὰ τῶν φίλων ὁ τύραννος κατά τε τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην προστασίαν λιτὸς καὶ ταπεινός, ἔν τε τοῖς ἀπολογισμοῖς κατολοφυρόμενος τὴν ἀδυναμίαν τὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὧν ἐπῆρχε πόλεων, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἠξίου προσδέξασθαι τὰ πεντεκαίδεκα τάλαντα τὸν Γνάιον·

[11] ἐκράτει δὲ τῆς Κιβύρας καὶ Συλείου καὶ τῆς ἐν Λίμνῃ πόλεως.

[12] ὁ δὲ Γνάιος καταπλαγεὶς τὴν ἀπόνοιαν ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν εἶπε πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐὰν δὲ μὴ διδῷ πεντακόσια τάλαντα μετὰ μεγάλης χάριτος, οὐ τὴν χώραν ἔφη φθερεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν πολιορκήσειν καὶ διαρπάσειν.

[13] ὅθεν ὁ Μοαγέτης κατορρωδήσας τὸ μέλλον ἐδεῖτο μηδὲν ποιῆσαι τοιοῦτον, καὶ προσετίθει κατὰ βραχὺ τῶν χρημάτων, καὶ τέλος ἔπεισε τὸν Γνάιον ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καὶ μυρίους μεδίμνους λαβόντα πυρῶν προσδέξασθαι πρὸς τὴν φιλίαν αὐτόν. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἡνίκα Γνάιος διῄει τὸν Κολοβάτον προσαγορευόμενον ποταμόν, ἦλθον πρὸς αὐτὸν πρέσβεις ἐκ τῆς Ἰσίνδης προσαγορευομένης πόλεως, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθῆσαι·

[2] τοὺς γὰρ Τερμησσεῖς, ἐπισπασαμένους Φιλόμηλον, τήν τε χώραν ἔφασαν αὑτῶν ἀνάστατον πεποιηκέναι καὶ τὴν πόλιν διηρπακέναι, νῦν τε πολιορκεῖν τὴν ἄκραν, συμπεφευγότων εἰς αὐτὴν πάντων τῶν πολιτῶν ὁμοῦ γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις.

[3] ὧν διακούσας ὁ Γνάιος ἐκείνοις μὲν ὑπέσχετο βοηθήσειν μετὰ μεγάλης χάριτος, αὐτὸς δὲ νομίσας ἑρμαῖον εἶναι τὸ προσπεπτωκὸς ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ τῆς Παμφυλίας.

ὁ δὲ Γνάιος συνεγγίσας τῇ Τερμησσῷ,

[4] πρὸς μὲν τούτους συνέθετο φιλίαν, λαβὼν πεντήκοντα τάλαντα, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ἀσπενδίους.

[5] ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων πρεσβευτὰς κατὰ τὴν Παμφυλίαν καὶ τὴν προειρημένην δόξαν ἐνεργασάμενος ἑκάστοις κατὰ τὰς ἐντεύξεις, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἰσινδεῖς ἐξελόμενος ἐκ τῆς πολιορκίας, αὖθις ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ τοὺς Γαλάτας. —

[1] ὅτι Κύρμασα πόλιν λαβὼν ὁ Γνάιος καὶ λείαν ἄφθονον ἀνέζευξεν.

[2] προαγόντων δʼ αὐτῶν παρὰ τὴν λίμνην, παρεγένοντο πρέσβεις ἐκ Λυσινόης διδόντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν πίστιν.

[3] οὓς προσδεξάμενος ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν τῶν Σαγαλασσέων γῆν καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ἐξελασάμενος λείας ἀπεκαραδόκει τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τίνος ἔσονται γνώμης.

[4] παραγενομένων δὲ πρεσβευτῶν ὡς αὐτόν, ἀποδεξάμενος τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ λαβὼν πεντήκοντα ταλάντων στέφανον καὶ δισμυρίους κριθῶν μεδίμνους καὶ δισμυρίους πυρῶν, προσεδέξατο τούτους εἰς τὴν φιλίαν. —

[1] ὅτι Γνάιος ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις ἐξαπέστειλε πρὸς τὸν Ἐποσόγνατον τὸν Γαλάτην, ὅπως πρεσβεύσῃ πρὸς τοὺς τῶν Γαλατῶν βασιλεῖς.

[2] καὶ [ὁ] Ἐποσόγνατος ἔπεμψε πρὸς Γνάιον πρέσβεις καὶ παρεκάλει [τὸν Γνάιον] τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸν μὴ προεξαναστῆναι μηδʼ ἐπιβαλεῖν χεῖρας τοῖς Τολιστοβογίοις Γαλάταις,

[3] καὶ διότι πρεσβεύσει πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν Ἐποσόγνατος καὶ ποιήσεται λόγους ὑπὲρ τῆς φιλίας, καὶ πεπεῖσθαι πρὸς πᾶν αὐτοὺς παραστήσεσθαι τὸ καλῶς ἔχον. —

[4] Γνάιος ὁ ὕπατος Ῥωμαίων διερχόμενος ἐγεφύρωσε τὸν Σαγγάριον ποταμόν, τελέως κοῖλον ὄντα καὶ δύσβατον.

[5] καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμὸν στρατοπεδευσαμένου παραγίνονται Γάλλοι παρʼ Ἄττιδος καὶ Βαττάκου τῶν ἐκ Πεσσινοῦντος ἱερέων τῆς Μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν,

[6] ἔχοντες προστηθίδια καὶ τύπους, φάσκοντες προσαγγέλλειν τὴν θεὸν νίκην καὶ κράτος.

