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The War with Philip

WHEN the time appointed arrived, Philip put to sea from ¹ Demetrias and came into the Melian Gulf, with five galleys and one beaked war-ship (pristis), on the latter of which he himself was sailing. There met him the Macedonian secretaries Apollodorus and Demosthenes, Brachylles from Boeotia, and the Achaean Cycliadas, who had been driven from the Peloponnese for the reasons I have already described. With Flamininus came king Amynandras, and Dionysodorus, legate of king Attalus.² The commissioners from cities and nations were Aristaenus and Xenophon from the Achaeans; Acesimbrotus the navarch from the Rhodians; Phaeneas their Strategus from the Aetolians, and several others of their statesmen with him. Approaching the sea near Nicaea, Flamininus and those with him took their stand upon the very edge of the beach, while Philip, bringing his ship close to shore, remained afloat. Upon Flamininus bidding him disembark, he stood up on board and refused to leave his ship. Flamininus again asked him what he feared, he said that he feared no one but the gods, but he distrusted most of those who were there, especially the Aetolians. Upon the Roman expressing his surprise, and remarking that the danger was the same to all and the risk common, Philip retorted that He was mistaken in saying that: for that, if anything happened to Phaeneas, there were many who would act as Strategi for the Aetolians; but if Philip were to perish at the present juncture, there was no one to be king of the Macedonians. Though all thought this an unconciliatory way of opening the discussion, Flamininus nevertheless bade him speak on the matters he had come to consider. ³ Philip however said that The word was not with himself but with Flamininus; and therefore begged that he would state clearly what he was to do in order to have peace. The Roman consul replied that What he had to say was simple and obvious: it was to bid him evacuate Greece entirely; restore the prisoners and deserters in his hands to their several states; hand over to the Romans those parts of Illyricum of which he had become possessed since the peace of Epirus; and, similarly, to restore to Ptolemy all the cities which he had taken from him since the death of Ptolemy Philopator. ⁴

Congress of Nicaea

Having said this Flamininus refrained from any further ⁵ speech of his own; but turning to the others he bade them deliver what they had been severally charged to say by those who sent them. And first Dionysodorus, the envoy of Attalus, took up the discourse by declaring that Philip ought to restore the king’s ships which had been captured in the battle at Chios and their crews with them; and to restore also the temple of Aphrodite to its original state, as well as the Nicephorium, both of which he had destroyed.⁶ He was followed by the Rhodian navarch Acesimbrotus, who demanded That Philip should evacuate Peraea, which he had taken from them; withdraw his garrisons from Iasus, Bargylia, and Euromus; restore the Perinthians to their political union with Byzantium; and evacuate Sestos, Abydos, and all commercial ports and harbours in Asia.⁷ Following the Rhodians the Achaeans demanded The restoration of Corinth and Argos uninjuired.⁸ Then came the Aetolians, who first demanded, like the Romans, that Philip should entirely evacuate Greece; and, secondly, that he should restore to them uninjured all cities formerly members of the Aetolian league.

Speech of Alexander Isius

When Phaeneas the Aetolian strategus had delivered this ⁹ demand, a man called Alexander Isius, who had the reputation of being an able politician and good speaker, said that Philip was neither sincere at the present moment in proposing terms, nor bold in his manner of making war, when he had to do that. In conferences and colloquies he was always setting ambushes and lying in wait, and using all the practices of war, but in actual war itself took up a position at once unjust and ignoble: for he avoided meeting his enemies face to face, and, as he fled before them, employed himself in burning and plundering the cities; and by this policy, though himself beaten, he spoilt the value of the victor’s reward. Yet former kings of Macedonia had not adopted this plan, but one exactly the reverse: for they were continually fighting with each other in the open field, but rarely destroyed and ruined cities. This was shown clearly by Alexander’s war in Asia against king Darius; and again in the contentions between his successors, when they combined to fight Antigonus for the possession of Asia. So too had the successors of these kings followed the same policy down to the time of Pyrrhus: they had been prompt to war against each other in the open field, and to do everything they could to conquer each other in arms, but had spared the cities, that they might rule them if they conquered, and be honoured by their subjects. But that a man should abandon war, and yet destroy that for which the war was undertaken, seemed an act of madness, and madness of a very violent sort. And this was just what Philip was doing at that moment; for he had destroyed more cities in Thessaly, on his rapid march from the pass of Epirus, though he was a friend and ally of that country, than any one who had ever been at war with the Thessalians.

After a good deal more to the same effect he ended by asking Philip, On what grounds he was holding the town of Lysimacheia with a garrison, having expelled the strategus sent by the Aetolian league, of which it was a member? Also on what grounds he had enslaved the Ciani who were also in alliance with the Aetolians? Lastly, on what plea he was in actual occupation of Echinus, Phthiotid Thebes, Pharsalus, and Larisa?

Philip’s Response

When Alexander had concluded his speech, Philip came ¹⁰ somewhat nearer to the shore than he was before, and, rising on board his ship, said that Alexander had composed and delivered a speech in the true Aetolian and theatrical style. For every one knew quite well that nobody willingly destroys his own allies, but that, at times of special danger, military commanders are compelled to do many things contrary to their natural feelings. While the king was still speaking, Phaeneas, who was very short-sighted, interrupted him by saying, You are trifling with us; you must either fight and conquer, or obey the commands of the stronger. Philip, in spite of the unfortunate position of his affairs, could not refrain from his habitual humour: turning towards Phaeneas he said, Even a blind man could see that. Such a knack had he of cutting repartee. Then he turned to Alexander again and said, You ask me, Alexander, why I took possession of Lysimacheia. I reply, in order that it might not by your neglect be devastated by Thracians, as it has now actually been; because I was compelled by this war to remove my soldiers, who indeed were no hostile garrison, as you say, but were there for its protection. As for the Ciani, I did not go to war with them, but only assisted Prusias to take them who was at war with them. And of this you yourselves were the cause. For though I sent envoy after envoy to you desiring that you would repeal the law which allows you the privilege of taking spoil from spoil, you replied that rather than abolish this law you would remove Aetolia from Aetolia.

Philip Retorts On His Accusers

When Flamininus expressed some wonder at what he ¹¹ meant by this, the king tried to explain it to him by saying that The Aetolian custom was this. They not only plundered those with whom they were at war, and harried their country; but, if certain other nations were at war with each other, even though both were friends and allies of the Aetolians, none the less the Aetolians might, without a formal decree of the people, take part with both combatants and plunder the territory of both. The result was that in the eyes of the Aetolians there were no defined limits of friendship or enmity, but they were ready to be the enemies and assailers of all who had a dispute on anything. How then, he added, have they any right to blame me if, while on terms of friendship with the Aetolians, I did anything against the Ciani in support of my own allies? But the most outrageous part of their conduct is that they try to rival Rome, and bid me entirely evacuate Greece! The demand in itself is sufficiently haughty and dictatorial: still, in the mouths of Romans, it is tolerable, but in that of Aetolians quite intolerable. What is this Greece, pray, from which ye bid me depart? How do you define it? Why, most of the Aetolians themselves are not Greeks; for neither the Agrai, nor the Apodoti, nor the Amphilochi are counted as Greek. Do you then give up those tribes to me?

Philip’s Answer to the Rhodians and Attalus

Upon Flamininus laughing at these words, Philip proceeded: Well, enough said to the Aetolians! But to the Rhodians and Attalus I have to say that, in the eyes of a fair judge, it would be held more just that they should restore to me the ships captured, than I to them. For I did not begin the attack upon Attalus and the Rhodians, but they upon me, as everybody acknowledges. However, at your instance, Titus, I restore Peraea to the Rhodians, and to Attalus his ships and as many of the men as are still alive. As for the destruction of the Nicephorium and the grove of Aphrodite, I am not able to do anything else towards their restoration, but I will send plants and gardeners to attend to the place and the growth of the trees that have been cut down.¹² Flamininus once more laughing at the king’s sarcastic tone, Philip turned to the Achaeans, and first went through the list of benefactions received by them from Antigonus and himself; then quoted the extraordinary honours Antigonus and he had received from them; and concluded by reading their decree for abandoning him and joining Rome. Taking this for his text, he expatiated at great length on the fickleness and ingratitude of the Achaeans. Still he said he would restore Argos to them, and as to Corinth would consult with Flamininus.

A Retort of Flamininus

Having thus concluded his conversation with the other envoys, he asked Flamininus, observing that the discussion was really confined to himself and the Romans, Whether he considered that he was bound to evacuate only those places in Greece which he had himself acquired, or those also which he had inherited from his ancestors? On Flamininus making no answer, Aristaenus for the Achaeans, and Phaeneas for the Aetolians, were on the point of replying. But as the day was closing in, time prevented them from doing so; and Philip demanded that they should all hand into him a written statement of the terms on which peace was to be granted: for being there alone he had no one with whom to consult; and therefore wished to turn their demands over in his own mind. Now Flamininus was much amused at Philip’s sarcastic banter; but not wishing the others to think so, he retaliated on him by a sarcasm also, saying: Of course you are alone, Philip: for you have killed all the friends likely to give you the best advice! The king smiled sardonically, but said nothing. And for the present, all having handed in the written statements of their demands as aforesaid, the conference broke up, after appointing to meet again next day at Nicaea. But next morning, though Flamininus came to the appointed place and found the others there, Philip did not arrive.

The Dispute Referred To the Senate

When the day, however, had nearly come to an end, ¹³ and Titus and the others had almost given him up, Philip appeared accompanied as before, and excused himself by saying that he had spent the whole day in perplexity and doubt, caused by the severity of the demands made upon him. But every one else thought that he had acted thus from a wish to prevent, by the lateness of the hour, the delivery of invectives by the Achaeans and Aetolians: for he saw, as he was going away on the previous evening, that both were ready to attack him and state grievances. Therefore, as soon as he approached the meeting this time, he demanded that The Roman Consul should discuss the matter with him in private; that they might not have a mere war of words on both sides, but that a definite settlement should be come to on the points in dispute. On his several times repeating this request and pressing it strongly, Flamininus asked those present what he ought to do. On their bidding him meet the king and hear what he had to say, he took with him Appius Claudius, at that time a military Tribune, and telling the others to retire a short way from the sea and remain there, he himself bade Philip disembark. Accordingly the king, attended by Apollodorus and Demosthenes, left his ship, and, joining Flamininus, conversed with him for a considerable time. What was said by the one and the other on that occasion it is not easy to state. ¹⁴ However, when Philip and he had parted, Flamininus, in explaining the king’s views to the others, said that he consented to restore Pharsalus and Larisa to the Aetolians, but not Thebes: and that to the Rhodians he surrendered Peraea, but not Iasus and Bargylia: to the Achaeans he gave up Corinth and Argos: to the Romans he promised that he would surrender Illyricum and all prisoners: and to Attalus the ships, and as many of the men captured in the sea-fights as survived.

They Agree to Send Envoys to the Roman Senate

All present expressed their dissatisfaction at these terms, ¹⁵ and alleged that it was necessary before all that he should perform the general injunction, that, namely, of evacuating all Greece: otherwise these particular concessions were vain and useless. Observing that there was an animated discussion going on among them, and fearing at the same time that they would indulge in accusations against himself, Philip requested Flamininus to adjourn the conference till next day, as the evening was closing in; and promised that he would then either persuade them to accept his terms or submit to theirs. Flamininus consenting, they separated, after appointing to meet next day on the beach near Thronium.

Next day all came to the appointed place in good time.¹⁶ Philip in a short speech called on all, and especially on Flamininus, Not to break off the negotiation for peace now that by far the greater number were inclined to come to some arrangement; but, if possible, to come to an understanding by themselves on the points in dispute; or, if that could not be, to send envoys to the Senate, and either convince it as to this controversy, or submit to whatever it enjoined.

On this proposition of the king, all the others declared that they preferred war to such a demand. But the Roman Consul said that He was quite aware that it was improbable that Philip would submit to any of their demands, yet, as it did not in the least stand in the way of such action as they chose to take to grant the favour demanded by the king, he would concede it. For not one of the proposals actually made at present could be confirmed without the authority of the Senate; and besides the season now coming on was a favourable one for ascertaining its opinion; for, even as things were, the armies could do nothing owing to the winter: it was therefore against no one’s interests, but, on the contrary, very convenient for them all, to devote this time to a reference to the Senate on the present state of affairs.

Pleadings Before the Senate

Seeing that Flamininus was not averse to referring the ¹⁷ matter to the Senate, all the others presently consented, and voted to allow Philip to send envoys to Rome, and that they too should severally send envoys of their own to plead their cause before the Senate, and state their grievances against Philip.

The business of the conference having thus been concluded in accordance with his views and the opinions he had originally expressed, Flamininus at once set about carefully securing his own position, and preventing Philip from taking any undue advantage. For though he granted him three months’ suspension of hostilities, he stipulated that he should complete his embassy to Rome within that time, and insisted on his immediately removing his garrisons from Phocis and Locris. He was also very careful to insist on behalf of the Roman allies, that no act of hostility should be committed against them during this period by the Macedonians. Having made these terms in writing with Philip, he immediately took the necessary steps himself to carry out his own policy. First, he sent Amynandrus to Rome at once, knowing that he was a man of pliable character, and would be easily persuaded by his own friends in the city to take any course they might propose; and at the same time would carry with him a certain prestige, and rouse men’s curiosity and interest by his title of royalty. Next to him he sent as personal envoys his wife’s nephew Quintus Fabius, Quintus Fulvius, and Appius Claudius Nero. From the Aetolians went Alexander Isius, Damocritus of Calydon, Dicaearchus of Trichonium, Polemarchus of Arsinoe, Lamius of Ambracia, Nicomachus of Acarnania,— one of those who had fled from Thurium and settled in Ambracia,—and Theodotus of Pherae, an exile from Thessaly who settled in Stratus: from the Achaeans Xenophon of Aegium: from King Attalus only Alexander: and from the Athenian people Cephisodorus and his colleagues.

The Greeks Ask for Help Against Philip

Now these envoys arrived in Rome before the Senate ¹⁸ had settled the provinces of the Consuls appointed for this year, and whether it would be necessary to send both to Gaul, or one of them against Philip. But the friends of Flamininus having assured themselves that both Consuls would remain in Italy owing to the threat of an attack from the Celts, all the ambassadors appeared and bluntly stated their grievances against Philip. The bulk of their accusations was to the same effect as what they had before stated to the king himself; but they also endeavoured carefully to instil this idea in the minds of the Senators, That so long as Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias were subject to Macedonia, it was impossible for the Greeks to think of liberty; for Philip himself had spoken the exact truth when he called these places the fetters of Greece. For neither could the Peloponnese breathe while a royal garrison was stationed in Cornith, nor the Locrians, Boeotians, and Phocians feel any confidence while Philip was in occupation of Chalcis and the rest of Euboea; nor indeed could the Thessalians or Magnesians raise a spark of liberty¹⁹ while Philip and the Macedonians held Demetrias. That, therefore, Philip’s offer to evacuate the other places was a mere pretence in order to escape the immediate danger; and that on the very first day he chose he would with ease reduce the Greeks again under his power, if he were in possession of these places. They accordingly urged the Senate either to force Philip to evacuate the cities they had named, or to stand by the policy they had begun, and vigorously prosecute the war against him. For in truth the most difficult part of the war was already accomplished, the Macedonians having already been twice defeated, and most of their resources on land already expended.

They concluded by beseeching the Senate not to beguile the Greeks of their hopes of liberty, nor deprive themselves of the most glorious renown. Such, or nearly so, were the arguments advanced by the Greek envoys. Philip’s envoys were prepared to make a long speech in reply: but they were stopped at the threshold. For being asked whether they were prepared to evacuate Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias, they declared that they had not any instructions as to those towns. They were accordingly rebuked by the Senate and obliged to discontinue their speech.

Greece Assigned to Flamininus

The Senate then, as I have said before, assigned Gaul ²⁰ to both the consuls as their province, and ordered that the war against Philip should go on, assigning to Titus Flamininus the entire control of Greek affairs. These decrees having been quickly made known in Greece, Flamininus found everything settled to his mind, partly no doubt by the assistance of chance, but for the most part by his own foresight in the management of the whole business. For he was exceedingly acute, if ever Roman was. The skill and good sense with which he conducted public business and private negotiations could not be surpassed, and yet he was quite a young man, not yet more than thirty, and the first Roman who had crossed to Greece with an army.

Wise Patriots or Traitors?

It has often and in many cases occurred to me to ²¹ wonder at the mistakes men make; but none seems to me so surprising as that of traitors. I wish, therefore, to say a word in season on the subject. I know very well that it is one which does not admit of easy treatment or definition. For it is not at all easy to say whom we ought to regard as a real traitor. Plainly all those, who at a time of tranquillity make compacts with kings or princes, cannot be reckoned such off hand; nor, again, those who in the midst of dangers transfer their country from existing friendships and alliances to others. Far from it. For such men have again and again been the authors of manifold advantages to their own countries. But not to go any further for example, my meaning can be made clear by the circumstances of the present case. For, if Aristaenus had not at this time opportunely caused the Achaeans to leave their alliance with Philip and join that of Rome, it is clear that the whole league would have been utterly ruined. But as it was, this man and this policy were confessedly the sources, not only of security to individual Achaeans at the time, but of the aggrandisement of the whole league. Therefore he was not looked upon as a traitor, but universally honoured as a benefactor and saviour of the country. The same principle will hold good in the case of all others who regulate their policy and measures by the necessities of the hour.