[7] οὓς ὁ Γνάιος φιλανθρώπως ὑπεδέξατο. —

[8] ὄντος δὲ τοῦ Γναΐου πρὸς τὸ πολισμάτιον τὸ καλούμενον Γορδίειον, ἧκον παρʼ Ἐποσογνάτου πρέσβεις ἀποδηλοῦντες ὅτι πορευθεὶς διαλεχθείη τοῖς τῶν Γαλατῶν βασιλεῦσιν,

[9] οἱ δʼ ἁπλῶς εἰς οὐδὲν συγκαταβαίνοιεν φιλάνθρωπον, ἀλλʼ ἡθροικότες ὁμοῦ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην κτῆσιν ἅπασαν εἰς τὸ καλούμενον ὄρος Ὄλυμπον ἕτοιμοι πρὸς μάχην εἰσίν. —

[1] Χιομάραν δὲ συνέβη τὴν Ὀρτιάγοντος αἰχμάλωτον γενέσθαι μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων γυναικῶν, ὅτε Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ Γνάιος ἐνίκησαν μάχῃ τοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ Γαλάτας.

[2] ὁ δὲ λαβὼν αὐτὴν ταξίαρχος ἐχρήσατο τῇ τύχῃ στρατιωτικῶς καὶ κατῄσχυνεν.

[3] ἦν δʼ ἄρα καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν καὶ ἀργύριον ἀμαθὴς καὶ ἀκρατὴς ἄνθρωπος, ἡττήθη δʼ ὅμως ὑπὸ τῆς φιλαργυρίας, καὶ χρυσίου συχνοῦ διομολογηθέντος ὑπὲρ τῆς γυναικὸς ἦγεν αὐτὴν ἀπολυτρώσων, ποταμοῦ τινος ἐν μέσῳ διείργοντος.

[4] ὡς δὲ διαβάντες οἱ Γαλάται τὸ χρυσίον ἔδωκαν αὐτῷ καὶ παρελάμβανον τὴν Χιομάραν, ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ νεύματος προσέταξεν ἑνὶ παῖσαι τὸν Ῥωμαῖον ἀσπαζόμενον αὐτὴν καὶ φιλοφρονούμενον,

[5] ἐκείνου δὲ πεισθέντος καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποκόψαντος, ἀραμένη καὶ περιστείλασα τοῖς κόλποις ἀπήλαυνεν.

[6] ὡς δʼ ἦλθε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτῷ προύβαλεν, ἐκείνου θαυμάσαντος καὶ εἰπόντος "ὦ γύναι, καλὸν ἡ πίστισ" "ναί", εἶπεν "ἀλλὰ κάλλιον ἕνα μόνον ζῆν ἐμοὶ συγγεγενημένον".

[7] ταύτῃ μὲν ὁ Πολύβιός φησι διὰ λόγων ἐν Σάρδεσι γενόμενος θαυμάσαι τό τε φρόνημα καὶ τὴν σύνεσιν. —

[1] ὅτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων μετὰ τὴν τῶν Γαλατῶν νίκην αὐτῶν πραχθεῖσαν στρατοπεδευόντων περὶ τὴν Ἄγκυραν πόλιν, καὶ τοῦ Γναΐου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ προάγειν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν μέλλοντος,

[2] παραγίνονται πρέσβεις παρὰ τῶν Τεκτοσάγων, ἀξιοῦντες τὸν Γνάιον τὰς μὲν δυνάμεις ἐᾶσαι κατὰ χώραν, αὐτὸν δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν προελθεῖν εἰς τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον τῶν στρατοπέδων· ἥξειν δὲ καὶ τοὺς παρʼ αὑτῶν βασιλεῖς κοινολογησομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν διαλύσεων.

[3] τοῦ δὲ Γναΐου συγκαταθεμένου καὶ παραγενηθέντος κατὰ τὸ συνταχθὲν μετὰ πεντακοσίων ἱππέων, τότε μὲν οὐκ ἦλθον οἱ βασιλεῖς·

[4] ἀνακεχωρηκότος δʼ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν ἰδίαν παρεμβολήν, αὖθις ἧκον οἱ πρέσβεις ὑπὲρ μὲν τῶν βασιλέων σκήψεις τινὰς λέγοντες, ἀξιοῦντες δὲ πάλιν ἐλθεῖν αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς πρώτους ἄνδρας ἐκπέμψουσιν κοινολογησομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων.

[5] ὁ δὲ Γνάιος κατανεύσας ἥξειν αὐτὸς μὲν ἔμεινεν ἐπὶ τῆς ἰδίας στρατοπεδείας, Ἄτταλον δὲ καὶ τῶν χιλιάρχων τινὰς ἐξαπέστειλεν μετὰ τριακοσίων ἱππέων.

[6] οἱ δὲ τῶν Γαλατῶν πρέσβεις ἦλθον μὲν κατὰ τὸ συνταχθὲν καὶ λόγους ἐποιήσαντο περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων, τέλος δʼ ἐπιθεῖναι τοῖς προειρημένοις ἢ κυρῶσαί τι τῶν δοξάντων οὐκ ἔφασαν εἶναι δυνατόν·

[7] τοὺς δὲ βασιλεῖς τῇ κατὰ πόδας ἥξειν διωρίζοντο, συνθησομένους καὶ πέρας ἐπιθήσοντας, εἰ καὶ Γνάιος ὁ στρατηγὸς ἔλθοι πρὸς αὐτούς.

[8] τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον ἐπαγγειλαμένων ἥξειν τὸν Γνάιον, τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις διελύθησαν.

[9] ἐποιοῦντο δὲ τὰς ὑπερθέσεις ταύτας οἱ Γαλάται καὶ διεστρατήγουν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους βουλόμενοι τῶν τε σωμάτων τινὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ὑπερθέσθαι πέραν Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ, μάλιστα δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, εἰ δυνηθεῖεν, λαβεῖν ὑποχείριον· εἰ δὲ μή γε, πάντως ἀποκτεῖναι.

[10] ταῦτα δὲ προθέμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἐκαραδόκουν τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἑτοίμους ἔχοντες ἱππεῖς εἰς χιλίους.

[11] ὁ δὲ Γνάιος διακούσας τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον καὶ πεισθεὶς ἥξειν τοὺς βασιλεῖς, ἐξῆλθεν, καθάπερ εἰώθει, μετὰ πεντακοσίων ἱππέων.

[12] συνέβη δὲ ταῖς πρότερον ἡμέραις τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ξυλείας καὶ χορτολογίας ἐκπορευομένους ἐκ τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων χάρακος ἐπὶ ταῦτα τὰ μέρη πεποιῆσθαι τὴν ἔξοδον, ἐφεδρείᾳ χρωμένους τοῖς ἐπὶ τὸν σύλλογον πορευομένοις ἱππεῦσιν.

[13] οὗ καὶ τότε γενομένου καὶ πολλῶν ἐξεληλυθότων, συνέταξαν οἱ χιλίαρχοι καὶ τοὺς εἰθισμένους ἐφεδρεύειν τοῖς προνομεύουσιν ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ ταῦτα τὰ μέρη ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἔξοδον.

[14] ὧν ἐκπορευθέντων, αὐτομάτως τὸ δέον ἐγενήθη πρὸς τὴν ἐπιφερομένην χρείαν. —

[1] ἐν η τῆς πράξεως τῆς περὶ τὸν Ἀριαράθην εἰς τὴν παροιμίαν· ἔχοντες γὰρ π διετε οι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐγένοντο.

ξ. ολψμπ. 147, 4. ρες ασιαε

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Γναΐου τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ παραχειμάζοντος ἐν Ἐφέσῳ, κατὰ τὸν τελευταῖον ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς ὑποκειμένης ὀλυμπιάδος, παρεγένοντο πρεσβεῖαι παρά τε τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ παρʼ ἑτέρων πλειόνων, συμφοροῦσαι στεφάνους τῷ Γναΐῳ διὰ τὸ νενικηκέναι τοὺς Γαλάτας.

[2] ἅπαντες γὰρ οἱ τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου κατοικοῦντες οὐχ οὕτως ἐχάρησαν Ἀντιόχου λειφθέντος ἐπὶ τῷ δοκεῖν ἀπολελύσθαι τινὲς μὲν φόρων, οἱ δὲ φρουρᾶς, καθόλου δὲ πάντες βασιλικῶν προσταγμάτων, ὡς ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων αὐτοῖς φόβον ἀφῃρῆσθαι καὶ δοκεῖν ἀπηλλάχθαι τῆς τούτων ὕβρεως καὶ παρανομίας.

[3] ἦλθε δὲ καὶ παρʼ Ἀντιόχου Μουσαῖος καὶ παρὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν πρεσβευταί, βουλόμενοι μαθεῖν ἐπὶ τίσιν αὐτοὺς δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν φιλίαν.

[4] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ Ἀριαράθου τοῦ τῶν Καππαδοκῶν βασιλέως· καὶ γὰρ οὗτος, μετασχὼν Ἀντιόχῳ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλπίδων καὶ κοινωνήσας τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους μάχης, ἐδεδίει καὶ διηπορεῖτο περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν.

[5] διὸ καὶ πλεονάκις πέμπων πρεσβευτὰς ἐβούλετο μαθεῖν τί δοὺς ἢ τί πράξας δύναιτʼ ἂν παραιτήσασθαι τὴν σφετέραν ἄγνοιαν.

[6] ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τὰς μὲν παρὰ τῶν πόλεων πρεσβείας πάσας ἐπαινέσας καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἀποδεξάμενος ἐξαπέστειλε,

[7] τοῖς δὲ Γαλάταις ἀπεκρίθη διότι προσδεξάμενος Εὐμένη τὸν βασιλέα, τότε ποιήσεται τὰς πρὸς αὐτοὺς συνθήκας. τοῖς δὲ περὶ Ἀριαράθην εἶπεν ἑξακόσια τάλαντα δόντας τὴν εἰρήνην ἔχειν.

[8] πρὸς δὲ τὸν Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευτὴν συνετάξατο μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἥξειν ἐπὶ τοὺς τῆς Παμφυλίας ὅρους, τά τε δισχίλια τάλαντα καὶ πεντακόσια κομιούμενος καὶ τὸν σῖτον ὃν ἔδει δοῦναι τοῖς στρατιώταις αὐτοῦ πρὸ τῶν συνθηκῶν κατὰ τὰς πρὸς Λεύκιον ὁμολογίας.