Comparison with Philip II and Demosthenes

From this point of view fault might be found ²² with Demosthenes, admirable as he is in many respects, for having rashly and indiscriminately launched an exceedingly bitter charge at the most illustrious Greeks. For he asserted that in Arcadia, Cercidas, Hieronymus, and Eucampidas were traitors to Greece for making an alliance with Philip; in Messene the sons of Philiades, Neon and Thraylochus; in Argos, Mystis, Teledamus, one Mnaseas; in Thessaly, Daochus and Cineas; in Boeotia, Theogeiton and Timolas: and many more besides he has included in the same category, naming them city by city; and yet all these men have a weighty and obvious plea to urge in defence of their conduct, and above all those of Arcadia and Messene.²³ For it was by their bringing Philip into the Peloponnese, and humbling the Lacedaemonians, that these men in the first place enabled all its inhabitants to breathe again, and conceive the idea of liberty; and in the next place, by recovering the territory and cities which the Lacedaemonians in the hour of prosperity had taken from the Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegeans, and Argives, notoriously raised the fortunes of their own countries.²⁴ In return for this they were bound not to make war on Philip and the Macedonians, but to do all they could to promote his reputation and honour. Now, if they had been doing all this, or if they had admitted a garrison from Philip into their native cities, or had abolished their constitutions and deprived their fellow-citizens of liberty and freedom of speech, for the sake of their own private advantage or power, they would have deserved this name of traitor. But if, while carefully maintaining their duty to their countries, they yet differed in their judgment of politics, and did not consider that their interests were the same as those of the Athenians, it is not, I think, fair that they should have been called traitors on that account by Demosthenes. The man who measures everything by the interests of his own particular state, and imagines that all the Greeks ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens, on the pain of being styled traitors, seems to me to be ill-informed and to be labouring under a strange delusion, especially as the course which events in Greece took at that time has borne witness to the wisdom, not of Demosthenes, but of Eucampidas, Hieronymus, Cercidas, and the sons of Philiades.²⁵ For what did the Athenians eventually get by their opposition to Philip? Why, the crowning disaster of the defeat at Chaeronea. And had it not been for the king’s magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes would have gone even further, thanks to the policy of Demosthenes. Whereas, owing to the men I have mentioned, security and relief from attacks of the Lacedaemonians were obtained for Arcadia and Messenia generally, and many advantages accrued to their states separately.

The Fate of Traitors

It is not easy then to define to whom one may properly ²⁶ apply this name. The nearest approach to truth would be to assign it to those who in times of public danger, either for the sake of personal security or advantage, or to retaliate upon political opponents, put their cities into the hands of the enemy: or indeed to those who, by admitting a foreign garrison, and employing external assistance to carry out private aims and views, bring their country under the direction of a superior power.²⁷ All such men as these one might include in the category of traitors with perfect reasonableness. Such men, indeed, gain neither profit nor honour, but the reverse, as every one acknowledges. ²⁸ And this brings me back to my original observation, that it is difficult to understand with what object, and supported by what reasoning, men rush upon such a disastrous position. For no one ever yet betrayed his city or camp or fort without being detected; but even if a man here and there managed to conceal it at the moment of his crime, yet all have been detected in the course of time. Nor when known has any such ever had a happy life; but, as a rule, they meet with the punishment they deserve from the very persons in whose favour they act. ²⁹ For, indeed, though generals and princes constantly employ traitors for their own purposes; yet when they have got all they can out of them, they treat them thenceforth as traitors, as Demosthenes says; very naturally considering that those, who have put their country and original friends into the hands of their enemies, are never likely to be really loyal or to keep faith with themselves. Nay, even though they escape violence at the hands of these, yet they do not easily avoid the vengeance of those whom they betrayed. Or if, finally, they manage to evade the designs of both the one and the other, yet all over the world fame dogs their footsteps with vengeance to their lives’ end, suggesting to their imaginations night and day numberless terrors, false and true; helping and hounding on all who design any evil against them; and, finally, refusing to allow them even in sleep to forget their crimes, but forcing them to dream of every kind of plot and disaster, because they are aware of the universal loathing and hatred which attend them. Yet, though all this is true, nobody who wanted one was ever at a loss for a traitor, except in the rarest cases. From which one might say with some plausibility that man, reputed the most cunning of animals, gives considerable grounds for being regarded as the stupidest. For the other animals, which obey their bodily appetites alone, can be deceived by these alone; while man, though he has reason to guide him, is led into error by the failure of that reason no less than by his physical appetites. . . .

Attalus in Sicyon

King Attalus had for some time past been held in ³⁰ extraordinary honour by the Sicyonians, ever since the time that he ransomed the sacred land of Apollo for them at the cost of a large sum of money; in return for which they set up the colossal statue of him, ten cubits high, near the temple of Apollo in the market-place. But on this occasion, on his presenting them with ten talents and ten thousand medimni of wheat, their devotion to him was immensely increased; and they accordingly voted him a statue of gold, and passed a law to offer sacrifice in his honour every year. With these honours, then, Attalus departed to Cenchreae.³¹ . . .

Attalus and the Boeotians

The tyrant Nabis, leaving Timocrates of Pellene at ³² Argos,—because he trusted him more than any one else and employed him in his most important undertakings,—returned to Sparta: and thence, after some few days, despatched his wife with instructions to go to Argos and raise money. On her arrival she far surpassed Nabis himself in cruelty. For she summoned women to her presence either privately or in families, and inflicted every kind of torture and violence upon them, until she had extorted from almost all of them, not only their gold ornaments, but also the most valuable parts of their clothing. . . .

In a speech of considerable length Attalus³³ reminded them of the ancient valour of their ancestors. . . .

Roman and Greek Palisading

Flamininus being unable to ascertain where the enemy ³⁴ were encamped, but yet being clearly informed that they had entered Thessaly, gave orders to all his men to cut stakes to carry with them, ready for use at any moment. This seems impossible to Greek habits, but to those of Rome it is easy. ³⁵ For the Greeks find it difficult to hold even their sarissae on the march, and can scarcely bear the fatigue of them; but the Romans strap their shields to their shoulders with leathern thongs, and, having nothing but their javelins in their hands, can stand the additional burden of a stake. There is also a great difference between the stakes employed by the two peoples. The Greeks hold that the best stake is that which has the largest and most numerous shoots growing round the stem; but the Roman stakes have only two or three side shoots, or at most four; and those are selected which have these shoots on one side only. The result is that their porterage is very easy (for each man carries three or four packed together), and they make an exceedingly secure palisade when put into use. For the Greek palisading, when set in the front of the camp, in the first place can easily be pulled down; for since the part that is firm and tightly fixed in the ground is single, while the projecting arms of it are many and large, two or three men can get hold of the same stake by its projecting arms, and easily pull it up; and directly that is done, its breadth is so great that a regular gateway is made: and because in such a palisade the stakes are not closely interlaced or interwoven with each other, when one is pulled up the part next to it is made insecure. With the Romans it is quite different. For as soon as they fix their stakes, they interlace them in such a manner that it is not easy to know to which of the stems fixed in the ground the branches belong, nor on which of these branches the smaller shoots are growing. Moreover, it is impossible to insert the hand and grasp them, owing to the closeness of the interlacing of the branches and the way they lie one upon another, and because the main branches are also carefully cut so as to have sharp ends. Nor, if one is got hold of, is it easy to pull up: because, in the first place, all the stakes are sufficiently tightly secured in the ground to be self-supporting; and, in the second place, because the man who pulls away one branch must, owing to the close interlacing, be able to move several others in its train; and it is quite unlikely that two or three men should happen to get hold of the same stake. But even if, by the exertion of enormous force, a man has succeeded in pulling one or another up, the gap is scarcely perceptible. Considering, therefore, the vast superiority of this method, both in the readiness with which such stakes are found, the ease with which they are carried, and the security and durability of the palisade made with them, it is plain, in my opinion, that if any military operation of the Romans deserves to be admired and imitated, it is this.

Flamininus and Philip Nearing Each Other

After providing for contingencies by these preparations, ³⁶ Flamininus advanced with his whole force at a moderate pace, and, having arrived at about fifty stades from Pherae, pitched a camp there; and next morning, just before the morning watch, sent out some reconnoitring parties to see whether they could get any opportunity of discovering the position and movements of the enemy. Philip, at the same time, being informed that the Romans were encamped near Thebes, started with his whole force from Larisa in the direction of Pherae. ³⁷ When about thirty stades from that town, he pitched his camp there, and gave orders for all his men to make their preparations early next morning, and about the morning watch got his troops on the march. The division whose usual duty it was to form the advance guard he sent forward first, with instructions to cross the heights above Pherae, while he personally superintended the main army’s advance from the camp as the day was breaking. The advanced guards of the two armies were within a very little of coming into collision in the pass; for the darkness prevented their seeing each other until they were quite a short distance apart. ³⁸ Both sides halted, and sent speedy intelligence to their respective leaders of what had happened, and asking for instructions. . . .

[The generals decided] to remain in their intrenchments, and recall these advanced guards. Next morning both sent out about three hundred cavalry and light infantry to reconnoitre, among which Flamininus also sent two squadrons of Aetolians, because they were acquainted with the country. These opposing reconnoitring parties fell in with each other on the road between Pherae and Larisa, and joined battle with great fury. The men under Eupolemus the Aetolian fighting gallantly, and urging the Italian troops to do the same, the Macedonians were repulsed; and, after skirmishing for a long while, both parties retired to their respective camps.

Both Sides Advance on Scotusa

Dissatisfied with the country near Pherae, as being ³⁹ thickly wooded and full of walls and gardens, both parties broke up their camps next day. Philip directed his march towards Scotusa, because he desired to supply himself with provisions from that town, and thus, with all his preparations complete, to find a district more suitable to his army: while Flamininus, divining his intention, got his army on the march at the same time as Philip, in great haste to anticipate him in securing the corn in the territory of Scotusa. A range of hills intervening between their two lines of march, the Romans could not see in what direction the Macedonians were marching, nor the Macedonians the Romans. Both armies, however, continued their march during this day, Flamininus to Eretria in Phthiotis, and Philip to the river Onchestus; and there they respectively pitched their camps. Next day they advanced again, and again encamped: Philip at Melambium in the territory of Scotusa, and Flamininus at the temple of Thetis in that of Pharsalus, being still ignorant of each other’s whereabouts. A violent storm of rain and thunder coming on next day, the whole atmosphere descended from the clouds to the earth about the time of the morning watch, so that the darkness was too dense to see even those who were quite close. In spite of this, Philip was so eager to accomplish his object, that he started with his whole army; but finding himself much embarrassed on the march by the mist, after accomplishing a very small distance he again encamped; but he sent his reserve back, with instructions to halt upon the summit of the intervening hills.⁴⁰

The Macedonians Send for Help

Flamininus, in his camp near the temple of Thetis, being uncertain as to the position of the enemy, sent out ten troops of cavalry and a thousand light infantry in advance, with instructions to keep a careful look-out as they traversed the country. ⁴¹ As these men were approaching the ridge of the hills they came upon the Macedonian reserve without expecting it, owing to the dimness of the light. After a short interval of mutual alarm, both sides began irregular attacks on each other, and both despatched messengers to their respective chiefs to give information of what had occurred; and when the Roman began to get the worst of it in the encounter, and to suffer heavily at the hands of the Macedonian reserve, they sent to their camp begging for supports. Flamininus accordingly despatched the Aetolians under Archedamus and Eupolemus, as well as two of his own tribunes, with a force altogether of five hundred cavalry and two thousand infantry, after properly exhorting them to do their duty. On their arrival to the support of the skirmishing party already engaged, the aspect of affairs was promptly changed. For the Romans, inspired by the hope which this reinforcement gave, renewed the contest with redoubled spirit; while the Macedonians, though offering a gallant defence, were now in their turn hard pressed, and being forced to make a general retreat, retired to the highest points in the hills, and despatched messengers to the king for help.

Skirmishes Before the Main Battle

But Philip, who had not expected, for reasons indicated above, that a general engagement would ⁴² take place on that day, happened to have sent a considerable part of his troops out of camp foraging. But when informed of what was taking place by these messengers, the mist at the same time beginning to lift, he despatched, with due exhortation, Heracleides of Gyrton, the commander of his Thessalian cavalry; Leon, the general of his Macedonian horse; and Athenagoras, with all the mercenaries except those from Thrace. The reserve being joined by these troops, and the Macedonian force having thus become a formidable one, they advanced against the enemy, and in their turn drove the Romans back from the heights. But what prevented them, more than anything else, from entirely routing the enemy was the gallantry of the Aetolian cavalry, which fought with desperate fury and reckless valour. ⁴³ For the Aetolians are as superior to the rest of the Greeks in cavalry for fighting in skirmishing order, troop to troop, or man to man, as they are inferior to them both in the arms and tactics of their infantry for the purpose of a general engagement. The enemy being held in check therefore by these troops, the Roman were not forced back again quite on to the level ground, but, after retiring to a short distance, faced round and halted. ⁴⁴ But when Flamininus saw that not only had the cavalry and light infantry retired, but that, owing to them, his whole force was rendered uneasy, he drew out his entire army and got them into order of battle close to the hills. Meanwhile one man after another of the Macedonian reserve ran towards Philip shouting out, King, the enemy are flying: do not let slip the opportunity. The barbarians cannot stand before us: now is the day for you to strike: now is your opportunity! The result was that he was induced to fight in spite of his dissatisfaction with the ground. For these hills, which are called Cynoscephalae, are rough, precipitous, and of considerable height; and it was because he foresaw the disadvantages of such a ground, that he was originally disinclined to accept battle there; but, being excited now by the extravagantly sanguine reports of these messengers, he gave the order for his army to be drawn out of camp.

Flamininus Rouses His Troops

Having got his main body into order, Flamininus gave ⁴⁵ his attention at the same time to relieving his advanced guard, and to going along the ranks to encourage his men. His exhortation was short, but clear and intelligible to the hearers: for, pointing to the enemy with his hand, he said to his soldiers: Are not these the Macedonians, my men, whom, when occupying in their own country the pass to Eordaea, you routed in open battle, under the command of Sulpicius, and drove to take refuge on the hills with the loss of many of their comrades? Are not these the Macedonians whom, when defended by what seemed an impassable country in Epirus, you dislodged by sheer valour, and forced to throw away their shields and fly right into Macedonia? Why then should you feel any hesitation when you are to fight the same men on equal ground? Why look anxiously to the past, rather than let that past minister courage to you for the present? Therefore, my men, rouse each other by mutual exhortations, and hasten in your might to the struggle! For, with God’s will, I am persuaded that this battle will quickly have the same issue as the contests in the past. With these words he ordered his right wing to remain where they were, and the elephants in front of them; while with his left, supported by the light infantry, he advanced in gallant style to attack the enemy. ⁴⁶ And the Roman troops already on the field, finding themselves thus reinforced by the legions on their rear, once more faced round and charged their opponents.

The Battle of Cynoscephalae

Meanwhile, when he had seen the main part of his ⁴⁷ army in position outside the camp, Philip himself advanced with his peltasts and the right wing of his phalanx, commencing the ascent of the hills with great rapidity, and having left instructions with Nicanor, surnamed the Elephant, to see that the rest of the army followed at once. As soon as his first files reached the summit, he deployed his men into line by the left, and occupied the range of high ground: for the Macedonians who had been sent in advance had forced the Romans a considerable distance down the other side of the hills, and therefore he found the ridges unoccupied by the enemy. But while he was still engaged in getting the right wing of his army into line, his mercenaries came on the ground, having been decisively repulsed by the enemy. For when the Roman light infantry found themselves supported by the heavy, as I said just now, with their assistance, which they regarded as turning the scale in their favour, they made a furious charge on the enemy, and killed a large number of them. ⁴⁸ When the king first came on the ground, and saw that the fighting between the light armed was going on near the enemy’s camp, he was delighted: but when, on the other hand, he saw his own men giving ground and requiring support, he was compelled to give it, and allow the necessities of the moment to decide the fortunes of the whole day, in spite of the fact that the greater part of his phalanx was still on the march and engaged in mounting the hills. Receiving therefore the men who had been already engaged, he massed them all upon his right wing, both infantry and cavalry; while he ordered the peltasts and heavy armed to double their depth and close up to the right. By the time this was effected the enemy were close at hand; and, accordingly, the word was given to the phalanx to lower spears and charge; to the light infantry to cover their flank. At the same time Flamininus also, having received his advanced party into the intervals between his maniples, charged the enemy.

The Battle

The charge was made with great violence and loud shouting on both sides: for both advancing parties raised their war cry, while those who were not actually engaged shouted encouragement to those that were; and the result was a scene of the wildest excitement, terrible in the last degree. ⁴⁹ Philip’s right wing came off brilliantly in the encounter, for they were charging down hill and were superior in weight, and their arms were far more suited for the actual conditions of the struggle: but as for the rest of the army, that part of it which was in the rear of the actual fighters did not get into contact with the enemy; while the left wing, which had but just made the ascent, was only beginning to show on the ridge. ⁵⁰ Seeing that his men were unable to stand the charge of the phalanx, and that his left wing was losing ground, some having already fallen and the rest slowly retiring, but that hopes of saving himself still remained on the right, Flamininus hastily transferred himself to the latter wing; and when he perceived that the enemy’s force was not well together—part being in contact with the actual fighters, part just in the act of mounting the ridge, and part halting on it and not yet beginning to descend,⁵¹— keeping the elephants in front he led the maniples of his right against the enemy. The Macedonians having no one to give them orders, and unable to form a proper phalanx, owing to the inequalities of the ground and to the fact that, being engaged in trying to come up with the actual combatants, they were still in column of march, did not even wait for the Romans to come to close quarters: but, thrown into confusion by the mere charge of the elephants, their ranks were disordered and they broke into flight.

Philip’s Defeat and Flight

The main body of the Roman right followed and ⁵² slaughtered the flying Macedonians. But one of the tribunes, with about twenty maniples, having made up his mind on his own account what ought to be done next, contributed by his action very greatly to the general victory. He saw that the division which was personally commanded by Philip was much farther forward than the rest of the enemy, and was pressing hard upon the Roman left by its superior weight; he therefore left the right, which was by this time clearly victorious, and directing his march towards the part of the field where a struggle was still going on, he managed to get behind the Macedonians and charge them on the rear. The nature of the phalanx is such that the men cannot face round singly and defend themselves: this tribune, therefore, charged them and killed all he could get at; until, being unable to defend themselves, they were forced to throw down their shields and fly; whereupon the Romans in their front, who had begun to yield, faced round again and charged them too.⁵³ At first, as I have said, Philip, judging from the success of his own division, felt certain of a complete victory; but when he saw his Macedonians all on a sudden throwing away their shields, and the enemy close upon their rear, he withdrew with a small body of foot and horse a short distance from the field and took a general survey of the whole battle: and when he observed that the Romans in their pursuit of his left wing were already approaching the tops of the hills, he rallied as many Thracians and Macedonians as he could at the moment, and fled. As Flamininus was pursuing the fugitives he came upon the lines of the Macedonian left, just as they were scaling the ridge in their attempt to cross the hills, and at first halted in some surprise because the enemy held their spears straight up, as is the custom of the Macedonians when surrendering themselves or intending to pass over to the enemy. Presently, having had the reason of this movement explained to him, he held his men back, thinking it best to spare the lives of those whom fear had induced to surrender. But whilst he was still reflecting on this matter, some of the advanced guard rushed upon these men from some higher ground and put most of them to the sword, while the few survivors threw away their shields and escaped by flight.

Philip Retreats, the Romans Plunder

The battle was now at an end in every part of the ⁵⁴ field; the Romans everywhere victorious; and Philip in full retreat towards Tempe. The first night he passed at what is called Alexander’s tower; the next day he got as far as Gonni, on the pass into Tempe, and there remained, with a view of collecting the survivors of the battle.

But the Romans, after following the fugitives for a certain⁵⁵ distance, returned; and some employed themselves in stripping the dead; others in collecting the captives; while the majority hurried to the plunder of the enemy’s camp. But there they found that the Aetolians had been beforehand with them; and thinking, therefore, that they were deprived of their fair share of the booty, they began grumbling at the Aetolians and protesting to their general that he imposed the dangers upon them, but yielded the spoil to others. For the present, however, they returned to their own camp, and passed the night in their old quarters: but next morning they employed themselves in collecting the prisoners and the remainder of the spoils, and then started on the march towards Larisa. ⁵⁶ In the battle the Romans lost seven hundred men; the Macedonians eight thousand killed, and not less than five thousand taken prisoners.

Such was the result of the battle at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly between the Romans and Philip.

The Macedonian Phalanx

In my sixth book I made a promise, still unfulfilled, of taking a fitting opportunity of drawing a comparison between the arms of the Romans and Macedonians, and their respective system of tactics, and pointing out how they differ for better or worse from each other. I will now endeavour by a reference to actual facts to fulfil that promise. For since in former times the Macedonian tactics proved themselves by experience capable of conquering those of Asia and Greece; while the Roman tactics sufficed to conquer the nations of Africa and all those of Western Europe; and since in our own day there have been numerous opportunities of comparing the men as well as their tactics,—it will be, I think, a useful and worthy task to investigate their differences, and discover why it is that the Romans conquer and carry off the palm from their enemies in the operations of war: that we may not put it all down to Fortune, and congratulate them on their good luck, as the thoughtless of mankind do; but, from a knowledge of the true causes, may give their leaders the tribute of praise and admiration which they deserve.

Now as to the battles which the Romans fought with Hannibal, ⁵⁷ and the defeats which they sustained in them, I need say no more. It was not owing to their arms or their but to the skill and genius of Hannibal that they met with those defeats: and that I made quite clear in my account of the battles themAnd my contention is supported by two facts. First, by the conclusion of the war: for as soon as the Romans got a general of ability comparable with that of Hannibal, victory was not long in following their banners. Secondly, Hannibal himself, being dissatisfied with the original arms of his men, and having immediately after his first victory furnished his troops with the arms of the Romans, continued to employ them thenceforth to the end.⁵⁸ Pyrrhus, again, availed himself not only of the arms, but also of the troops of Italy, placing a maniple of Italians and a company of his own phalanx alternately, in his battles against the Romans. Yet even this did not enable him to win; the battles were somehow or another always indecisive.

It was necessary to speak first on these points, to anticipate any instances which might seem to make against my theory. I will now return to my comparison.

A Well-Formed Phalanx is Irresistible

Many considerations may easily convince us that, if only the phalanx has its proper formation and strength, nothing can resist it face to face or withstand its charge. For as a man in close order of battle occupies a space of three feet; and as the length of the sarissae is sixteen cubits according to the original design, which has been reduced in practice to fourteen; and as of these fourteen four must be deducted, to allow for the distance between the two hands holding it, and to balance the weight in front; it follows clearly that each hoplite will have ten cubits of his sarissae projecting beyond his body, when he lowers it with both hands, as he advances against the enemy: hence, too, though the men of the second, third, and fourth rank will have their sarissae projecting farther beyond the front rank than the men of the fifth, yet even these last will have two cubits of their sarissae beyond the front rank; if only the phalanx is properly formed and the men close up properly both flank and rear, like the description in Homer⁵⁹—

So buckler pressed on buckler; helm on helm;

And man on man: and waving horse-hair plumes

In polished head-piece mingled, as they swayed

In order: in such serried rank they stood.

And if my description is true and exact, it is clear that in front of each man of the front rank there will be five sarissae projecting to distances varying by a descending scale of two cubits.

Roman Soldiers in More Open Order

With this point in our minds, it will not be difficult to imagine what the appearance and strength of the whole phalanx is likely to be, when, with lowered sarissae, it advances to the charge sixteen deep. Of these sixteen ranks, all above the fifth are unable to reach with their sarissae far enough to take actual part in the fighting. They, therefore, do not lower them, but hold them with the points inclined upwards over the shoulders of the ranks in front of them, to shield the heads of the whole phalanx; for the sarissae are so closely serried, that they repel missiles which have carried over the front ranks and might fall upon the heads of those in the rear. These rear ranks, however, during an advance, press forward those in front by the weight of their bodies; and thus make the charge very forcible, and at the same time render it impossible for the front ranks to face about.

Such is the arrangement, general and detailed, of the⁶⁰ phalanx. It remains now to compare with it the peculiarities and distinctive features of the Roman arms and tactics. Now, a Roman soldier in full armour also requires a space of three square feet. But as their method of fighting admits of individual motion for each man—because he defends his body with a shield, which he moves about to any point from which a blow is coming, and because he uses his sword both for cutting and stabbing,—it is evident that each man must have a clear space, and an interval of at least three feet both on flank and rear, if he is to do his duty with any effect. The result of this will be that each Roman soldier will face two of the front rank of a phalanx, so that he has to encounter and fight against ten spears, which one man cannot find time even to cut away, when once the two lines are engaged, nor force his way through easily—seeing that the Roman front ranks are not supported by the rear ranks, either by way of adding weight to their charge, or vigour to the use of their swords. Therefore it may readily be understood that, as I said before, it is impossible to confront a charge of the phalanx, so long as it retains its proper formation and strength.

Cumbrous Nature of the Phalanx

Why is it then that the Romans conquer? And what is ⁶¹ it that brings disaster on those who employ the phalanx? Why, just because war is full of uncertainties both as to time and place; whereas there is but one time and one kind of ground in which a phalanx can fully work. If, then, there were anything to compel the enemy to accommodate himself to the time and place of the phalanx, when about to fight a general engagement, it would be but natural to expect that those who employed the phalanx would always carry off the victory. But if the enemy finds it possible, and even easy, to avoid its attack, what becomes of its formidable character? Again, no one denies that for its employment it is indispensable to have a country flat, bare, and without such impediments as ditches, cavities, depressions, steep banks, or beds of rivers: for all such obstacles are sufficient to hinder and dislocate this particular formation. And that it is, I may say, impossible, or at any rate exceedingly rare to find a piece of country of twenty stades, or sometimes of even greater extent, without any such obstacles, every one will also admit. However, let us suppose that such a district has been found. If the enemy decline to come down into it, but traverse the country sacking the towns and territories of the allies, what use will the phalanx be? For if it remains on the ground suited to itself, it will not only fail to benefit its friends, but will be incapable even of preserving itself; for the carriage of provisions will be easily stopped by the enemy, seeing that they are in undisputed possession of the country: while if it quits its proper ground, from the wish to strike a blow, it will be an easy prey to the enemy. Nay, if a general does descend into the plain, and yet does not risk his whole army upon one charge of the phalanx or upon one chance, but manœuvres for a time to avoid coming to close quarters in the engagement, it is easy to learn what will be the result from what the Romans are now actually doing.

How the Romans Fight Against a Phalanx

For no speculation is any longer required to test the accuracy of what I am now saying: that can be done by referring to accomplished facts.

The Romans do not, then, attempt to extend their front to equal that of a phalanx, and then charge directly upon it with their whole force: but some of their divisions are kept in reserve, while others join battle with the enemy at close quarters. Now, whether the phalanx in its charge drives its opponents from their ground, or is itself driven back, in either case its peculiar order is dislocated; for whether in following the retiring, or flying from the advancing enemy, they quit the rest of their forces: and when this takes place, the enemy’s reserves can occupy the space thus left, and the ground which the phalanx had just before been holding, and so no longer charge them face to face, but fall upon them on their flank and rear. If, then, it is easy to take precautions against the opportunities and peculiar advantages of the phalanx, but impossible to do so in the case of its disadvantages, must it not follow that in practice the difference between these two systems is enormous? Of course those generals who employ the phalanx must march over ground of every description, must pitch camps, occupy points of advantage, besiege, and be besieged, and meet with unexpected appearances of the enemy: for all these are part and parcel of war, and have an important and sometimes decisive influence on the ultimate victory. And in all these cases the Macedonian phalanx is difficult, and sometimes impossible to handle, because the men cannot act either in squads or separately. ⁶² The Roman order on the other hand is flexible: for every Roman, once armed and on the field, is equally well equipped for every place, time, or appearance of the enemy. He is, moreover, quite ready and needs to make no change, whether he is required to fight in the main body, or in a detachment, or in a single maniple, or even by himself. Therefore, as the individual members of the Roman force are so much more serviceable, their plans are also much more often attended by success than those of others.

I thought it necessary to discuss this subject at some length, because at the actual time of the occurrence many Greeks supposed when the Macedonians were beaten that it was incredible; and many will afterwards be at a loss to account for the inferiority of the phalanx to the Roman system of arming.

Philip’s Conduct After the Battle

Philip having thus done all he could in the battle, ⁶³ but having been decisively beaten, after taking up as many of the survivors as he could, proceeded through Tempe into Macedonia. On the night previous to his start he sent one of his guard to Larisa, with orders to destroy and burn the king’s correspondence. And it was an act worthy of a king to retain, even in the midst of disaster, a recollection of a necessary duty. For he knew well enough that, if these papers came into the possession of the Romans, they would give many handles to the enemy both against himself and his friends. It has, perhaps, been the case with others that in prosperity they could not use power with the moderation which becomes mortal men, while in disaster they displayed caution and good sense; but certainly this was the case with Philip. And this will be made manifest by what I shall subsequently relate. For as I showed without reserve the justice of his measures at the beginning of his reign, and the change for the worse which they subsequently underwent; and showed when and why and how this took place, with a detailed description of the actions in this part of his career;⁶⁴ in the same way am I bound to set forth his repentance, and the dexterity with which he changed with his change of fortune, and may be said to have shown the highest prudence in meeting this crisis in his affairs.

As for Flamininus, having after the battle taken the necessary measures as to the captives and the rest of the spoils, he proceeded to Larisa. . . .

Flamininus and the Aetolians At Odds

Flamininus was much annoyed at the selfishness displayed by the Aetolians in regard to the spoils; ⁶⁵ and had no idea of leaving them to be masters of Greece after he had deprived Philip of his supremacy there. He was irritated also by their braggadocio, when he saw that they claimed all the credit of the victory, and were filling Greece with the report of their valour. Wherefore, wherever he met them he behaved with hauteur, and never said a word on public business, but carried out all his measures independently or by the agency of his own friends. While the relations between these two were in this strained state, some few days after the battle Demosthenes, Cycliadas, and Limnaeus came on a mission from Philip; and, after considerable discussion with them, Flamininus granted an immediate armistice of fifteen days, and agreed to have a personal interview also with Philip in the course of them to discuss the state of affairs. ⁶⁶ And this interview being conducted in a courteous and friendly manner, the suspicions entertained of Flamininus by the Aetolians blazed forth with double fury. For as corruption, and the habit of never doing anything without a bribe, had long been a common feature in Greek politics, and as this was the acknowledged characteristic of the Aetolians, they could not believe that Flamininus could so change in his relations with Philip without a bribe. They did not know the habits and principles of the Romans on this subject; but judging from themselves they concluded that there was every probability of Philip in his present position offering a large sum of money, and of Flamininus being unable to resist the temptation.

Comparative Incorruptibility of Romans

If I had been speaking of an earlier period, and expressing what was generally true, I should have had ⁶⁷ no hesitation in asserting of the Romans as a nation that they would not be likely to do such a thing,—I mean in the period before they engaged in wars beyond the sea, and while they retained their own habits and principles uncontaminated.⁶⁸ But in the present times I should not venture to say this of them all; still, as individuals, I should be bold to say of the majority of the men of Rome that they are capable of preserving their honesty in this particular: and as evidence that I am making no impossible assertion, I would quote two names which will command general assent,—I mean first, Lucius Aemilius who conquered Perseus, and won the kingdom of Macedonia.⁶⁹ In that kingdom, besides all the other splendour and wealth, there was found in the treasury more than six thousand talents of gold and silver: yet he was so far from coveting any of this, that he even refused to see it, and administered it by the hands of others; though he was far from being superfluously wealthy himself, but, on the contrary, was very badly off. At least, I know that on his death, which occurred shortly after the war, when his own sons Publius Scipio and Quintus Maximus wished to pay his wife her dowry, amounting to twenty-five talents, they were reduced to such straits that they would have been quite unable to do so if they had not sold the household furniture and slaves, and some of the landed property besides. And if what I say shall appear incredible to any one, he may easily convince himself on the subject: for though there are many controversies at Rome, and especially on this particular point, arising from the antagonistic parties among them, yet he will find that what I have just said about Aemilius is acknowledged by every one.⁷⁰ Again, Publius Scipio, son by blood of this Aemilius, and son by adoption of Publius called the Great, when he got possession of Carthage, reckoned the wealthiest city in the world, took absolutely nothing from it for his own private use, either by purchase or by any other manner of acquisition whatever, although he was by no means a very rich man, but very moderately so for a Roman. But he not only abstained from the wealth of Carthage itself, but refused to allow anything from Africa at all to be mixed up with his private property. Therefore, in regard to this man once more, any one who chooses to inquire will find that his reputation in this particular is absolutely undisputed at Rome. I shall, however, take a more suitable opportunity of treating this subject at greater length.

Congress at Tempe Begins

Titus then having appointed Philip a day for the congress, immediately wrote to the allies announcing when they were to appear; and a few days ⁷¹ afterwards came himself to the pass of Tempe at the appointed time. When the allies had assembled, and the congress met, the Roman imperator rose and bade each say on what terms they ought to make peace with Philip.⁷² King Amynandros then delivered a short and moderate speech, merely asking that they would all have some consideration for him, to prevent Philip, as soon as the Romans left Greece, from turning the whole weight of his anger upon him; for the Athamanes were always an easy prey to the Macedonians, because of their weakness and the close contiguity of their territory.⁷³ When he had finished, Alexander the Aetolian rose and complimented Flamininus for having assembled the allies in that congress to discuss the terms of peace; and, above all, for having on the present occasion called on each to express his opinion. But he was deluded and mistaken, he added, if he believed that by making terms with Philip he would secure the Romans peace or the Greeks freedom. For neither of these was possible. But if he desired to accomplish both the design of his own government and his own promises, which he had given to all the Greeks, there was one way, and one only, of making terms with Macedonia, and that was to eject Philip from his throne; and this could easily be done if he did not let slip the present opportunity.

After some further arguments in support of this view he sat down.

Debate In the Congress At Tempe

Flamininus here took up the argument, and said that ⁷⁴ Alexander was mistaken not only as to the policy of Rome, but also as to the object which he proposed to himself, and above all as to the true interests of Greece. For it was not the Roman way to utterly destroy those with whom they had been at open war. A proof of his assertion might be found in the war with Hannibal and the Carthaginians; for though the Romans had received the severest provocation at their hands, and afterwards had it in their power to do absolutely what they pleased to them, yet they had adopted no extreme measures against the Carthaginians. For his part, moreover, he had never entertained the idea that it was necessary to wage an inexpiable war with Philip; but on the contrary had been prepared before the battle to come to terms with him, if he would have submitted to the Roman demands. He was surprised, therefore, that those who had taken part in the former peace conference should now adopt a tone of such irreconcilable hostility. Have we not conquered? (say they). Yes, but this is the most senseless of arguments. For brave men, when actually at war, should be terrible and full of fire; when beaten, undaunted and courageous; when victorious, on the other hand, moderate, placable, and humane. But your present advice is the reverse of all this. Yet, in truth, to the Greeks themselves it is greatly to their interest that Macedonia should be humbled, but not at all so that she should be destroyed. For it might chance thereby that they would experience the barbarity of Thracians and Gauls, as has been the case more than once already. He then added that the final decision of himself and Roman colleagues was, that, if Philip would consent to fulfil all the conditions formerly enjoined by the allies, they would grant him peace, subject, of course, to the approval of the Senate: and that the Aetolians were free to take what measures they chose for themselves. Upon Phaeneas attempting to reply that Everything done hitherto went for nothing; for if Philip managed to extricate himself from his present difficulties, he would at once find some other occasion for hostilities,—Flamininus sprang at once from his seat, and said, with some heat, Cease this trifling, Phaeneas! For I will so settle the terms of the peace that Philip will be unable, even if he wished it, to molest the Greeks.

Philip Comes to the Conference

After this they separated for that day. On the next the ⁷⁵ king arrived: and on the third, when all the delegates were met for discussion, Philip entered, and with great skill and tact diverted the anger which they all entertained against him. For he said that He conceded the demands made on the former occasion by the Romans and the allies, and remitted the decision on the remaining points to the Senate. But Phaeneas, one of the Aetolians present, said: Why then, Philip, do not you restore to us Larisa Cremaste, Pharsalus, Phthiotid Thebes, and Echinus? Whereupon Philip bade them take them over.⁷⁶ But Flamininus here interposed, and forbade the Aetolians to take over any of the towns except Phthiotid Thebes; for upon his approaching this town with his army, and summoning it to submit to the Roman protection, the Thebans had refused; and, as it had now come into his hands in the course of war, he had the right of taking any measures he chose regarding it. Phaeneas and his colleagues indignantly protested at this, and asserted that it was their clear right to recover the towns previously members of their league, first on the ground that they had taken part in the recent war; and secondly in virtue of their original treaty of alliance, according to which the movable property of the conquered belonged to the Romans, the towns to the Aetolians. To which Flamininus answered that they were mistaken in both points; for their treaty with Rome had been annulled when they abandoned the Romans, and made terms with Philip: and, even supposing that treaty to be still in force, they had no right to recover or take over such cities as had voluntarily put themselves under the protection of Rome, as the whole of the cities in Thessaly had done, but only such as were taken by force.⁷⁷

Peace Terms Agreed On

The other members of the congress were delighted ⁷⁸ at this speech of Flamininus. But the Aetolians listened with indignation; and what proved to be the beginning of serious evils was engendered. For this quarrel was the spark from which, not long afterwards, both the war with the Aetolians and that with Antiochus flamed out. The principal motive of Flamininus in being thus forward in coming to terms was the information he had received that Anticchus had started from Syria with an army, with the intention of crossing over into Europe. Therefore he was anxious lest Philip, catching at this chance, should determine to defend the towns and protract the war; and lest meanwhile he should himself be superseded by another commander from home, on whom the honour of all that he had achieved would be diverted. Therefore the terms which the king asked were granted: namely, that he should have four months’ suspension of hostilities, paying Flamininus at once the two hundred talents; delivering his son Demetrius and some others of his friends as hostages; and sending to Rome to submit the decision on the whole pacification to the Senate. Flamininus and Philip then separated, after interchanging mutual pledges of fidelity, on the understanding that, if the treaty were not confirmed, Flamininus was to restore to Philip the two hundred talents and the hostages. All the parties then sent ambassadors to Rome, some to support and others to oppose the settlement. . . .