[9] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καθαρμὸν ποιησάμενος τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ τῆς ὥρας παραδιδούσης, παραλαβὼν Ἄτταλον ἀνέζευξεν καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Ἀπάμειαν ὀγδοαῖος ἐπέμεινε τρεῖς ἡμέρας, κατὰ δὲ τὴν τετάρτην ἀναζεύξας προῆγε, χρώμενος ἐνεργοῖς ταῖς πορείαις.

[10] ἀφικόμενος δὲ τριταῖος εἰς τὸν συνταχθέντα τόπον τοῖς περὶ Ἀντίοχον, αὐτοῦ κατεστρατοπέδευσε.

[11] συμμιξάντων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Μουσαῖον καὶ παρακαλούντων αὐτὸν ἐπιμεῖναι, διότι καθυστεροῦσιν αἵ θʼ ἅμαξαι καὶ τὰ κτήνη τὰ παρακομίζοντα τὸν

σῖτον καὶ τὰ χρήματα, πεισθεὶς τούτοις ἐπέμεινε τρεῖς ἡμέρας.

[12] τῆς δὲ χορηγίας ἐλθούσης τὸν μὲν σῖτον ἐμέτρησε ταῖς δυνάμεσι, τὰ δὲ χρήματα παραδούς τινι τῶν χιλιάρχων συνέταξεν παρακομίζειν εἰς Ἀπάμειαν.

[1] αὐτὸς δὲ πυνθανόμενος τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς Πέργης καθεσταμένον ὑπʼ Ἀντιόχου φρούραρχον οὔτε τὴν φρουρὰν ἐξάγειν οὔτʼ αὐτὸν ἐκχωρεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὥρμησε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὴν Πέργην.

[2] ἐγγίζοντος δʼ αὐτοῦ τῇ πόλει, παρῆν ἀπαντῶν ὁ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς φρουρᾶς, ἀξιῶν καὶ δεόμενος μὴ προκαταγινώσκειν αὑτοῦ·

[3] ποιεῖν γὰρ ἕν τι τῶν καθηκόντων· παραλαβὼν γὰρ ἐν πίστει παρʼ Ἀντιόχου τὴν πόλιν τηρεῖν ἔφη ταύτην, ἕως ἂν διασαφηθῇ πάλιν παρὰ τοῦ πιστεύσαντος τί δεῖ ποιεῖν· μέχρι δὲ τοῦ νῦν ἁπλῶς οὐδὲν αὐτῷ παρʼ οὐδενὸς ἀποδεδηλῶσθαι.

[4] διόπερ ἠξίου τριάκονθʼ ἡμέρας χάριν τοῦ διαπεμψάμενος ἐρέσθαι τὸν βασιλέα τί δεῖ πράττειν.

[5] ὁ δὲ Γνάιος, θεωρῶν τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις εὐσυνθετοῦντα, συνεχώρησε πέμπειν καὶ πυνθάνεσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως· καὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας πυθόμενος παρέδωκε τὴν πόλιν.

[6] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον οἱ δέκα πρεσβευταὶ καὶ [ὁ] βασιλεὺς Εὐμένης εἰς Ἔφεσον κατέπλευσαν, ἤδη τῆς θερείας ἐναρχομένης· καὶ δύʼ ἡμέρας ἐκ τοῦ πλοῦ προσαναλαβόντες αὑτοὺς ἀνέβαινον εἰς τὴν Ἀπάμειαν.

[7] ὁ δὲ Γνάιος, προσπεσούσης αὐτῷ τῆς τούτων παρουσίας, Λεύκιον μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν μετὰ τετρακισχιλίων ἐξαπέστειλε πρὸς τοὺς Ὀροανδεῖς, πειθανάγκης ἔχοντας διάθεσιν χάριν τοῦ κομίσασθαι τὰ προσοφειλόμενα τῶν ὁμολογηθέντων χρημάτων,

[8] αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας ἠπείγετο, σπεύδων συνάψαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη.

[9] παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς τὴν Ἀπάμειαν καὶ καταλαβὼν τόν τε βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς δέκα, συνήδρευεν περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων.

[10] ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς κυρῶσαι πρῶτον τὰ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον ὅρκια καὶ τὰς συνθήκας, ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐδὲν ἂν δέοι πλείω διατίθεσθαι λόγον, ἀλλʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐγγράπτων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλήψεις.

[1] ἦν δὲ τοιαύτη τις ἡ τῶν κατὰ μέρος διάταξις· φιλίαν ὑπάρχειν Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον ποιοῦντι τὰ κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας.

[2] μὴ διιέναι βασιλέα Ἀντίοχον καὶ τοὺς ὑποταττομένους διὰ τῆς αὑτῶν χώρας ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους πολεμίους μηδὲ χορηγεῖν αὐτοῖς μηδέν·

[3] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπʼ Ἀντίοχον καὶ τοὺς ὑπʼ ἐκεῖνον ταττομένους.

[4] μὴ πολεμῆσαι δὲ Ἀντίοχον τοῖς ἐπὶ ταῖς νήσοις μηδὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην.

[5] ἐκχωρείτω δὲ πόλεων καὶ χώρας

[6] . μὴ ἐξαγέτω μηδὲν πλὴν τῶν ὅπλων ὧν φέρουσιν οἱ στρατιῶται· εἰ δέ τι τυγχάνουσιν ἀπενηνεγμένοι, καθιστάτωσαν πάλιν εἰς τὰς αὐτὰς πόλεις.