Foolish Credulity

Why is it that, though deceived again and again by the ⁷⁹ same things and persons, we are unable to abandon our blind folly? For this particular kind of fraud has often been committed before now, and by many. That other men should allow themselves to be taken in is perhaps not astonishing; but it is wonderful that those should do so who are the authors and origin of the same kind of malpractice. But I suppose the cause is the absence of that rule so happily expressed by Epicharmus:

Cool head and wise mistrust are wisdom’s sinews. . . .

Asia: King Attalus I

[They endeavoured] to prevent Antiochus from sailing along their coast, not from enmity to him, but from a suspicion that by giving support to Philip he would become an obstacle in the way of Greek liberty. . . .

King Antiochus was very desirous of possessing Ephesus, owing to its extremely convenient position; for it appeared to occupy the position of an Acropolis for expeditions by land and sea against Ionia and the cities of the Hellespont, and to be always a most convenient base of operations for the kings of Asia against Europe. . . .

Of King Attalus, who now died, I think I ought to⁸⁰ speak a suitable word, as I have done in the case of others. Originally he had no other external qualification for royalty except money alone, which, indeed, if handled with good sense and boldness, is of very great assistance in every undertaking, but without these qualities is in its nature the origin of evil, and, in fact, of utter ruin to very many. For in the first place it engenders envy and malicious plots, and contributes largely to the destruction of body and soul. For few indeed are the souls that are able by the aid of wealth to repel dangers of this description. This king’s greatness of mind therefore deserves our admiration, because he never attempted to use his wealth for anything else but the acquisition of royal power,—an object than which none greater can be mentioned. Moreover he made the first step in this design, not only by doing services to his friends and gaining their affection, but also by achievements in war. For it was after conquering the Gauls, the most formidable and warlike nation at that time in Asia, that he assumed this rank and first puts himself forward as king. And though he obtained this honour, and lived seventy-two years, of which he reigned forty-four, he passed a life of the utmost virtue and goodness towards his wife and children; kept faith with all allies and friends; and died in the midst of a most glorious campaign, fighting for the liberty of the Greeks; and what is more remarkable than all, though he left four grown-up sons, he so well settled the question of succession, that the crown was handed down to his children’s children without a single dispute. . . .

Italy: Treaty with Philip Confirmed

After Marcus Marcellus had entered upon the consulship the ambassadors from Philip, and from ⁸¹ Flamininus and the allies, arrived at Rome to discuss the treaty with Philip; and after a lengthened hearing the confirmation of the terms was decreed in the Senate. But on the matter being brought before the people, Marcus Claudius, who was ambitious of being himself sent to Greece, spoke against the treaty, and did his best to get it rejected. The people however ratified the terms, in accordance with the wish of Flamininus; and, upon this being settled, the Senate immediately despatched a commission of ten men of high rank to arrange the settlement of Greece in conjunction with Flamininus, and to confirm the freedom of the Greeks. Among others Damoxenus of Aegium and his colleagues, envoys from the Achaean league, made a proposal in the Senate for an alliance with Rome; but as some opposition was raised to this at the time, on account of a counter-claim of the Eleians upon Triphylia, and of the Messenians, who were at the time actually in alliance with Rome, upon Asine and Pylus, and of the Aetolians upon Heraea,—the decision was referred to the commission of ten. Such were the proceedings in the Senate. . . .

Greece: Murder of Brachylles

After the battle of Cynoscephalae, as Flamininus was ⁸² wintering at Elateia, the Boeotians, being anxious to recover their citizens who had served in Philip’s army, sent an embassy to Flamininus to try and secure their safety. Wishing to encourage the loyalty of the Boeotians to himself, because he was already anxious as to the action of Antiochus, he readily assented to their petition. These men were promptly restored from Macedonia, and one of them named Brachylles the Boeotians at once elected Boeotarch; and in a similar spirit honoured and promoted, as much as before, such of the others as were thought to be well disposed to the royal house of Macedonia. ⁸³They also sent an embassy to Philip to thank him for the return of the young men, thus derogating from the favour done them by Flamininus,—a measure highly disquieting to Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, and all who were regarded as partisans of Rome; because they foresaw what would happen to themselves and their families, knowing quite well that if the Romans quitted Greece, and Philip remained closely supporting the political party opposed to themselves, it would be unsafe for them to remain citizens of Boeotia. They therefore agreed among themselves to send an embassy to Flamininus in Elateia: and having obtained an interview with him, they made a lengthy and elaborate statement on this subject, describing the state of popular feeling which was now adverse to themselves, and discanting on the untrustworthiness of democratic assemblies. And finally, they ventured to say that Unless they could overawe the common people by getting rid of Brachylles, there could be no security for the party in favour of Rome as soon as the legions departed. After listening to these arguments Flamininus replied that He would not personally take any part in such a measure, but he would not hinder those who wished to do so. Finally, he bade them speak to Alexamenus the Strategus of the Aetolians. Zeuxippus and his colleagues accepted the suggestion, and communicated with Alexamenus, who at once consented; and agreeing to carry out their proposal sent three Aetolians and three Italians, all young men, to assassinate Brachylles. . . .

There is no more terrible witness, or more⁸⁴ formidable accuser, than the conscience which resides in each man’s breast. . . .

Decree of the Senate on the Peace with Philip

About this same time the ten commissioners arrived ⁸⁵ from Rome who were to effect the settlement of Greece, bringing with them the decree of the Senate on the peace with Philip. The main points of the decree were these: All other Greeks, whether in Asia or Europe, to be free and enjoy their own laws; but that Philip should hand over to the Romans those at present under his authority, and all towns in which he had a garrison, before the Isthmian games; and restore Eurōmus, Pedasa, Bargylia, Iasus, Abydos, Thasus, Marinus, and Perinthus to freedom, and remove his garrisons from them. That Flamininus should write to Prusias commanding him to liberate Cius, in accordance with the decree of the Senate. That Philip should restore to the Romans within the same period all captives and deserters; and likewise all decked ships, except three and his one sixteen-banked vessel; and should pay a thousand talents, half at once, and half by instalments spread over ten years.

The Freedom of Greece

Upon this decree being published in Greece, it created ⁸⁶ a feeling of confidence and gratification in all the communities except the Aetolians. These last were annoyed at not getting all they expected, and attempted to run down the decree by saying that it was mere words, without anything practical in it; and they based upon the clauses of the decree itself some such arguments as follow, by way of disquieting those who would listen to them. They said That there were two distinct clauses in the decree relating to the cities garrisoned by Philip: one ordering him to remove those garrisons and to hand over the cities to the Romans; the other bidding him withdraw his garrisons and set the cities free. Those that were to be set free were definitely named, and they were towns in Asia; and it was plain, therefore, that those which were to be handed over to the Romans were those in Europe, namely, Oreus, Eretria, Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth. Hence it was plain that the Romans were receiving the fetters of Greece from the hands of Philip, and that the Greeks were getting, not freedom, but a change of masters.

These arguments of the Aetolians were repeated ad nauseam. But, meanwhile, Flamininus left Elateia with the ⁸⁷ ten commissioners, and having crossed to Anticyra, sailed straight to Corinth, and there sat in council with the commissioners, and considered the whole settlement to be made. But as the adverse comments of the Aetolians obtained wide currency, and were accepted by some, Flamininus was forced to enter upon many elaborate arguments in the meetings of the commission, trying to convince the commissioners that if they wished to acquire unalloyed praise from the Greeks, and to establish firmly in the minds of all that they had originally come into the country not to gain any advantage for Rome, but simply to secure the freedom of Greece, they must abandon every district and free all the cities now garrisoned by Philip. But this was just the point in dispute among the commissioners; for, as to all other cities, a decision had been definitely arrived at in Rome, and the ten commissioners had express instructions; but about Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias they had been allowed a discretion on account of Antiochus, in order that they might take such measures as they thought best from a view of actual events. For it was notorious that this king had for some time past been meditating an interference in Europe. However, as far as Corinth was concerned, Flamininus prevailed on the commissioners to free it at once and restore it to the Achaean league, from respect to the terms of the original agreement; but he retained the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis.

Proclamation At the Isthmian Games

When these decisions had been come to, the time for ⁸⁸ the celebration of the Isthmian games arrived. The expectation of what would happen there drew the men of highest rank from nearly every quarter of the world; and there was a great deal of talk on the subject from one end of the assembled multitude to the other, and expressed in varied language. Some said that from certain of the places and towns it was impossible that the Romans could withdraw; while others asserted that they would withdraw from those considered most important, but would retain others that were less prominent, though capable of being quite as serviceable. And such persons even took upon themselves in their ingenuity to designate the precise places which would be thus treated. While people were still in this state of uncertainty, all the world being assembled on the stadium to watch the games, the herald came forward, and having proclaimed silence by the sound of a trumpet, delivered the following proclamation: The senate of Rome and Titus Quintus, proconsul and imperator, having conquered King Philip and the Macedonians in war, declare the following peoples free, without garrison, or tribute, in full enjoyment of the laws of their respective countries: namely, Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Achaeans of Phiotis, Magnesians, Thessalians, Perrhaebians.⁸⁹

Now as the first words of the proclamation were the signal⁹⁰ for a tremendous outburst of clapping, some of the people could not hear it at all, and some wanted to hear it again; but the majority feeling incredulous, and thinking that they heard the words in a kind of dream, so utterly unexpected was it, another impulse induced every one to shout to the herald and trumpeter to come into the middle of the stadium and repeat the words: I suppose because the people wished not only to hear but to see the speaker, in their inability to credit the announcement. But when the herald, having advanced into the middle of the crowd, once more, by his trumpeter, hushed the clamour, and repeated exactly the same proclamation as before, there was such an outbreak of clapping as is difficult to convey to the imagination of my readers at this time. When at length the clapping ceased, no one paid any attention whatever to the athletes, but all were talking to themselves or each other, and seemed like people bereft of their senses. Nay, after the games were over, in the extravagance of their joy, they nearly killed Flamininus by the exhibition of their gratitude. Some wanted to look him in the face and call him their preserver; others were eager to touch his hand; most threw garlands and fillets upon him; until between them they nearly crushed him to death. But though this expression of popular gratitude was thought to have been extravagant, one might say with confidence that it fell short of the importance of the actual event. For that the Romans and their leader Flamininus should have deliberately incurred unlimited expense and danger, for the sole purpose of freeing Greece, deserved their admiration; and it was also a great thing that their power was equal to their intention. But the greatest thing of all is that Fortune foiled their attempt by none of her usual caprices, but that every single thing came to a successful issue at the same time: so that all Greeks, Asiatic and European alike, were by a single proclamation become free, without garrison or tribute, and enjoying their own laws.

The Commissioners Make Detailed Arrangements

The Isthmian festival having come to an end, the ⁹¹ first persons with whom the commissioners dealt were the ambassadors from Antiochus. They instructed them that Their master must abstain from attacking those cities in Asia which were autonomous, and go to war with none of them; and must evacuate those that had been subject to Ptolemy or Philip. In addition to this they forbade him to cross over into Europe with an army; for no Greek henceforth was to be attacked in war or to be enslaved to any one. Finally, they said that some of their own number would go to visit Antiochus. With this answer Hegesianax and Lysias returned to Antiochus. ⁹² They next summoned the representatives of all the nations and cities, and declared to them the decisions of the commissioners. The Macedonian tribe of the Orestae, on the ground of their having joined Rome during the war, they declared autonomous; the Perrhaebians, Dolopes, and Magnesians they declared to be free. To the Thessalians, in addition to their freedom, they assigned the Phiotid Achaeans, with the exception, however, of Phthiotid Thebes and Pharsalus: for the Aetolians made such a point of their claim to Pharsalus, as also to Leucas, on the ground of the rights secured them by the original treaty, that the commissioners referred the consideration of their demand in regard to these places back again to the Senate, but allowed them to retain Phocis and Locris as members of their league, as they had been before. Corinth, Triphylia, and Heraea they handed over to the Achaeans. Oreus and Eretria the majority wished to give to King Eumenes, but on the instance of Flamininus this design was not confirmed; and, accordingly, a short time afterwards these towns, with Carystus, were declared free by the Senate. To Pleuratus they assigned Lychnis and Parthus in Illyria, towns which had been subject to Philip; and Amynandros they allowed to retain all such strongholds as he had taken from Philip during the war.

The Commissioners Carry Word Throughout Greece

This business completed, the commissioners separated ⁹³ in various directions: Publius Lentulus sailed to Bargylia and announced its freedom; Leucius Stertinius did the same to Hephaestia, Thasus, and the cities in Thrace; while Publius Ventilius and Lucius Terentius started to visit Antiochus; and Gnaeus Cornelius with his colleagues went to king Philip.⁹⁴ They met him near Tempe, and after speaking with him on the other matters about which they had instructions, they advised him to send an embassy to Rome, to ask for an alliance, in order to obviate all suspicion of being on the watch for an opportunity in expectation of the arrival of Antiochus. ⁹⁵ The king agreeing to follow this advice, Cornelius left him and went to the league congress at Thermus; and coming into the public assembly urged the Aetolians in a lengthy speech to abide by the policy they had adopted, from the first, and maintain their good disposition towards the Romans. Many rose to answer: of whom some expressed dissatisfaction with the Romans in moderate and decorous language, for not having used their good fortune with sufficient regard to their joint interests, and for not observing the original compact; while others delivered violent invectives, asserting that the Romans would never have set foot on Greece or conquered Philip if it had not been for them. Cornelius disdained to answer these speeches in detail, but he advised them to send ambassadors to Rome, for they would get full justice in the Senate: which they accordingly did. Such was the conclusion of the war with Philip. . . .

Asia: Roman Envoys To Antiochus

Whenever they are reduced to the last extremity, as the phrase goes, they will fly to the Romans for protection and commit themselves and their city to them.⁹⁶. . .

Conference Between Roman Legates and Antiochus

Just when the designs of Antiochus in Thrace were succeeding to his heart’s desire, Lucius Cornelius ⁹⁷ and his party sailed into Selybria. These were the envoys sent by the Senate to conclude a peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy. And at the same time there arrived Publius Lentulus from Bargylia, Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius from Thasus, three of the ten commissioners for Greece. Their arrival having been promptly announced to Antiochus, they all assembled within the next few days at Lysimacheia; and it so happened that Hegesianax and Lysias, who had been on the mission to Flamininus, arrived about the same time. The private intercourse between the king and the Romans was informal and friendly; but when presently they met in conference to discuss public affairs, things took quite another aspect. ⁹⁸ Lucius Cornelius demanded that Antiochus should evacuate all the cities subject to Ptolemy which he had taken in Asia; while he warned him in solemn and emphatic language that he must do so also to the cities subject to Philip, for it was ridiculous that Antiochus should come in and take the prizes of the war which Rome had waged with Philip. He also admonished him to abstain from attacking autonomous cities, and added that He was at a loss to conjecture with what view Antiochus had crossed over to Europe with such a powerful army and fleet; for if it were not with the intention of attacking the Romans, there was no explanation left that any reasonable person could accept. With these words the Romans ceased speaking.

The King’s Reply

The king began his reply by saying that He did not ⁹⁹ understand by what right the Romans raised a controversy with him in regard to the cities in Asia. They were the last people in the world who had any claim to do so. Next he claimed that They should refrain entirely from interfering in the affairs of Asia, seeing that he never in the least degree interposed in those of Italy. He had crossed into Europe with his army to recover his possessions in the Chersonese and the cities in Thrace; his right to the government of these places being superior to that of any one in the world. For this was originally the principality of Lysimachus; and as Seleucus waged war with and conquered that prince, the whole domain of Lysimachus passed to Seleucus:¹⁰⁰ then owing to the multifarious interests which distracted the attention of his predecessors, first Ptolemy and then Philip had managed to wrest this country from them and secure it for themselves. ¹⁰¹ He had not then availed himself of Philip’s difficulties to take it, but had recovered possession of it in the exercise of his undoubted rights. It was no injury to the Romans that he should now be restoring to their homes, and settling again in their city, the people of Lysimacheia who had been expelled by an unexpected raid of the Thracians. He was doing this, not from any intention of attacking the Romans, but to prepare a place of residence for his son Seleucus. As for the autonomous cities of Asia, they must acquire their freedom by his free grace, not by an injunction from Rome. As for Ptolemy, he was about to settle matters amicably with him: for it was his intention to confirm their friendship by a matrimonial alliance.

Antiochus Demands a Rhodian Court

But upon Lucius expressing an opinion that they ought ¹⁰² to call in the representatives of Lampsacus and Smyrna and give them a hearing, this was done. The envoys from Lampsacus were Parmenio and Pythodorus, and from Smyrna Coeranus. These men expressing themselves with much openness, Philip was irritated at the idea of defending himself against accusers before a tribunal of Romans, and interrupting Parmenio, said: A truce to your long speeches: I do not choose to have my controversies with you decided before a Roman but before a Rhodian court. Thereupon they broke up the conference very far from pleased with each other. . . .

Egypt: Fall of Scopas

Many people have a yearning for bold and glorious ¹⁰³ undertakings, but few dare actually attempt them. Yet Scopas had much fairer opportunities for a hazardous and bold career than Cleomenes. For the latter, though circumvented by his enemies, and reduced to depend upon such forces as his servants and friends could supply, yet left no chance untried, and tested every one to the best of his ability, valuing an honourable death more highly than a life of disgrace. But Scopas, with all the advantages of a formidable body of soldiers and of the excellent opportunity afforded by the youth of the king, by his own delays and halting counsels allowed himself to be circumvented. For having ascertained that he was holding a meeting of his partisans at his own house, and was consulting with them, Aristomenes sent some of the royal bodyguards and summoned him to the king’s council. Whereupon Scopas was so infatuated that he was neither bold enough to carry out his designs, nor able to make up his mind to obey the king’s summons,—which is in itself the most extreme step,—until Aristomenes, understanding the blunder he had made, caused soldiers and elephants to surround his house, and sent Ptolemy son of Eumenes in with some young men, with orders to bring him quietly if he would come, but, if not, by force. When Ptolemy entered the house and informed Scopas that the king summoned him, he refused at first to obey, but remained looking fixedly at Ptolemy, and for a long while preserved a threatening attitude as though he wondered at his audacity; and when Ptolemy came boldly up to him and took hold of his chlamys, he called on the bystanders to help him. But seeing that the number of young men who had accompanied Ptolemy into the house was large, and being informed by some one of the military array surrounding it outside, he yielded to circumstances, and went, accompanied by his friends, in obedience to the summons.

Scopas and Dicaearchus Punished

On his entering the council chamber the king was the first ¹⁰⁴ to state the accusation against him, which he did briefly. He was followed by Polycrates lately arrived from Cyprus; and he again by Aristomenes. The charges made by them all were much to the same effect as what I have just stated; but there was now added to them the seditious meeting with his friends, and his refusal to obey the summons of the king. On these charges he was unanimously condemned, not only by the members of the council, but also by the envoys of foreign nations who were present. And when Aristomenes was about to commence his accusation he brought in a large number of other Greeks of rank also to support him, as well as the Aetolian ambassadors who had come to negotiate a peace, among whom was Dorimachus son of Nicostratus. When these speeches had been delivered, Scopas endeavoured to put forward certain pleas in his defence: but gaining no attention from any one, owing to the senseless nature of his proceedings, he was taken along with his friends to prison. There after nightfall Aristomenes caused Scopas and his family to be put to death by poison; but did not allow Dicaearchus to die until he had had him racked and scourged, thus inflicting on him a punishment which he thoroughly deserved in the name of all Greece. ¹⁰⁵ For this was the Dicaearchus whom Philip, when he resolved upon his treacherous attack on the Cyclades and the cities of the Hellespont, appointed leader of the whole fleet and the entire enterprise: who being thus sent out to perform an act of flagrant wickedness, not only thought that he was doing nothing wrong, but in the extravagance of his infatuation imagined that he would strike terror into the gods as well as man. For wherever he anchored he used to build two altars, to Impiety and Lawlessness, and, offering sacrifice upon these altars, worshipped them as his gods. Therefore in my opinion he met with a just retribution both from gods and men: for as his life had been spent in defiance to the laws of nature, his end was properly also one of unnatural horror. All the other Aetolians who wished to depart were allowed by the king to go in possession of their property.

Anacleteria of Ptolemy Epiphanes

As in the lifetime of Scopas his love of money had ¹⁰⁶ been notorious, for his avarice did in fact surpass that of any man in the world, so after his death was it made still more conspicuous by the enormous amount of gold and other property found in his house; for by the assistance of the coarse manners and drunken habits of Charimortus he had absolutely pillaged the kingdom.

Having thus settled the Aetolian business to their liking,¹⁰⁷ the courtiers turned their attention to the ceremony of instituting the king into the management of his office, called the Anacleteria. His age was not indeed yet so far advanced as to make this necessary; but they thought that the kingdom would gain a certain degree of firmness and a fresh impulse towards prosperity, if it were known that the king had assumed the independent direction of the government. They then made the preparations for the ceremony with great splendour, and carried it out in a manner worthy of the greatness of the kingdom, Polycrates being considered to have contributed very largely to the accomplishment of their efforts. For this man had enjoyed even during his youth, in the reign of the late king, a reputation second to no one in the court for fidelity and practical ability; and this reputation he had maintained during the present reign also. For having been entrusted with the management of Cyprus and its revenues, when its affairs were in a critical and complicate state, he not only preserved the island for the young king, but collected a very considerable sum of money, with which he had just arrived and had paid to the king, after handing over the government of Cyprus to Ptolemy of Megalopolis. But though he obtained great applause by this, and a large fortune immediately afterwards, yet, as he grew older, he drifted into extravagant debauchery and scandalous indulgence. Nor was the reputation of Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus very different in the later part of his life. But in regard to these men, when we come to the proper time, I shall not shrink from stating the circumstances which disgraced their official life. . . .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 18.1 focus

ι. ρες μαξεδονιαε ετ γραεξιαε

[1] ἐπελθόντος δὲ τοῦ τεταγμένου καιροῦ παρῆν ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἐκ Δημητριάδος ἀναχθεὶς εἰς τὸν Μηλιέα κόλπον, πέντε λέμβους ἔχων καὶ μίαν πρίστιν, ἐφʼ ἧς αὐτὸς ἐπέπλει.

[2] συνῆσαν δʼ αὐτῷ Μακεδόνες μὲν Ἀπολλόδωρος καὶ Δημοσθένης οἱ γραμματεῖς, ἐκ Βοιωτίας Βραχύλλης, Ἀχαιὸς δὲ Κυκλιάδας, ἐκπεπτωκὼς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου διὰ τὰς πρότερον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν εἰρημένας αἰτίας.

[3] μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Τίτου παρῆν ὅ τε βασιλεὺς Ἀμύνανδρος καὶ παρʼ Ἀττάλου Διονυσόδωρος,

[4] ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων τῶν μὲν Ἀχαιῶν Ἀρίσταινος καὶ Ξενοφῶν, παρὰ δὲ Ῥοδίων Ἀκεσίμβροτος ὁ ναύαρχος, παρὰ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν Φαινέας ὁ στρατηγός, καὶ πλείους δʼ ἕτεροι τῶν πολιτευομένων.

[5] συνεγγίσαντες δὲ κατὰ Νίκαιαν πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Τίτον ἐπέστησαν παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν αἰγιαλόν, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐγγίσας τῇ γῇ μετέωρος ἔμενε.

[6] τοῦ δὲ Τίτου κελεύοντος αὐτὸν ἀποβαίνειν, διαναστὰς ἐκ τῆς νεὼς οὐκ ἔφησεν ἀποβήσεσθαι.

[7] τοῦ δὲ πάλιν ἐρομένου τίνα φοβεῖται, φοβεῖσθαι μὲν ἔφησεν ὁ Φίλιππος οὐδένα πλὴν τοὺς θεούς, ἀπιστεῖν δὲ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν παρόντων, μάλιστα δʼ Αἰτωλοῖς.

[8] τοῦ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ θαυμάσαντος καὶ φήσαντος ἴσον εἶναι πᾶσι τὸν κίνδυνον καὶ κοινὸν τὸν καιρόν, μεταλαβὼν ὁ Φίλιππος οὐκ ἔφησεν αὐτὸν ὀρθῶς λέγειν·

[9] Φαινέου μὲν γὰρ παθόντος τι πολλοὺς εἶναι τοὺς στρατηγήσοντας Αἰτωλῶν, Φιλίππου δʼ ἀπολομένου κατὰ τὸ παρὸν οὐκ εἶναι τὸν βασιλεύσοντα Μακεδόνων.

[10] ἐδόκει μὲν οὖν πᾶσι φορτικῶς κατάρχεσθαι τῆς ὁμιλίας. ὅμως δὲ λέγειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευεν ὁ Τίτος ὑπὲρ ὧν πάρεστιν.

[11] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος οὐκ ἔφη τὸν λόγον αὑτῷ καθήκειν, ἀλλʼ ἐκείνῳ· διόπερ ἠξίου διασαφεῖν τὸν Τίτον τί δεῖ ποιήσαντα τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγειν.

[12] ὁ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς αὑτῷ μὲν ἁπλοῦν τινα λόγον ἔφη καθήκειν καὶ φαινόμενον.

[13] κελεύειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκ μὲν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἁπάσης ἐκχωρεῖν, ἀποδόντα τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἑκάστοις οὓς ἔχει,

[14] τοὺς δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα τόπους παραδοῦναι Ῥωμαίοις, ὧν γέγονε κύριος μετὰ τὰς ἐν Ἠπείρῳ διαλύσεις· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ τὰς πόλεις ἀποκαταστῆσαι πάσας, ἃς παρῄρηται μετὰ τὸν Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλοπάτορος θάνατον.

[1] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ὁ Τίτος αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπέσχε, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐκέλευε λέγειν ἅπερ ἑκάστοις αὐτῶν οἱ πέμψαντες εἴησαν ἐντεταλμένοι.

[2] πρῶτος δὲ Διονυσόδωρος ὁ παρʼ Ἀττάλου μεταλαβὼν τὸν λόγον τάς τε ναῦς ἔφη δεῖν αὐτὸν ἀποδοῦναι τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως τὰς γενομένας αἰχμαλώτους ἐν τῇ περὶ Χίον ναυμαχίᾳ καὶ τοὺς ἅμα ταύταις ἄνδρας, ἀποκαταστῆσαι δὲ καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν ἀκέραιον καὶ τὸ Νικηφόριον, ἃ κατέφθειρε.

[3] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων ναύαρχος Ἀκεσίμβροτος τῆς μὲν Περαίας ἐκέλευεν ἐκχωρεῖν τὸν Φίλιππον, ἧς αὐτῶν παρῄρηται, τὰς δὲ φρουρὰς ἐξάγειν ἐξ Ἰασοῦ καὶ Βαργυλίων καὶ τῆς Εὐρωμέων πόλεως,

[4] ἀποκαταστῆσαι δὲ καὶ Περινθίους εἰς τὴν Βυζαντίων συμπολιτείαν, παραχωρεῖν δὲ καὶ Σηστοῦ καὶ Ἀβύδου καὶ τῶν ἐμπορίων καὶ λιμένων τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἁπάντων.

[5] ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις Ἀχαιοὶ Κόρινθον ἀπῄτουν καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν ἀβλαβῆ.

[6] μετὰ δὲ τούτους Αἰτωλοὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἁπάσης ἐκέλευον ἐξίστασθαι, καθάπερ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι, δεύτερον αὑτοῖς ἀποκαθιστάναι τὰς πόλεις ἀβλαβεῖς τὰς πρότερον μετασχούσας τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συμπολιτείας.

[1] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπόντος τοῦ Φαινέου τοῦ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγοῦ, μεταλαβὼν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ προσαγορευόμενος Ἴσιος, ἀνὴρ δοκῶν πραγματικὸς εἶναι καὶ λέγειν ἱκανός,

[2] οὔτε διαλύεσθαι νῦν ἔφησε τὸν Φίλιππον ἀληθινῶς οὔτε πολεμεῖν γενναίως, ὅταν δέῃ τοῦτο πράττειν, ἀλλʼ ἐν μὲν τοῖς συλλόγοις καὶ ταῖς ὁμιλίαις ἐνεδρεύειν καὶ παρατηρεῖν καὶ ποιεῖν τὰ τοῦ πολεμοῦντος ἔργα, κατʼ αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἀδίκως ἵστασθαι καὶ λίαν ἀγεννῶς·

[3] ἀφέντα γὰρ τοῦ κατὰ πρόσωπον ἀπαντᾶν τοῖς πολεμίοις, φεύγοντα τὰς πόλεις ἐμπιπράναι καὶ διαρπάζειν καὶ διὰ ταύτης τῆς προαιρέσεως ἡττώμενον τὰ τῶν νικώντων ἆθλα λυμαίνεσθαι.

[4] καίτοι γε τοὺς πρότερον Μακεδόνων βεβασιλευκότας οὐ ταύτην ἐσχηκέναι τὴν πρόθεσιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐναντίαν· μάχεσθαι μὲν γὰρ πρὸς ἀλλήλους συνεχῶς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις, τὰς δὲ πόλεις σπανίως ἀναιρεῖν καὶ καταφθείρειν.

[5] τοῦτο δʼ εἶναι πᾶσι φανερὸν ἔκ τε τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὃν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπολέμησε πρὸς Δαρεῖον, ἔκ τε τῆς τῶν διαδεξαμένων ἀμφισβητήσεως, καθʼ ἣν ἐπολέμησαν πάντες πρὸς Ἀντίγονον ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἀσίας.

[6] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς τούτους διαδεξαμένους μέχρι Πύρρου κεχρῆσθαι τῇ προαιρέσει ταύτῃ·

[7] διακινδυνεύειν μὲν γὰρ πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις προχείρως καὶ πάντα ποιεῖν εἰς τὸ καταγωνίσασθαι διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀλλήλους, τῶν δὲ πόλεων φείδεσθαι χάριν τοῦ τοὺς νικήσαντας ἡγεῖσθαι τούτων καὶ τιμᾶσθαι παρὰ τοῖς ὑποταττομένοις.

[8] τὸ δʼ ἀναιροῦντα περὶ ὧν ὁ πόλεμός ἐστι τὸν πόλεμον αὐτὸν καταλιπεῖν μανίας ἔργον εἶναι, καὶ ταύτης ἐρρωμένης, ὃ νῦν ποιεῖν τὸν Φίλιππον·

[9] τοσαύτας γὰρ διεφθαρκέναι πόλεις ἐν Θετταλίᾳ, φίλον ὄντα καὶ σύμμαχον, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐκ τῶν ἐν Ἠπείρῳ στενῶν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν σπουδήν, ὅσας οὐδείς ποτε τῶν Θετταλοῖς πεπολεμηκότων διέφθειρε.

[10] πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διαλεχθεὶς τελευταίοις ἐχρήσατο τούτοις.

[11] ἤρετο γὰρ τὸν Φίλιππον διὰ τί Λυσιμάχειαν μετʼ Αἰτωλῶν ταττομένην καὶ στρατηγὸν ἔχουσαν παρʼ αὐτῶν ἐκβαλὼν τοῦτον κατάσχοι φρουρᾷ τὴν πόλιν·

[12] διὰ τί δὲ Κιανούς, παραπλησίως μετʼ Αἰτωλῶν συμπολιτευομένους ἐξανδραποδίσαιτο, φίλος ὑπάρχων Αἰτωλοῖς· τί δὲ λέγων κατέχει νῦν Ἐχῖνον καὶ Θήβας τὰς Φθίας καὶ Φάρσαλον καὶ Λάρισαν.

[1] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀπεσιώπησεν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐγγίσας τῇ γῇ μᾶλλον ἢ πρόσθεν καὶ διαναστὰς ἐπὶ τῆς νεὼς Αἰτωλικὸν ἔφη καὶ θεατρικὸν διατεθεῖσθαι τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον λόγον.

[2] σαφῶς γὰρ πάντας γινώσκειν ὅτι τοὺς ἰδίους συμμάχους ἑκὼν μὲν οὐδεὶς διαφθείρει, κατὰ δὲ τὰς τῶν καιρῶν περιστάσεις πολλὰ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζεσθαι τοὺς ἡγουμένους παρὰ τὰς ἑαυτῶν προαιρέσεις.

[3] ἔτι δὲ ταῦτα λέγοντος τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ Φαινέας, ἠλαττωμένος τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ὑπέκρουε τὸν Φίλιππον, φάσκων αὐτὸν ληρεῖν· δεῖν γὰρ ἢ μαχόμενον νικᾶν ἢ ποιεῖν τοῖς κρείττοσι τὸ προσταττόμενον.

[4] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, καίπερ ἐν κακοῖς ὤν, ὅμως οὐκ ἀπέσχετο τοῦ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἰδιώματος, ἀλλʼ ἐπιστραφείς "τοῦτο μὲν" ἔφησεν "ὦ Φαινέα, καὶ τυφλῷ δῆλον". ἦν γὰρ εὔθικτος καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος εὖ πεφυκὼς πρὸς τὸ διαχλευάζειν ἀνθρώπους.

[5] αὖθις δὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπιστρέψας "ἐρωτᾷς με" φησὶν "Ἀλέξανδρε, διὰ τί Λυσιμάχειαν προσέλαβον;

[6] ἵνα μὴ διὰ τὴν ὑμετέραν ὀλιγωρίαν ἀνάστατος ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν γένηται, καθάπερ νῦν γέγονεν ἡμῶν ἀπαγαγόντων τοὺς στρατιώτας διὰ τοῦτον τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ τοὺς φρουροῦντας αὐτήν, ὡς σὺ φής, ἀλλὰ τοὺς παραφυλάττοντας.

[7] Κιανοῖς δʼ ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἐπολέμησα, Προυσίου δὲ πολεμοῦντος βοηθῶν ἐκείνῳ συνεξεῖλον αὐτούς, ὑμῶν αἰτίων γενομένων·

[8] πολλάκις γὰρ κἀμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων διαπρεσβευομένων πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἵνα τὸν νόμον ἄρητε τὸν διδόντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὑμῖν ἄγειν λάφυρον ἀπὸ λαφύρου, πρότερον ἔφατε τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἐκ τῆς Αἰτωλίας ἀρεῖν ἢ τοῦτον τὸν νόμον."