[7] μηδʼ ὑποδεχέσθωσαν τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως μήτε στρατιώτας μήτʼ ἄλλον μηδένα.

[8] εἰ δέ τινες ἐξ ὧν ἀπολαμβάνουσιν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πόλεων μετὰ δυνάμεώς εἰσιν Ἀντιόχου, τούτους εἰς Ἀπάμειαν ἀποκαταστησάτωσαν.

[9] τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις εἴ τινες εἶεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιόχου βασιλείας, εἶναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν καὶ μένειν, εἰ βούλονται, καὶ ἀποτρέχειν.

[10] τοὺς δὲ δούλους Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἀποδότω Ἀντίοχος καὶ οἱ ὑπʼ αὐτὸν ταττόμενοι, καὶ τοὺς ἁλόντας καὶ τοὺς αὐτομολήσαντας, καὶ εἴ τινα αἰχμάλωτόν ποθεν εἰλήφασιν.

[11] ἀποδότω δὲ Ἀντίοχος, ἐὰν ᾖ δυνατὸν αὐτῷ, καὶ Ἀννίβαν Ἀμίλκου Καρχηδόνιον καὶ Μνασίλοχον Ἀκαρνᾶνα καὶ Θόαντα Αἰτωλόν, καὶ Εὐβουλίδαν καὶ Φίλωνα Χαλκιδεῖς, καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ὅσοι κοινὰς εἰλήφασιν ἀρχάς,

[12] καὶ τοὺς ἐλέφαντας τοὺς ἐν Ἀπαμείᾳ πάντας, καὶ μηκέτι ἄλλους ἐχέτω.

[13] ἀποδότω δὲ καὶ τὰς ναῦς τὰς μακρὰς καὶ τὰ ἐκ τούτων ἄρμενα καὶ τὰ σκεύη, καὶ μηκέτι ἐχέτω πλὴν δέκα καταφράκτων· μηδὲ λέμβον πλείοσι τριάκοντα κωπῶν ἐχέτω ἐλαυνόμενον, μηδὲ μονήρη πολέμου ἕνεκεν,

[14] οὗ αὐτὸς κατάρχει. μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Καλυκάδνου καὶ Σαρπηδονίου ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν.

[15] μὴ ἐξέστω δὲ Ἀντιόχῳ μηδὲ ξενολογεῖν ἐκ τῆς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους ταττομένης μηδʼ ὑποδέχεσθαι τοὺς φεύγοντας.

[16] ὅσαι δὲ οἰκίαι Ῥοδίων ἢ τῶν συμμάχων ἦσαν ἐν τῇ ὑπὸ βασιλέα Ἀντίοχον ταττομένῃ ταύτας εἶναι Ῥοδίων, ὡς καὶ πρὸ τοῦ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν.

[17] καὶ εἴ τι χρῆμα ὀφείλετʼ αὐτοῖς, ὁμοίως ἔστω πράξιμον· καὶ εἴ τι ἀπελήφθη ἀπʼ αὐτῶν, ἀναζητηθὲν ἀποδοθήτω. ἀτελῆ δὲ ὁμοίως ὡς καὶ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Ῥοδίους ὑπαρχέτω. εἰ δέ τινας τῶν πόλεων,

[18] ἃς ἀποδοῦναι δεῖ Ἀντίοχον, ἑτέροις δέδωκεν Ἀντίοχος, ἐξαγέτω καὶ ἐκ τούτων τὰς φρουρὰς καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας. ἐὰν δέ τινες ὕστερον ἀποτρέχειν βούλωνται, μὴ προσδεχέσθω.

[19] ἀργυρίου δὲ δότω Ἀντίοχος Ἀττικοῦ Ῥωμαίοις ἀρίστου τάλαντα μύρια δισχίλια ἐν ἔτεσι δώδεκα, διδοὺς καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος χίλια· μὴ ἔλαττον δʼ ἑλκέτω τὸ τάλαντον λιτρῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν ὀγδοήκοντα· καὶ μοδίους σίτου πεντηκοντακισμυρίους καὶ τετρακισμυρίους.

[20] δότω δὲ Εὐμένει τῷ βασιλεῖ τάλαντα τριακόσια πεντήκοντα ἐν ἔτεσι τοῖς πρώτοις πέντε, ἑβδομήκοντα κατὰ τὸ ἔτος, τῷ ἐπιβαλλομένῳ καιρῷ, ᾧ καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀποδίδωσι, καὶ τοῦ σίτου,

[21] καθὼς ἐτίμησεν ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἀντίοχος, τάλαντα ἑκατὸν εἴκοσιν ἑπτὰ καὶ δραχμὰς χιλίας διακοσίας ὀκτώ· ἃ συνεχώρησεν Εὐμένης λαβεῖν, γάζαν εὐαρεστουμένην ἑαυτῷ.

[22] ὁμήρους δὲ εἴκοσι διδότω Ἀντίοχος, διʼ ἐτῶν τριῶν ἄλλους ἀνταποστέλλων, μὴ νεωτέρους ἐτῶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα μηδὲ πρεσβυτέρους τετταράκοντα πέντε.

[23] ἐὰν δέ τι διαφωνήσῃ τῶν ἀποδιδομένων χρημάτων, τῷ ἐχομένῳ ἔτει ἀποδότωσαν.