[1] τοῦ δὲ Τίτου θαυμάσαντος τί τοῦτʼ ἐστίν, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπειρᾶτο διασαφεῖν αὐτῷ, λέγων ὅτι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἔθος ὑπάρχει μὴ μόνον πρὸς οὓς ἂν αὐτοὶ πολεμῶσι, τούτους αὐτοὺς ἄγειν καὶ τὴν τούτων χώραν,

[2] ἀλλὰ κἂν ἕτεροί τινες πολεμῶσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὄντες Αἰτωλῶν φίλοι καὶ σύμμαχοι, μηδὲν ἧττον ἐξεῖναι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἄνευ κοινοῦ δόγματος καὶ παραβοηθεῖν ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς πολεμοῦσι καὶ τὴν χώραν ἄγειν τὴν ἀμφοτέρων,

[3] ὥστε παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μήτε φιλίας ὅρους ὑπάρχειν μήτʼ ἔχθρας, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἀμφισβητοῦσι περί τινος ἑτοίμους ἐχθροὺς εἶναι τούτους καὶ πολεμίους. "

[4] πόθεν οὖν ἔξεστι τούτοις ἐγκαλεῖν νῦν, εἰ φίλος ὑπάρχων Αἰτωλοῖς ἐγώ, Προυσίου δὲ σύμμαχος, ἔπραξά τι κατὰ Κιανῶν, βοηθῶν τοῖς αὑτοῦ συμμάχοις;

[5] τὸ δὲ δὴ πάντων δεινότατον, οἱ ποιοῦντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐφαμίλλους Ῥωμαίοις καὶ κελεύοντες ἐκχωρεῖν Μακεδόνας ἁπάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος·

[6] τοῦτο γὰρ ἀναφθέγξασθαι καὶ καθόλου μέν ἐστιν ὑπερήφανον, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαίων μὲν λεγόντων ἀνεκτόν, Αἰτωλῶν δʼ οὐκ ἀνεκτόν· ποίας δὲ κελεύετέ με"

[7] φησὶν "

[8] ἐκχωρεῖν Ἑλλάδος καὶ πῶς ἀφορίζετε ταύτην; αὐτῶν γὰρ Αἰτωλῶν οὐκ εἰσὶν Ἕλληνες οἱ πλείους· τὸ γὰρ τῶν Ἀγραῶν ἔθνος καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἀποδωτῶν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν Ἀμφιλόχων, οὐκ ἔστιν Ἑλλάς.

[9] ἢ τούτων μὲν παραχωρεῖτέ μοι;"

[1] τοῦ δὲ Τίτου γελάσαντος "ἀλλὰ δὴ πρὸς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀρκείτω μοι ταῦτʼ" ἔφη· "πρὸς δὲ Ῥοδίους καὶ πρὸς Ἄτταλον ἐν μὲν ἴσῳ κριτῇ δικαιότερον ἂν νομισθείη τούτους ἡμῖν ἀποδιδόναι τὰς αἰχμαλώτους ναῦς καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤπερ ἡμᾶς τούτοις·

[2] οὐ γὰρ ἡμεῖς Ἀττάλῳ πρότεροι καὶ Ῥοδίοις τὰς χεῖρας ἐπεβάλομεν, οὗτοι δʼ ἡμῖν ὁμολογουμένως.

[3] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ σοῦ κελεύοντος Ῥοδίοις μὲν ἀποδίδωμι τὴν Περαίαν, Ἀττάλῳ δὲ τὰς ναῦς καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς διασῳζομένους.

[4] τὴν δὲ τοῦ Νικηφορίου καταφθορὰν καὶ τοῦ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τεμένους ἄλλως μὲν οὐκ εἰμὶ δυνατὸς ἀποκαταστῆσαι, φυτὰ δὲ καὶ κηπουροὺς πέμψω τοὺς φροντιοῦντας θεραπείας τοῦ τόπου καὶ τῆς αὐξήσεως τῶν ἐκκοπέντων δένδρων"

[5] . πάλιν δὲ τοῦ Τίτου γελάσαντος ἐπὶ τῷ χλευασμῷ, μεταβὰς ὁ Φίλιππος ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς πρῶτον μὲν τὰς εὐεργεσίας ἐξηριθμήσατο τὰς ἐξ Ἀντιγόνου γεγενημένας εἰς αὐτούς, εἶτα τὰς ἰδίας·

[6] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις προηνέγκατο τὸ μέγεθος τῶν τιμῶν τῶν ἀπηντημένων αὐτοῖς παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν.

[7] τελευταῖον δʼ ἀνέγνω τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ψήφισμα καὶ τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους μεταθέσεως, ᾗ χρησάμενος ἀφορμῇ πολλὰ κατὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εἰς ἀθεσίαν εἶπε καὶ ἀχαριστίαν.

[8] ὅμως δʼ ἔφη τὸ μὲν Ἄργος ἀποδώσειν, περὶ δὲ τοῦ Κορίνθου βουλεύσεσθαι μετὰ τοῦ Τίτου.

[1] ταῦτα δὲ διαλεχθεὶς πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἤρετο τὸν Τίτον, φήσας πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὑτῷ τὸν λόγον εἶναι καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, πότερον οἴεται δεῖν ἐκχωρεῖν ὧν ἐπέκτηται πόλεων καὶ τόπων ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἢ καὶ τούτων ὅσα παρὰ τῶν γονέων παρείληφε.

[2] τοῦ δʼ ἀποσιωπήσαντος ἐκ χειρὸς ἀπαντᾶν οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ὁ μὲν Ἀρίσταινος ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὁ δὲ Φαινέας ὑπὲρ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[3] ἤδη δὲ τῆς ὥρας συγκλειούσης ὁ μὲν τούτων λόγος ἐκωλύθη διὰ τὸν καιρόν, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἠξίου γράψαντας αὑτῷ δοῦναι πάντας ἐφʼ οἷς δεήσει γίνεσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην· μόνος γὰρ ὢν οὐκ ἔχειν μεθʼ ὧν βουλεύηται·

[4] διὸ θέλειν αὑτῷ λόγον δοῦναι περὶ τῶν ἐπιταττομένων.

[5] ὁ δὲ Τίτος οὐκ ἀηδῶς μὲν ἤκουε τοῦ Φιλίππου χλευάζοντος· μὴ βουλόμενος δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις [μὴ] δοκεῖν ἀντεπέσκωψε τὸν Φίλιππον εἰπὼν οὕτως· "

[6] εἰκότωσ" ἔφη "Φίλιππε, μόνος εἶ νῦν· τοὺς γὰρ φίλους τοὺς τὰ κράτιστά σοι συμβουλεύσοντας ἀπώλεσας ἅπαντασ". ὁ δὲ Μακεδὼν ὑπομειδιάσας σαρδάνιον ἀπεσιώπησε.

καὶ τότε μὲν ἅπαντες,

[7] ἐγγράπτους δόντες τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὰς ἑαυτῶν προαιρέσεις ἀκολούθως τοῖς προειρημένοις, ἐχωρίσθησαν, ταξάμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν εἰς Νίκαιαν πάλιν ἀπαντήσειν·

[8] τῇ δʼ αὔριον οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Τίτον ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸν ταχθέντα τόπον ἐν ὥρᾳ πάντες [ἦσαν], ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος οὐ παρεγίνετο.

[1] τῆς δʼ ἡμέρας ἤδη προαγούσης ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ σχεδὸν ἀπεγνωκότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Τίτον, παρῆν ὁ Φίλιππος δείλης ὀψίας ἐπιφαινόμενος μεθʼ ὧν καὶ πρότερον,

[2] κατατετριφὼς τὴν ἡμέραν, ὡς μὲν αὐτὸς ἔφη, διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ δυσχρηστίαν τῶν ἐπιταττομένων, ὡς δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐδόκει, βουλόμενος ἐκκλεῖσαι τῷ καιρῷ τήν τε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν κατηγορίαν·

[3] ἑώρα γὰρ τῇ πρόσθεν ἀπαλλαττόμενος ἀμφοτέρους τούτους ἑτοίμους ὄντας πρὸς τὸ συμπλέκεσθαι καὶ μεμψιμοιρεῖν αὐτῷ.

[4] διὸ καὶ τότε συνεγγίσας ἠξίου τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸν ἰδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν διαλεχθῆναι περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἵνα μὴ λόγοι γένωνται μόνον ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων ἁψιμαχούντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τέλος τι τοῖς ἀμφισβητουμένοις ἐπιτεθῇ.

[5] πλεονάκις δʼ αὐτοῦ παρακαλοῦντος καὶ προσαξιοῦντος, ἤρετο τοὺς συμπαρόντας ὁ Τίτος τί δέον εἴη ποιεῖν.

[6] τῶν δὲ κελευόντων συνελθεῖν καὶ διακοῦσαι τῶν λεγομένων, παραλαβὼν ὁ Τίτος Ἄππιον Κλαύδιον χιλίαρχον ὄντα τότε, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις μικρὸν ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης ἀναχωρήσασιν εἶπεν αὐτόθι μένειν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκέλευσεν ἐκβαίνειν.

[7] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παραλαβὼν Ἀπολλόδωρον καὶ Δημοσθένην ἀπέβη, συμμίξας δὲ τῷ Τίτῳ διελέγετο καὶ πλείω χρόνον.

[8] τίνα μὲν οὖν ἦν τὰ τότε ῥηθέντα παρʼ ἑκατέρου, δυσχερὲς εἰπεῖν· ἔφη δʼ οὖν ὁ Τίτος μετὰ τὸ χωρισθῆναι τὸν Φίλιππον, διασαφῶν τοῖς ἄλλοις τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως,

[9] Αἰτωλοῖς μὲν ἀποδοῦναι Φάρσαλον καὶ Λάρισαν, Θήβας δʼ οὐκ ἀποδιδόναι, Ῥοδίοις δὲ τῆς μὲν Περαίας παραχωρεῖν, Ἰασοῦ δὲ καὶ Βαργυλίων οὐκ ἐκχωρεῖν· Ἀχαιοῖς δὲ παραδιδόναι τὸν Κόρινθον καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν.

[10] Ῥωμαίοις δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα φάναι παραδώσειν καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους πάντας, Ἀττάλῳ δὲ τάς τε ναῦς ἀποκαταστήσειν καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυμαχίαις ἁλόντων ὅσοι περίεισι.

[1] πάντων δὲ τῶν παρόντων δυσαρεστουμένων τῇ διαλύσει καὶ φασκόντων δεῖν τὸ κοινὸν ἐπίταγμα πρῶτον ποιεῖν — τοῦτο δʼ ἦν ἁπάσης ἐκχωρεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος — εἰ δὲ μή, διότι τὰ κατὰ μέρος μάταια γίνεται καὶ πρὸς οὐδέν,

[2] θεωρῶν ὁ Φίλιππος τὴν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀμφισβήτησιν καὶ δεδιὼς ἅμα τὰς κατηγορίας, ἠξίου τὸν Τίτον ὑπερθέσθαι τὴν σύνοδον εἰς τὴν αὔριον διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν ὥραν εἰς ὀψὲ συγκλείειν· ἢ γὰρ πείσειν ἢ πεισθήσεσθαι τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις.

[3] τοῦ δὲ συγχωρήσαντος, ταξάμενοι συμπορεύεσθαι πρὸς τὸν κατὰ Θρόνιον αἰγιαλόν, τότε μὲν ἐχωρίσθησαν, τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ πάντες ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸν ταχθέντα τόπον ἐν ὥρᾳ.

[4] καὶ βραχέα διαλεχθεὶς ὁ Φίλιππος ἠξίου πάντας, μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Τίτον, μὴ διακόψαι τὴν διάλυσιν, τῶν γε δὴ πλείστων εἰς συμβατικὴν διάθεσιν ἠγμένων,

[5] ἀλλʼ εἰ μὲν ἐνδέχεται διʼ αὑτῶν συμφώνους γενέσθαι περὶ τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων· εἰ δὲ μή, πρεσβεύσειν ἔφη πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, κἀκείνην πείσειν περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, ἢ ποιήσειν ὅ, τι ποτʼ ἂν ἐπιτάττῃ.

[6] ταῦτα δʼ αὐτοῦ προτείνοντος, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἔφασαν δεῖν πράττειν τὰ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ μὴ προσέχειν τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις.

[7] ὁ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς οὐκ ἀγνοεῖν μὲν οὐδʼ αὐτὸς ἔφη διότι τὸν Φίλιππον οὐκ εἰκός ἐστι ποιῆσαι τῶν παρακαλουμένων οὐδέν·

[8] τῷ δʼ ἁπλῶς μηδὲν ἐμποδίζειν τὰς σφετέρας πράξεις τὴν αἰτουμένην χάριν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκποιεῖν ἔφη χαρίζεσθαι.

[9] κυρωθῆναι μὲν γὰρ οὐδʼ ὣς εἶναι δυνατὸν οὐδὲν τῶν νῦν λεγομένων ἄνευ τῆς συγκλήτου, πρὸς δὲ τὸ λαβεῖν πεῖραν τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης εὐφυῶς ἔχειν τὸν ἐπιφερόμενον καιρόν·

[10] τῶν γὰρ στρατοπέδων οὐδʼ ὣς δυναμένων οὐδὲν πράττειν διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα, τοῦτον ἀποθέσθαι τὸν χρόνον εἰς τὸ προσανενεγκεῖν τῇ συγκλήτῳ περὶ τῶν προσπιπτόντων, οὐκ ἄθετον, ἀλλʼ οἰκεῖον εἶναι πᾶσι.

[1] ταχὺ δὲ συγκαταθεμένων ἁπάντων διὰ τὸ θεωρεῖν τὸν Τίτον οὐκ ἀλλότριον ὄντα τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον ἀναφορᾶς,

[2] ἔδοξε συγχωρεῖν τῷ Φιλίππῳ πρεσβεύειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ αὑτῶν πέμπειν ἑκάστους πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς διαλεχθησομένους τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ κατηγορήσοντας τοῦ Φιλίππου.

[3] τοῦ δὲ πράγματος τῷ Τίτῳ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν σύλλογον κατὰ νοῦν καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς διαλογισμοὺς προκεχωρηκότος, παραυτίκα τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐξύφαινε, τά τε καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀσφαλιζόμενος ἐπιμελῶς καὶ πρόλημμα τῷ Φιλίππῳ ποιῶν οὐδέν.

[4] δοὺς γὰρ ἀνοχὰς διμήνους αὐτῷ τὴν μὲν πρεσβείαν τὴν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ συντελεῖν ἐπέταξε, τὰς δὲ φρουρὰς ἐξάγειν παραχρῆμα τὰς ἐκ τῆς Φωκίδος καὶ Λοκρίδος ἐκέλευσε.

[5] διετάξατο δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἰδίων συμμάχων φιλοτίμως, ἵνα κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀδίκημα γίνηται κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων.

[6] ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἔγγραπτα, λοιπὸν αὐτὸς ἤδη διʼ αὑτοῦ τὸ προκείμενον ἐπετέλει.

[7] καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἀμύνανδρον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμπε παραχρῆμα, γινώσκων αὐτὸν εὐάγωγον μὲν ὄντα καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἐξακολουθήσοντα τοῖς ἐκεῖ φίλοις, ἐφʼ ὁπότερʼ ἂν ἄγωσιν αὐτόν, φαντασίαν δὲ ποιήσοντα καὶ προσδοκίαν διὰ τὸ τῆς βασιλείας ὄνομα.

[8] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἐξέπεμπε τοὺς παρʼ αὑτοῦ πρέσβεις, Κόιντόν τε τὸν Φάβιον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀδελφιδοῦς, καὶ Κόιντον Φολούιον, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἄππιον Κλαύδιον ἐπικαλούμενον Νέρωνα.

[9] παρὰ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπρέσβευον Ἀλέξανδρος Ἴσιος, Δαμόκριτος Καλυδώνιος, Δικαίαρχος Τριχωνιεύς, Πολέμαρχος Ἀρσινοεύς,

[10] Λάμιος Ἀμβρακιώτης, Νικόμαχος Ἀκαρνὰν τῶν ἐκ Θουρίου πεφευγότων κατοικούντων δʼ ἐν Ἀμβρακίᾳ, Θεόδοτος Φεραῖος, φυγὰς ἐκ Θετταλίας,

[11] κατοικῶν δʼ ἐν Στράτῳ, παρὰ δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν Ξενοφῶν Αἰγιεύς, παρὰ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀττάλου μόνος Ἀλέξανδρος, παρὰ δὲ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ περὶ Κηφισόδωρον.

[1] οὗτοι δὲ παρεγενήθησαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρὸ τοῦ τὴν σύγκλητον διαλαβεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν εἰς τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν καθεσταμένων ὑπάτων, πότερον ἀμφοτέρους εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν ἢ τὸν ἕτερον αὐτῶν δεήσει πέμπειν ἐπὶ Φίλιππον.

[2] πεπεισμένων δὲ τῶν τοῦ Τίτου φίλων μένειν τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀμφοτέρους κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν φόβον, εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον πάντες κατηγόρουν ἀποτόμως τοῦ Φιλίππου.

[3] τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα παραπλήσια τοῖς καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα πρότερον εἰρημένοις ἦν·

[4] τοῦτο δʼ ἐπιμελῶς ἐντίκτειν ἐπειρῶντο τῇ συγκλήτῳ πάντες, διότι τῆς Χαλκίδος καὶ τοῦ Κορίνθου καὶ τῆς Δημητριάδος ὑπὸ τῷ Μακεδόνι ταττομένων οὐχ οἷόν τε τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔννοιαν λαβεῖν ἐλευθερίας.

[5] ὃ γὰρ αὐτὸς Φίλιππος εἶπε, τοῦτο καὶ λίαν ἀληθὲς ἔφασαν ὑπάρχειν· ὃς ἔφη τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους εἶναι πέδας Ἑλληνικάς, ὀρθῶς ἀποφαινόμενος.

[6] οὔτε γὰρ Πελοποννησίους ἀναπνεῦσαι δυνατὸν ἐν Κορίνθῳ βασιλικῆς φρουρᾶς ἐγκαθημένης, οὔτε Λοκροὺς καὶ Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Φωκέας θαρρῆσαι Φιλίππου Χαλκίδα κατέχοντος καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Εὔβοιαν,

[7] οὐδὲ μὴν Θετταλοὺς οὐδὲ Μάγνητας δυνατὸν ἐπαύρασθαι τῆς ἐλευθερίας οὐδέποτε, Δημητριάδα Φιλίππου κατέχοντος καὶ Μακεδόνων.

[8] διὸ καὶ τὸ παραχωρεῖν τῶν ἄλλων τόπων τὸν Φίλιππον φαντασίαν εἶναι χάριν τοῦ τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν ἐκφυγεῖν· ᾗ δʼ ἂν ἡμέρᾳ βουληθῇ, ῥᾳδίως πάλιν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν ποιήσεσθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἐὰν κρατῇ τῶν προειρημένων τόπων.

[9] διόπερ ἠξίουν τὴν σύγκλητον ἢ τούτων τῶν πόλεων ἀναγκάσαι τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκχωρεῖν ἢ μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ πολεμεῖν ἐρρωμένως πρὸς αὐτόν.

[10] καὶ γὰρ ἠνύσθαι τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ πολέμου, τῶν τε Μακεδόνων προηττημένων δὶς ἤδη καὶ κατὰ γῆν πλείστων αὐτοῖς χορηγιῶν ἐκδεδαπανημένων.

[11] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπόντες παρεκάλουν μήτε τοὺς Ἕλληνας ψεῦσαι τῶν περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐλπίδων μήθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἀποστερῆσαι τῆς καλλίστης ἐπιγραφῆς.

[12] οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρέσβεις ταῦτα καὶ τούτοις παραπλήσια διελέχθησαν, οἱ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου παρεσκευάσαντο μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖον ποιησόμενοι τοὺς λόγους, ἐν ἀρχαῖς δʼ εὐθέως ἐκωλύθησαν·

[13] ἐρωτηθέντες γὰρ εἰ παραχωροῦσι Χαλκίδος καὶ Κορίνθου καὶ Δημητριάδος, ἀπεῖπαν μηδεμίαν ἔχειν περὶ τούτων ἐντολήν.

[14] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐπιτμηθέντες οὕτως κατέπαυσαν

[1] τὸν λόγον. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος τοὺς μὲν ὑπάτους ἀμφοτέρους εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξαπέστειλε, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπα, τὸν δὲ πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον πόλεμον ἐψηφίσατο κατάμονον εἶναι, δοῦσα τῷ Τίτῳ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν.

[2] ταχὺ δὲ τούτων εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διασαφηθέντων ἐγεγόνει τῷ Τίτῳ πάντα κατὰ νοῦν, ἐπὶ βραχὺ μὲν καὶ ταὐτομάτου συνεργήσαντος, τὸ δὲ πολὺ διὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ προνοίας ἁπάντων κεχειρισμένων.

[3] πάνυ γὰρ ἀγχίνους, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος Ῥωμαίων, [καὶ] ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ γέγονεν·

[4] οὕτως γὰρ εὐστόχως ἐχείριζε καὶ νουνεχῶς οὐ μόνον τὰς κοινὰς ἐπιβολάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεις, ὥσθʼ ὑπερβολὴν μὴ καταλιπεῖν.

[5] καίτοι γε [καὶ] νέος ἦν κομιδῇ· πλείω γὰρ τῶν τριάκοντʼ ἐτῶν οὐκ εἶχε· καὶ πρῶτος εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαβεβήκει μετὰ στρατοπέδων. —

[1] ἔμοιγε πολλάκις μὲν καὶ ἐπὶ πολλοῖς θαυμάζειν ἐπέρχεται τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἁμαρτημάτων, μάλιστα δʼ ἐπὶ τῷ κατὰ τοὺς προδότας.

[2] διὸ καὶ βούλομαι τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς καιροῖς διαλεχθῆναι περὶ αὐτῶν.

[3] καίτοι γʼ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ διότι δυσθεώρητον ὁ τόπος ἔχει τι καὶ δυσπαράγραφον· τίνα γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς προδότην δεῖ νομίζειν, οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἀποφήνασθαι.

[4] δῆλον γὰρ ὡς οὔτε τοὺς ἐξ ἀκεραίου συντιθεμένους τῶν ἀνδρῶν πρός τινας βασιλεῖς ἢ δυνάστας κοινωνίαν πραγμάτων εὐθέως προδότας νομιστέον,

[5] οὔτε τοὺς κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις μετατιθέντας τὰς αὑτῶν πατρίδας ἀπό τινων ὑποκειμένων πρὸς ἑτέρας φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, οὐδὲ τούτους.

[6] πολλοῦ γε δεῖν· ἐπείτοι γε πολλάκις οἱ τοιοῦτοι τῶν μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν γεγόνασιν αἴτιοι ταῖς ἰδίαις πατρίσιν.

[7] ἵνα δὲ μὴ πόρρωθεν τὰ παραδείγματα φέρωμεν, ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐνεστώτων ῥᾳδίως ἔσται τὸ λεγόμενον κατανοεῖν.

[8] εἰ γὰρ μὴ σὺν καιρῷ τότε μετέρριψε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς Ἀρίσταινος ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλίππου συμμαχίας πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων, φανερῶς ἄρδην ἀπολώλει τὸ ἔθνος.

[9] νῦν δὲ χωρὶς τῆς παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἀσφαλείας ἑκάστοις περιγενομένης, αὐξήσεως τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὁμολογουμένως ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ κἀκεῖνο τὸ διαβούλιον αἴτιος ἐδόκει γεγονέναι·

[10] διὸ καὶ πάντες αὐτὸν οὐχ ὡς προδότην, ἀλλʼ ὡς εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα τῆς χώρας ἐτίμων.

[11] ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς ἂν εἴη λόγος καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσοι κατὰ τὰς τῶν καιρῶν περιστάσεις τὰ παραπλήσια τούτοις πολιτεύονται καὶ πράττουσιν.

[1] ἧι καὶ Δημοσθένην κατὰ πολλά τις ἂν ἐπαινέσας ἐν τούτῳ μέμψαιτο, διότι πικρότατον ὄνειδος τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰκῇ καὶ ἀκρίτως προσέρριψε,

[2] φήσας ἐν μὲν Ἀρκαδίᾳ τοὺς περὶ Κερκιδᾶν καὶ Ἱερώνυμον καὶ Εὐκαμπίδαν προδότας γενέσθαι τῆς Ἑλλάδος,

[3] ὅτι Φιλίππῳ συνεμάχουν, ἐν δὲ Μεσσήνῃ τοὺς Φιλιάδου παῖδας Νέωνα καὶ Θρασύλοχον, ἐν Ἄργει δὲ τοὺς περὶ Μύρτιν καὶ Τελέδαμον καὶ Μνασέαν,

[4] παραπλησίως ἐν Θετταλίᾳ μὲν τοὺς περὶ Δάοχον καὶ Κινέαν, παρὰ δὲ Βοιωτοῖς τοὺς περὶ Θεογείτονα καὶ Τιμόλαν·

[5] σὺν δὲ τούτοις καὶ πλείους ἑτέρους ἐξηρίθμηται, κατὰ πόλιν ὀνομάζων, καίτοι γε πάντων μὲν τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν πολὺν ἐχόντων λόγον καὶ φαινόμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς δικαίων, πλεῖστον δὲ τῶν ἐξ Ἀρκαδίας καὶ Μεσσήνης.

[6] οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπισπασάμενοι Φίλιππον εἰς Πελοπόννησον καὶ ταπεινώσαντες Λακεδαιμονίους πρῶτον μὲν ἐποίησαν ἀναπνεῦσαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἐλευθερίας ἔννοιαν πάντας τοὺς τὴν Πελοπόννησον κατοικοῦντας,

[7] ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν χώραν ἀνακομισάμενοι καὶ τὰς πόλεις, ἃς παρῄρηντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατὰ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν Μεσσηνίων, Μεγαλοπολιτῶν, Τεγεατῶν, Ἀργείων, ηὔξησαν τὰς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδας ὁμολογουμένως·

[8] ἀνθʼ ὧν οὐ πολεμεῖν ὤφειλον Φιλίππῳ καὶ Μακεδόσιν, ἀλλὰ πάντα κατὰ δύναμιν ἐνεργεῖν ὅσα πρὸς δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν ἀνῆκεν.

[9] εἰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτʼ ἔπραττον ἢ φρουρὰν παρὰ Φιλίππου δεχόμενοι ταῖς πατρίσιν ἢ καταλύοντες τοὺς νόμους ἀφῃροῦντο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ παρρησίαν τῶν πολιτῶν χάριν τῆς ἰδίας πλεονεξίας ἢ δυναστείας, ἄξιοι τῆς προσηγορίας ἦσαν ταύτης·

[10] εἰ δὲ τηροῦντες τὰ πρὸς τὰς πατρίδας δίκαια κρίσει πραγμάτων διεφέροντο, νομίζοντες οὐ ταὐτὸ συμφέρον Ἀθηναίοις εἶναι καὶ ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πόλεσιν, οὐ δήπου διὰ τοῦτο καλεῖσθαι προδότας ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ Δημοσθένους.

[11] ὁ δὲ πάντα μετρῶν πρὸς τὸ τῆς ἰδίας πατρίδος συμφέρον, καὶ πάντας ἡγούμενος δεῖν τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀποβλέπειν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, εἰ δὲ μή, προδότας ἀποκαλῶν, ἀγνοεῖν μοι δοκεῖ καὶ πολὺ παραπαίειν τῆς ἀληθείας [ὃ πεποίηκε Δημοσθένης],

[12] ἄλλως τε δὴ καὶ τῶν συμβάντων τότε τοῖς Ἕλλησιν οὐ Δημοσθένει μεμαρτυρηκότων ὅτι καλῶς προυνοήθη τοῦ μέλλοντος, ἀλλʼ Εὐκαμπίδᾳ καὶ Ἱερωνύμῳ καὶ Κερκιδᾷ καὶ τοῖς Φιλιάδου παισίν.

[13] Ἀθηναίοις μὲν γὰρ τῆς πρὸς Φίλιππον ἀντιπαραγωγῆς τὸ τέλος ἀπέβη τὸ πεῖραν λαβεῖν τῶν μεγίστων συμπτωμάτων πταίσασι τῇ μάχῃ τῇ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν·

[14] εἰ δὲ μὴ διὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως μεγαλοψυχίαν καὶ φιλοδοξίαν, καὶ πορρωτέρω τὰ τῆς ἀτυχίας ἂν αὐτοῖς προύβη διὰ τὴν Δημοσθένους πολιτείαν.

[15] διὰ δὲ τοὺς προειρημένους ἄνδρας κοινῇ μὲν Ἀρκάσι καὶ Μεσσηνίοις ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀσφάλεια καὶ ῥᾳστώνη παρεσκευάσθη, κατʼ ἰδίαν δὲ ταῖς αὐτῶν πατρίσι πολλὰ καὶ λυσιτελῆ συνεξηκολούθησε.

[1] τίσιν οὖν εἰκότως ἂν ἐπιφέροι τις τὴν ὀνομασίαν ταύτην, ἔστι μὲν δυσπαράγραφον·

[2] μάλιστα δʼ ἂν προστρέχοι πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐπὶ τοὺς τοιούτους φέρων, ὅσοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν κατὰ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς περιστάσεις ἢ τῆς ἰδίας ἀσφαλείας καὶ λυσιτελείας χάριν ἢ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιπολιτευομένους διαφορᾶς ἐγχειρίζουσι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς τὰς πόλεις,

[3] ἢ καὶ νὴ Δία πάλιν ὅσοι φρουρὰν εἰσδεχόμενοι καὶ συγχρώμενοι ταῖς ἔξωθεν ἐπικουρίαις πρὸς τὰς ἰδίας ὁρμὰς καὶ προθέσεις ὑποβάλλουσι τὰς πατρίδας ὑπὸ τὴν τῶν πλεῖον δυναμένων ἐξουσίαν.

[4] τοὺς τοιούτους ὑπὸ τὸ τῆς προδοσίας ὄνομα μετρίως ἄν τις ὑποτάττοι πάντας.

[5] οἷς λυσιτελὲς μὲν ἀληθῶς ἢ καλὸν οὐδὲν οὐδέποτε συνεξηκολούθησε, τὰ δʼ ἐναντία πᾶσιν ὁμολογουμένως.

[6] ᾗ καὶ θαυμάζειν ἔστι πρὸς τὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς λόγον, πρὸς τί ποτε βλέποντες ἢ τίσι χρώμενοι διαλογισμοῖς ὁρμῶσι πρὸς τὴν τοιαύτην ἀτυχίαν.

[7] οὔτε γὰρ ἔλαθε πώποτε προδοὺς οὐδεὶς πόλιν ἢ στρατόπεδον ἢ φρούριον, ἀλλὰ κἂν παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρὸν ἀγνοηθῇ τις, ὅ γʼ ἐπιγινόμενος χρόνος ἐποίησε φανεροὺς ἅπαντας·

[8] οὐδὲ μὴν γνωσθεὶς οὐδεὶς οὐδέποτε μακάριον ἔσχε βίον, ἀλλʼ ὡς μὲν ἐπίπαν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν τούτων οἷς χαρίζονται τυγχάνουσι τῆς ἁρμοζούσης τιμωρίας.

[9] χρῶνται μὲν γὰρ τοῖς προδόταις οἱ στρατηγοὶ καὶ δυνάσται πολλάκις διὰ τὸ συμφέρον· ὅταν γε μὴν ἀποχρήσωνται, χρῶνται λοιπὸν ὡς προδόταις, κατὰ τὸν Δημοσθένην,

[10] μάλʼ εἰκότως ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐγχειρίσαντα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς φίλους μηδέποτʼ ἂν εὔνουν σφίσι γενέσθαι μηδὲ διαφυλάξαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς πίστιν.

[11] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐὰν καὶ τὰς τούτων διαφύγωσι χεῖρας, τάς γε δὴ τῶν παρασπονδηθέντων οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἐκφυγγάνουσιν.

[12] ἐὰν δέ ποτε καὶ τὰς ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ἐπιβουλὰς διολίσθωσιν, ἥ γε παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις φήμη τιμωρὸς αὐτοῖς ἕπεται παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον, πολλοὺς μὲν φόβους ψευδεῖς, πολλοὺς δʼ ἀληθεῖς παριστάνουσα καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν, πᾶσι δὲ συνεργοῦσα καὶ συνυποδεικνύουσα τοῖς κακόν τι κατʼ ἐκείνων βουλευομένοις,

[13] τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον οὐδὲ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐῶσα λήθην αὐτοὺς ἔχειν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων, ἀλλʼ ὀνειρώττειν ἀναγκάζουσα πᾶν γένος ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ περιπετείας, ἅτε συνειδότας ἑαυτοῖς τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἐκ πάντων ἀλλοτριότητα πρὸς σφᾶς καὶ τὸ κοινὸν μῖσος.

[14] ἀλλʼ ὅμως τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων οὐδεὶς οὐδέποτε δεηθεὶς ἠπόρησε προδότου πλὴν τελέως ὀλίγων τινῶν.

[15] ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως εἴποι τις ἂν ὅτι τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος, δοκοῦν πανουργότατον εἶναι τῶν ζῴων, πολὺν ἔχει λόγον τοῦ φαυλότατον ὑπάρχειν.

[16] τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλα ζῷα, ταῖς τοῦ σώματος ἐπιθυμίαις αὐταῖς δουλεύοντα, διὰ μόνας ταύτας σφάλλεται· τὸ δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος, καίπερ δεδοξοποιημένον, οὐχ ἧττον διὰ τὴν ἀλογιστίαν ἢ διὰ τὴν φύσιν ἁμαρτάνει.

[17] καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω. —

[1] ὅτι ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἄτταλος ἐτιμᾶτο μὲν καὶ πρότερον ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Σικυωνίων πόλεως διαφερόντως, ἐξ οὗ τὴν ἱερὰν χώραν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐλυτρώσατο χρημάτων αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγων,

[2] ἀνθʼ ὧν καὶ τὸν κολοσσὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν δεκάπηχυν ἔστησαν παρὰ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν κατὰ τὴν ἀγοράν.

[3] τότε δὲ πάλιν αὐτοῦ δέκα τάλαντα δόντος καὶ μυρίους μεδίμνους πυρῶν, πολλαπλασίως ἐπιταθέντες ταῖς εὐνοίαις εἰκόνα τε χρυσῆν ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ θυσίαν αὐτῷ συντελεῖν κατʼ ἔτος ἐνομοθέτησαν.

[4] Ἄτταλος μὲν οὖν τυχὼν τῶν τιμῶν τούτων ἀπῆρεν εἰς Κεγχρεάς. —

[1] ὅτι Νάβις ὁ τύραννος ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν Ἀργείων πόλεως Τιμοκράτην τὸν Πελληνέα διὰ τὸ μάλιστα τούτῳ πιστεύειν καὶ χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας πράξεις, ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, καὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας ἐξέπεμψε τὴν γυναῖκα,

[2] δοὺς ἐντολὰς παραγενομένην εἰς Ἄργος περὶ πόρον γίνεσθαι χρημάτων.

[3] ἡ δʼ ἀφικομένη πολὺ κατὰ τὴν ὠμότητα Νάβιν ὑπερέθετο·

[4] ἀνακαλεσαμένη γὰρ τῶν γυναικῶν τινὰς μὲν κατʼ ἰδίαν, τινὰς δὲ κατὰ συγγένειαν, πᾶν γένος αἰκίας καὶ βίας προσέφερε,

[5] μέχρι σχεδὸν ἁπασῶν οὐ μόνον τὸν χρυσοῦν ἀφείλετο κόσμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἱματισμὸν τὸν πολυτελέστατον. —

ὁ δὲ Ἄτταλος περιβαλλόμενος πλείω λόγον,

[6] ὑπεμίμνησκεν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἀνέκαθεν τῶν προγόνων ἀρετῆς. —

[1] ὁ δὲ Τίτος οὐ δυνάμενος ἐπιγνῶναι τοὺς πολεμίους ᾗ στρατοπεδεύουσι, τοῦτο δὲ σαφῶς εἰδὼς ὅτι πάρεισιν εἰς Θετταλίαν, προσέταξε κόπτειν χάρακα πᾶσιν ἕνεκα τοῦ παρακομίζειν μεθʼ αὑτῶν πρὸς τὰς ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ χρείας.

[2] τοῦτο δὲ κατὰ μὲν τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν ἀγωγὴν ἀδύνατον εἶναι δοκεῖ, κατὰ δὲ τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων εὔκοπον.