[24] ἂν δέ τινες τῶν πόλεων ἢ τῶν ἐθνῶν, πρὸς ἃ γέγραπται μὴ πολεμεῖν Ἀντίοχον, πρότεροι ἐκφέρωσι πόλεμον, ἐξέστω πολεμεῖν Ἀντιόχῳ.

[25] τῶν δὲ ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων τούτων μὴ ἐχέτω τὴν κυρίαν αὐτὸς μηδʼ εἰς φιλίαν προσαγέσθω.

[26] περὶ δὲ τῶν ἀδικημάτων τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους γινομένων εἰς κρίσιν προκαλείσθωσαν.

[27] ἐὰν δέ τι θέλωσι πρὸς τὰς συνθήκας ἀμφότεροι κοινῷ δόγματι προστεθῆναι ἢ ἀφαιρεθῆναι ἀπʼ αὐτῶν, ἐξέστω.

[1] τμηθέντων δὲ τῶν ὁρκίων ἐπὶ τούτοις, εὐθέως ὁ στρατηγὸς Κόιντον Μινύκιον Θέρμον καὶ Λεύκιον τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἄρτι κεκομικότα τὰ χρήματα παρὰ τῶν Ὀροανδέων,

[2] εἰς Συρίαν ἐξαπέστειλε, συντάξας κομίζεσθαι τοὺς ὅρκους παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ διαβεβαιώσασθαι τὰ κατὰ μέρος ὑπὲρ τῶν συνθηκῶν.

[3] πρὸς δὲ Κόιντον Φάβιον τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατηγὸν ἐξέπεμψε γραμματοφόρους, κελεύων πάλιν πλεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς Πάταρα καὶ παραλαβόντα τὰς ὑπαρχούσας αὐτόθι ναῦς διαπρῆσαι. —

[1] Μάλιος ὁ ἀνθύπατος τριακόσια τάλαντα πραξάμενος παρʼ Ἀριαράθου φίλον αὐτὸν ἐποιήσατο Ῥωμαίων. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Ἀπάμειαν οἵ τε δέκα καὶ Γνάιος ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων, διακούσαντες πάντων τῶν ἀπηντηκότων, τοῖς μὲν περὶ χώρας ἢ χρημάτων ἤ τινος ἑτέρου διαφερομένοις πόλεις ἀπέδωκαν ὁμολογουμένας ἀμφοτέροις, ἐν αἷς διακριθήσονται περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων· τὴν δὲ περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐποιήσαντο διάληψιν τοιαύτην.

[2] ὅσαι μὲν τῶν αὐτονόμων πόλεων πρότερον ὑπετέλουν Ἀντιόχῳ φόρον, τότε δὲ διεφύλαξαν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πίστιν, ταύτας μὲν ἀπέλυσαν τῶν φόρων· ὅσαι δʼ Ἀττάλῳ σύνταξιν ἐτέλουν, ταύταις ἐπέταξαν τὸν αὐτὸν Εὐμένει διδόναι φόρον.

[3] εἰ δέ τινες ἀποστᾶσαι τῆς Ῥωμαίων φιλίας Ἀντιόχῳ συνεπολέμουν, ταύτας ἐκέλευσαν Εὐμένει διδόναι τοὺς Ἀντιόχῳ διατεταγμένους φόρους.

[4] Κολοφωνίους δὲ τοὺς τὸ Νότιον οἰκοῦντας καὶ Κυμαίους καὶ Μυλασεῖς ἀφορολογήτους ἀφῆκαν,

[5] Κλαζομενίοις δὲ καὶ δωρεὰν προσέθηκαν τὴν Δρυμοῦσσαν καλουμένην νῆσον, Μιλησίοις δὲ τὴν ἱερὰν χώραν ἀποκατέστησαν, ἧς διὰ τοὺς πολέμους πρότερον ἐξεχώρησαν.

[6] Χίους δὲ καὶ Σμυρναίους, ἔτι δʼ Ἐρυθραίους, ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις προῆγον καὶ χώραν προσένειμαν, ἧς ἕκαστοι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐπεθύμουν καὶ σφίσι καθήκειν ὑπελάμβανον, ἐντρεπόμενοι τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ σπουδήν, ἣν παρέσχηντο κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς.

[7] ἀπέδωκαν δὲ καὶ Φωκαιεῦσι τὸ πάτριον πολίτευμα καὶ τὴν χώραν, ἣν καὶ πρότερον εἶχον.

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Ῥοδίοις ἐχρημάτισαν, διδόντες Λυκίαν καὶ Καρίας τὰ μέχρι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ πλὴν Τελμεσσοῦ.

[9] περὶ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως Εὐμένους καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἔν τε ταῖς πρὸς Ἀντίοχον συνθήκαις τὴν ἐνδεχομένην πρόνοιαν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ τότε τῆς μὲν Εὐρώπης αὐτῷ προσέθηκαν Χερρόνησον καὶ Λυσιμάχειαν καὶ τὰ προσοροῦντα τούτοις ἐρύματα καὶ χώραν, ἧς Ἀντίοχος ἐπῆρχεν·

[10] τῆς δʼ Ἀσίας Φρυγίαν τὴν ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου, Φρυγίαν τὴν μεγάλην, Μυσούς, οὓς Προυσίας πρότερον αὐτοῦ παρεσπάσατο, Λυκαονίαν, Μιλυάδα, Λυδίαν, Τράλλεις, Ἔφεσον, Τελμεσσόν.

[11] ταύτας μὲν οὖν ἔδωκαν Εὐμένει τὰς δωρεάς· περὶ δὲ τῆς Παμφυλίας, Εὐμένους μὲν εἶναι φάσκοντος αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου, τῶν δὲ παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευτῶν ἐπέκεινα, διαπορήσαντες ἀνέθεντο περὶ τούτων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον.

[12] σχεδὸν δὲ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων καὶ πλείστων αὐτοῖς διῳκημένων, ἀναζεύξαντες προῆγον ἐφʼ Ἑλλήσποντον, βουλόμενοι κατὰ τὴν πάροδον ἔτι τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας ἀσφαλίσασθαι. —

[1] ὅτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων κατὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον παρὰ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν πολλὰ δεινὰ ναρ Ῥωμαίων στρατιω οὐκ ἂν φήσειε κα εὐμαρὲς φυ?λα δι ἂν περὶ τὰς ἰδίας βαιν εστιν ν ησα?μενου?ς ν !εναιρομ ν ς πράξεις

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. B. C. 190. Embassy from Sparta, and the answer of the Roman Senate.

2. Supplicatio for the victory off Phocaea.

3. Answer to the Aetolian Envoys sent, on the intercession of Flamininus, when

4. Acilius was about to take Naupactus. Livy, 36, 34 -35: 37, 1 .

5. Spring of B. C. 190. Coss. L. Cornelius Scipio, C. Laelius.

6. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus in Greece as legatus to his brother Lucius.(March.)

7. Aetolian envoys visit the consuls.

8. See .

9. A six months’ truce with the Aetolians.

10. Livy, 37, 9 .

11. A party at Phocaea wish to join Antiochus, B. C. 190.

12. Son of Antiochus the Great, afterwards King Seleucus IV.

13. The Roman fleet at Sestos. Intercession of the Galli or priests of Cybele. Livy, 37, 9 .

14. This extract, preserved in Suidas, s. v. προστηθιδίων, has been restored by a brilliant emendation of Toupe, who reads ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι for the meaningless ἐξελθόντες μεγάλοι. Livy calls them fanatici Galli.

15. Pausistratus beaten by Polyxenidas, the admiral of the king. Livy, 37, 10 , 11.

16. The Aetolian truce announced to Eumenes and Antiochus.

17. Achaean contingent sent to the war. Livy. 37, 20 .

18. Antiochus proposes peace with Rome, Eumenes, and Rhodes.

19. Eumenes opposes the peace, on the grounds of honour and prudence.

20. Prusias, king of Bithynia.

21. Letter of the Scipios to Prusias.

22. On its voyage from Samos to Teos the Roman fleet sight some pirate vessels. Livy, 37, 27 .

23. The battle between the fleets of Rome and Antiochus took place between the promontories Myonnesus and Corycum, which form the bay of Teos, Antiochus was beaten with a loss of forty-two ships early in B.C. 190. Livy, 37, 30 .

24. Antiochus despairs of resistance, and sends an envoy to the Scipios to treat of peace.

25. The laws relating to the Salii or priests of Mars.

26.

Dies forte, quibus Ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter inciderant.

Livy. 37, 33 . The festival of Mars, during which the ancilia were carried about, was on the 1st of March and following days. If this incident, therefore, took place in the late spring or summer of B. C. 190, the Roman Calendar must have been very far out.

27. Speech of Heracleides.

28. The Consul’s answer.

29. The secret offers of Antiochus to Publius Scipio.

30. Scipio’s reply.

31. Antiochus sent Scipio’s son back. The decisive battle took place in the neighbourhood of Thyatira, and proved a decisive victory for the Romans. This was in the late autumn of B. C. 190. See Livy, 37, 38-44 .

32. The Roman terms imposed on Antiochus.

33. The terms are accepted, and missions sent to Rome.

34. The remaining chapters of this book are placed by Schweighaeuser and others in book 22, 1-27.

35. B. C. 189. Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius

36. Nobilior. Reception of king Eumenes and the ambassadors at Rome.

37. The audiences in the Senate. Eumenes.

38. Speech of Eumenes.

39. The legates from Smyrna.

40. Speech of the Rhodians.

41. Treaty with Antiochus confirmed.

42. Settlement of Asia, B. C. 189.

43. Soli in Cilicia.

44. Summer B. C. 189.

45. Amynandrus was restored to the kingdom of Athamania, which was occupied by a garrison of Philip’s, by the aid of the Aetolians, who then proceeded to invade Amphilochia and the Dolopes. Hence the Aetolian war, beginning with the siege of Ambracia by M. Fulvius Nobilior. Livy, 38, 1-11 .

46. Summer of B. C. 190.

47. Late autumn of B. C. 190.

48. Spring of B. C. 189.

49. M. Fulvius Nobilior at Apollonia.

50. Fulvius advances upon Ambracia.

51. The Aetolian envoys intercepted.

52. Siege of Ambracia, and the gallant resistance of the Aetolians.

53. The text of this fragment is much dislocated.

54. The Romans begin mining operations.

55. Counter-mines by the besieged.

56. The Romans smoked out.

57. Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manœuvres. See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means taken by workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an Athenian law directed against it. See Demosth. in Pantaen. § 36 .

58. Intercession of Athens, Rhodes, and king Amynandrus.

59. Nothing seems to be known of this exile of Fulvius, who had been granted an ovation in B. C. 191 for his victories in Spain. He was, however, in opposition to Cato, one of whose numerous prosecutions may have been against him.

60. Terms granted to the Aetolians.

61. The Aetolian people confirm the treaty.

62. Or a compliment. The Greek word στέφανος seems to be used for any present made to a victor. So also in , and elsewhere.

63. Hultsch’s text, supported by the MSS., has *δάμις ὁ κιχησίων, from which no sense seems obtainable. According to Suidas, Damis was a philosopher from Nineveh who had settled in Athens. Livy (38, 10) , has

Leon Hicesiae filius.

He must therefore have found the name Leon in his copy, which could hardly have been substituted for Δᾶμις by mistake, though ἹΚΕΣίου may have become κιχησίων.

64. Speech of Damis.

65. Treaty with Aetolia, B. C. 189.

66. B. C. 192.

67. Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior, B. C. 189; Moagĕtes reduced to submission.

68. The Greek text is corrupt. The sense is given from Livy, 38, 14 .

69. The dynasty lasted until the time of the Mithridatic wars. The last Moagĕtes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to Lycia. Strabo, 13.4.71 .

70. That is probably of the necessity of submitting to Rome but the passage referred to is lost.

71. Cnaeus Manlius in Galatia.

72. See .

73. The victory of the Romans over the Tolistoboii at Mount Olympus is described by Livy, 38, 19-23 ; that over the Tectosages, a few miles from Ancyra, in 38, 24-27 . The second battle took place in mid-autumn, B. C. 189; and the result was that the Gauds gave in their submission at Ephesus, and were forced to engage to leave off predatory excursions, and to confine themselves to their own frontiers. Livy, 38, 27 and 40 .

74. The vengeance of Chiomara, wife of the Gallic chief Ortiago. See Livy, 38, 24 .

75. This is really Plutarch’s version of a story he found in Polybius, and, to judge from Livy, 38, 24 , not a very complete one. It took place near Ancyra. Plutarch de mulierum virtutibus.

76. The Gauls try to take Cnaeus Manlius by a stratagem, but are foiled. See Livy, 38, 25 .

77. The citadel of Same in Cephallenia taken by a night surprise,

78. See Livy, 38, 28, 29 . The fragment here seems to be that translated by Livy in ch. 29,

Romani nocte per arcem, quam Cyatidem vocant (nam urbs in mare devexa in Occidentem vergit) muro superato in forum pervenerunt.

The people of Same suddenly threw off the terms under which the rest of Cephallania had submitted and stood a four months’ siege.

79. Philopoemen’s policy towards Sparta. See above, bk. 19.

80. A fragment, arranged in Hultsch’s text as ch. 42, is too much mutilated to be translated with any approach to correctness.

81. Cnaeus Manlius spends the winter of 189- 188 B. C. at Ephesus the last year of the 147th Olympiad, and arranges the settlement of Asia.

82. Spring of B. C. 188.

83. A faithful officer at Perga.

84. Summer, B. C. 188. The ten Roman commissioners arrive in Asia. See .

85. Text of the treaty between Antiochus and Rome.

86. These words are wanting in the text. From Livy (38, 38) it appears that the territory was defined as between the Taurus and the R. Halys as far as the borders of Lycaonia.

87. Livy ( l. c.) has neve monerem ex belli causa quod ipse illaturus erit.

88. Burning of Antiochus’s ships at Patara in Lycia.

89. Ariarathes V. King of Cappadocia.

90. Final settlement of the affairs of Asia Minor by the commissioners. Autumn B. C. 188.

91. See Livy, 38, 39 . Some words are lost referring to grants to the people of Ilium.

Search the Perseus Catalog for:

Search the Perseus Catalog for:

Embassy from Sparta

Embassy from Philip

The Scipios In Greece

The Athenians Intercede for the Aetolians

Truce With the Aetolians

Asia: Factions at Phocaea

The Rhodian Firing Apparatus

The Aetolian Truce Announced

Antiochus At Pergamum

Antiochus Proposes Peace

Prusias Refuses To Help Antiochus

Pirates

Antiochus Sends an Envoy To Discuss Peace

Antiochus Tries To Negotiate

Scipio Scorns Antiochus’s Secret Proposal

Zeuxis and Antipater Sent to Negotiate Peace

The Roman Terms To Antiochus

Eumenes Persuaded to Speak

King Eumenes In the Senate

Eumenes Has Always Been a Friend to Rome

Conclusion of Eumenes’ Speech

The Rhodians Address the Senate

Conclusion of the Rhodians’ Speech

The Decision of the Senate

The Aetolian War

Fulvius Aims to Fight at Ambracia

Siege of Ambracia

Smoking Out the Enemy

Athens, Rhodes, and Athamania Intercede

End of the Aetolian War

The Treaty With the Aetolians

Terms of the Treaty

The War with the Gauls of Asia

MoagĕTes of Cibyra

Pacification of Pamphylia

Conquest of Pisidia

The Gauls of Asia

A Gallic Woman Takes Vengeance

Attempted Treachery By the Gauls

Cephallenia

Philopoemen Combines What is Right and What is Expedient

Settlement of Asia

The Roman Commissioners Arrive at Ephesus

Treaty With Antiochus

The Romans Burn Antiochus’s Ships at Patara

Ariarathes Declared a Friend of Rome

The Commissioners In Asia

Current edition Perseus

α. ολψμπ. 147, 2. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

ιι. ρες γραεξιαε

ιιι. ρες ασιαε

β. ολψμπ. 147, 3. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

ιι. ρες γραεξιαε

ιιι. ρες ασιαε

ξ. ολψμπ. 147, 4. ρες ασιαε

Notes on the current edition

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