[3] οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνες μόλις αὐτῶν κρατοῦσι τῶν σαρισῶν ἐν ταῖς πορείαις καὶ μόλις ὑπομένουσι τὸν ἀπὸ τούτων κόπον,

[4] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τοὺς μὲν θυρεοὺς τοῖς ὀχεῦσι τοῖς σκυτίνοις ἐκ τῶν ὤμων ἐξηρτηκότες, ταῖς δὲ χερσὶν αὐτοὺς τοὺς γαίσους φέροντες, ἐπιδέχονται τὴν παρακομιδὴν τοῦ χάρακος.

[5] ἅμα δὲ καὶ μεγάλην εἶναι συμβαίνει τὴν διαφορὰν τούτων·

[6] οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνες τοῦτον ἡγοῦνται χάρακα βέλτιστον, ὃς ἂν ἔχῃ πλείστας ἐκφύσεις καὶ μεγίστας πέριξ τοῦ πρέμνου,

[7] παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις δύο κεραίας ἢ τρεῖς ἔχουσιν οἱ χάρακες, ὁ δὲ πλείστας τέτταρας· καὶ ταύτας ἔχοντες λαμβάνονται

[8] οὐκ ἐναλλάξ. ἐκ δὲ τούτου συμβαίνει τήν τε κομιδὴν εὐχερῆ γίνεσθαι τελέως — ὁ γὰρ εἷς ἀνὴρ φέρει τρεῖς καὶ τέτταρας συνθεὶς ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους —

[9] τήν τε χρείαν ἀσφαλῆ διαφερόντως. ὁ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὅταν τεθῇ πρὸ τῆς παρεμβολῆς, πρῶτον μέν ἐστιν εὐδιάσπαστος·

[10] ὅταν γὰρ τὸ μὲν κρατοῦν καὶ πιεζούμενον ὑπὸ τῆς γῆς ἓν ὑπάρχῃ μόνον, αἱ δʼ ἀποφύσεις ἐκ τούτου πολλαὶ καὶ μεγάλαι, κἄπειτα δύο παραστάντες ἢ τρεῖς ἐκ τῶν ἀποφύσεων ἐπισπάσωνται τὸν αὐτὸν χάρακα, ῥᾳδίως ἐκσπᾶται.

[11] τούτου δὲ συμβάντος εὐθέως πύλη γίνεται διὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὰ παρακείμενα λέλυται, τῷ βραχείας τὰς εἰς ἀλλήλους ἐμπλοκὰς καὶ τὰς ἐπαλλάξεις γίνεσθαι τοῦ τοιούτου χάρακος.

[12] παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις συμβαίνει τοὐναντίον. τιθέασι γὰρ εὐθέως ἐμπλέκοντες εἰς ἀλλήλους οὕτως ὥστε μήτε τὰς κεραίας εὐχερῶς ἐπιγνῶναι, ποίας εἰσὶν ἐκφύσεως τῶν ἐν τῇ γῇ κατωρυγμένων, μήτε τὰς ἐκφύσεις, ποίων κεραιῶν.

[13] λοιπὸν οὔτʼ ἐπιλαβέσθαι παρείραντα τὴν χεῖρα δυνατόν, ἅτε πυκνῶν οὐσῶν καὶ προσπιπτουσῶν αὑταῖς, ἔτι δὲ φιλοπόνως ἀπωξυμμένων τῶν κεραιῶν,

[14] οὔτʼ ἐπιλαβόμενον ἐκσπάσαι ῥᾴδιον διὰ τὸ πρῶτον μὲν πάσας τὰς προσβολὰς σχεδὸν αὐτοκράτορα τὴν ἐκ τῆς γῆς δύναμιν ἔχειν,

[15] δεύτερον δὲ τῷ τὸν μίαν ἐπισπώμενον κεραίαν πολλοὺς ἀναγκάζεσθαι πειθομένους ἅμα βαστάζειν διὰ τὴν εἰς ἀλλήλους ἐμπλοκήν· δύο δὲ καὶ τρεῖς ἐπιλαβέσθαι ταὐτοῦ χάρακος οὐδʼ ὅλως εἰκός.

[16] ἐὰν δέ ποτε καὶ κατακρατήσας ἐκσπάσῃ τις ἕνα καὶ δεύτερον, ἀνεπιγνώστως γίνεται τὸ διάστημα.

[17] διὸ καὶ μεγάλης οὔσης διαφορᾶς τῷ καὶ τὴν εὕρεσιν ἑτοίμην εἶναι τοῦ τοιούτου χάρακος καὶ τὴν κομιδὴν εὐχερῆ καὶ τὴν χρείαν ἀσφαλῆ καὶ μόνιμον,

[18] φανερὸν ὡς εἰ καί τι τῶν ἄλλων πολεμικῶν ἔργων ἄξιον ζήλου καὶ μιμήσεως ὑπάρχει παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τοῦτο, κατά γε τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην.

[1] πλὴν ὅ γε Τίτος ἑτοιμασάμενος ταῦτα πρὸς τὰς ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ χρείας, προῆγε παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι βάδην, ἀποσχὼν δὲ περὶ πεντήκοντα στάδια τῆς τῶν Φεραίων πόλεως αὐτοῦ παρενέβαλε.

[2] κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ὑπὸ τὴν ἑωθινὴν ἐξέπεμπε τοὺς κατοπτεύσοντας καὶ διερευνησομένους, εἴ τινα δυνηθεῖεν λαβεῖν ἀφορμὴν εἰς τὸ γνῶναι ποῦ ποτʼ εἰσὶ καὶ τί πράττουσιν οἱ πολέμιοι.

[3] Φίλιππος δὲ [καὶ] κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν πυνθανόμενος τοὺς Ῥωμαίους στρατοπεδεύειν περὶ τὰς Θήβας, ἐξάρας ἀπὸ τῆς Λαρίσης παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι προῆγε, ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς Φεράς.

[4] ἀποσχὼν δὲ περὶ τριάκοντα στάδια, τότε μὲν αὐτοῦ καταστρατοπεδεύσας ἐν ὥρᾳ παρήγγειλε πᾶσι γίνεσθαι περὶ τὴν τοῦ σώματος θεραπείαν,

[5] ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν ἑωθινὴν ἐξεγείρας τὴν δύναμιν τοὺς μὲν εἰθισμένους προπορεύεσθαι τῆς δυνάμεως προεξαπέστειλε, συντάξας ὑπερβάλλειν τὰς ὑπὲρ τὰς Φερὰς ἀκρολοφίας, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας διαφαινούσης ἐκίνει τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος.

[6] παρʼ ὀλίγον μὲν οὖν ἦλθον ἀμφοτέρων οἱ προεξαπεσταλμένοι τοῦ συμπεσεῖν ἀλλήλοις περὶ τὰς ὑπερβολάς·

[7] προϊδόμενοι γὰρ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄρφνην ἐκ πάνυ βραχέος διαστήματος ἐπέστησαν, καὶ ταχέως ἔπεμπον, ἀποδηλοῦντες ἀμφότεροι τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ πυνθανόμενοι τί δέον εἴη ποιεῖν.

[8] ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων στρατοπεδειῶν κἀκείνους ἀνακαλεῖσθαι.

[9] τῇ δʼ ἐπαύριον ἐξέπεμψαν ἀμφότεροι κατασκοπῆς ἕνεκα τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τῶν εὐζώνων περὶ τριακοσίους ἑκατέρων, ἐν οἷς ὁ Τίτος καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δύʼ οὐλαμοὺς ἐξαπέστειλε διὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν τῶν τόπων·

[10] οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ τάδε τῶν Φερῶν ὡς πρὸς Λάρισαν συνέβαλλον ἐκθύμως.

[11] τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Εὐπόλεμον τὸν Αἰτωλὸν εὐρώστως κινδυνευόντων καὶ συνεκκαλουμένων τοὺς Ἰταλικοὺς πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, θλίβεσθαι συνέβαινε τοὺς Μακεδόνας.

[12] καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀκροβολισάμενοι διεχωρίσθησαν εἰς τὰς αὑτῶν παρεμβολάς·

[1] κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀμφότεροι δυσαρεστούμενοι τοῖς περὶ τὰς Φερὰς τόποις διὰ τὸ καταφύτους εἶναι καὶ πλήρεις αἱμασιῶν καὶ κηπίων ἀνέζυξαν.

[2] ὁ μὲν οὖν Φίλιππος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Σκοτοῦσσαν, σπεύδων ἐκ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως ἐφοδιάσασθαι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα γενόμενος εὐτρεπὴς λαβεῖν τόπους ἁρμόζοντας ταῖς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεσιν·

[3] ὁ δὲ Τίτος ὑποπτεύσας τὸ μέλλον ἐκίνει τὴν δύναμιν ἅμα τῷ Φιλίππῳ, σπεύδων προκαταφθεῖραι τὸν ἐν τῇ Σκοτουσσαίᾳ σῖτον.

[4] τῆς δʼ ἑκατέρων πορείας μεταξὺ κειμένων ὄχθων ὑψηλῶν, οὔθʼ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι συνεώρων τοὺς Μακεδόνας, ποῖ ποιοῦνται τὴν πορείαν, οὔθʼ οἱ Μακεδόνες τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.

[5] ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν ἑκάτεροι διανύσαντες, ὁ μὲν Τίτος ἐπὶ τὴν προσαγορευομένην Ἐρέτριαν τῆς Φθιώτιδος χώρας, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀγχηστὸν ποταμόν, αὐτοῦ κατέζευξαν, ἀγνοοῦντες ἀμφότεροι τὰς ἀλλήλων παρεμβολάς·

[6] τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ προελθόντες ἐστρατοπέδευσαν, Φίλιππος μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ Μελάμβιον προσαγορευόμενον τῆς Σκοτουσσαίας, Τίτος δὲ περὶ τὸ Θετίδειον τῆς Φαρσαλίας, ἀκμὴν ἀγνοοῦντες ἀλλήλους.

[7] ἐπιγενομένου δʼ ὄμβρου καὶ βροντῶν ἐξαισίων, πάντα συνέβη τὸν ἀέρα τὸν ἐκ τῶν νεφῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ὑπὸ τὴν ἑωθινὴν πεσεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, ὥστε διὰ τὸν ἐφεστῶτα ζόφον μηδὲ τοὺς ἐν ποσὶ δύνασθαι βλέπειν.

[8] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅ γε Φίλιππος κατανύσαι σπεύδων ἐπὶ τὸ προκείμενον, ἀναζεύξας προῄει μετὰ πάσης τῆς στρατιᾶς.

[9] δυσχρηστούμενος δὲ κατὰ τὴν πορείαν διὰ τὴν ὀμίχλην, βραχὺν τόπον διανύσας τὴν μὲν δύναμιν εἰς χάρακα παρενέβαλε, τὴν δʼ ἐφεδρείαν ἀπέστειλε, συντάξας ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄκρους ἐπιβαλεῖν τῶν μεταξὺ κειμένων βουνῶν.

[1] ὁ δὲ Τίτος στρατοπεδεύων περὶ τὸ Θετίδειον, καὶ διαπορούμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν πολεμίων ποῦ ποτʼ εἰσί, δέκα προθέμενος οὐλαμοὺς καὶ τῶν εὐζώνων εἰς χιλίους ἐξαπέστειλε, παρακαλέσας εὐλαβῶς ἐξερευνωμένους ἐπιπορεύεσθαι τὴν χώραν·

[2] οἳ καὶ προάγοντες ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπερβολὰς ἔλαθον ἐμπεσόντες εἰς τὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐφεδρείαν διὰ τὸ δύσοπτον τῆς ἡμέρας.

[3] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἐπὶ βραχὺ διαταραχθέντες ἀμφότεροι μετʼ ὀλίγον ἤρξαντο καταπειράζειν ἀλλήλων, διεπέμψαντο δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἡγεμόνας ἑκάτεροι τοὺς διασαφήσοντας τὸ γεγονός·

[4] ἐπειδὴ δὲ κατὰ τὴν συμπλοκὴν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι κατεβαροῦντο καὶ κακῶς ἔπασχον ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐφεδρείας, πέμποντες εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν παρεμβολὴν ἐδέοντο σφίσι βοηθεῖν.

[5] ὁ δὲ Τίτος, παρακαλέσας τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀρχέδαμον καὶ τὸν Εὐπόλεμον Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ δύο τῶν παρʼ αὑτοῦ χιλιάρχων, ἐξέπεμψε μετὰ πεντακοσίων ἱππέων καὶ δισχιλίων πεζῶν.

[6] ὧν προσγενομένων τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀκροβολιζομένοις, παραυτίκα τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔσχε διάθεσιν ὁ κίνδυνος·

[7] οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι, προσλαβόντες τὴν ἐκ τῆς βοηθείας ἐλπίδα διπλασίως ἐπερρώσθησαν πρὸς τὴν χρείαν,

[8] οἱ δὲ Μακεδόνες ἠμύνοντο μὲν γενναίως, πιεζούμενοι δὲ πάλιν οὗτοι καὶ καταβαρούμενοι τοῖς ὅλοις προσέφυγον πρὸς τοὺς ἄκρους καὶ διεπέμποντο πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα περὶ βοηθείας.

[1] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος οὐδέποτʼ ἂν ἐλπίσας κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν ὁλοσχερῆ γενέσθαι κίνδυνον διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας, ἀφεικὼς ἔτυχε καὶ πλείους ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἐπὶ χορτολογίαν.

[2] τότε δὲ πυνθανόμενος τὰ συμβαίνοντα παρὰ τῶν διαποστελλομένων, καὶ τῆς ὀμίχλης ἤδη διαφαινούσης, παρακαλέσας Ἡρακλείδην τε τὸν Γυρτώνιον, ὃς ἡγεῖτο τῆς Θετταλικῆς ἵππου, καὶ Λέοντα τὸν τῶν Μακεδόνων ἱππάρχην ἐξέπεμπε, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀθηναγόραν ἔχοντα πάντας τοὺς μισθοφόρους πλὴν τῶν Θρᾳκῶν.

[3] συναψάντων δὲ τούτων τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ἐφεδρείαις, καὶ προσγενομένης τοῖς Μακεδόσι βαρείας χειρός, ἐνέκειντο τοῖς πολεμίοις· καὶ πάλιν οὗτοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἤλαυνον ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων.

[4] μέγιστον δʼ αὐτοῖς ἐμπόδιον ἦν τοῦ μὴ τρέψασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ὁλοσχερῶς ἡ τῶν Αἰτωλικῶν ἱππέων φιλοτιμία· πάνυ γὰρ ἐκθύμως οὗτοι καὶ παραβόλως ἐκινδύνευον.

[5] Αἰτωλοὶ γάρ, καθʼ ὅσον ἐν τοῖς πεζικοῖς ἐλλιπεῖς εἰσι καὶ τῷ καθοπλισμῷ καὶ τῇ συντάξει πρὸς τοὺς ὁλοσχερεῖς ἀγῶνας, κατὰ τοσοῦτον τοῖς ἱππικοῖς διαφέρουσι πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν κινδύνοις.

[6] διὸ καὶ τότε τούτων παρακατασχόντων τὴν ἐπιφορὰν τῶν πολεμίων, οὐκέτι συνηλάσθησαν ἕως εἰς τοὺς ἐπιπέδους τόπους, βραχὺ δʼ ἀποσχόντες ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἔστησαν.

[7] ὁ δὲ Τίτος, θεωρῶν οὐ μόνον τοὺς εὐζώνους καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας ἐγκεκλικότας, ἀλλὰ διὰ τούτους καὶ τὴν ὅλην δύναμιν ἐπτοημένην, ἐξῆγε τὸ στράτευμα πᾶν καὶ παρενέβαλε πρὸς τοῖς βουνοῖς.

[8] κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἕτερος ἐφʼ ἑτέρῳ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἐφεδρείας Μακεδόνων ἔθει πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον, ἀναβοῶν "βασιλεῦ, φεύγουσιν οἱ πολέμιοι· μὴ παρῇς τὸν καιρόν· οὐ μένουσιν ἡμᾶς οἱ βάρβαροι· σὴ νῦν ἐστιν ἡμέρα, σὸς ὁ καιρός." ὥστε τὸν Φίλιππον,

[9] καίπερ οὐκ εὐδοκούμενον τοῖς τόποις, ὅμως ἐκκληθῆναι πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον. οἱ γὰρ προειρημένοι λόφοι καλοῦνται μὲν Κυνὸς Κεφαλαί, τραχεῖς δʼ εἰσὶ καὶ περικεκλασμένοι καὶ πρὸς ὕψος ἱκανὸν ἀνατείνοντες.

[10] διὸ καὶ προορώμενος ὁ Φίλιππος τὴν δυσχρηστίαν τῶν τόπων, ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν οὐδαμῶς ἡρμόζετο πρὸς ἀγῶνα· τότε δὲ παρορμηθεὶς διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς εὐελπιστίας τῶν ἀγγελλόντων ἕλκειν παρήγγελλε τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος.

[1] ὁ δὲ Τίτος παρεμβαλὼν τὴν αὑτοῦ στρατιὰν ἑξῆς ἅπασαν, ἅμα μὲν ἐφήδρευε τοῖς προκινδυνεύουσιν, ἅμα δὲ παρεκάλει τὰς τάξεις ἐπιπορευόμενος. ἡ δὲ παράκλησις ἦν αὐτοῦ βραχεῖα μέν,

[2] ἐμφαντικὴ δὲ καὶ γνώριμος τοῖς ἀκούουσιν. ἐναργῶς γὰρ ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν ἐνδεικνύμενος ἔλεγε τοῖς αὑτοῦ στρατιώταις "

[3] οὐχ οὗτοι Μακεδόνες εἰσίν, ὦ ἄνδρες, οὓς ὑμεῖς προκατέχοντας ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τὰς εἰς τὴν Ἐορδαίαν ὑπερβολὰς ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς μετὰ Σολπικίου βιασάμενοι πρὸς τόπους ὑπερδεξίους ἐξεβάλετε, πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείναντες;

[4] οὐχ οὗτοι Μακεδόνες εἰσίν, οὓς ὑμεῖς προκατέχοντας τὰς ἀπηλπισμένας ἐν Ἠπείρῳ δυσχωρίας ἐκβιασάμενοι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀρεταῖς φεύγειν ἠναγκάσατε ῥίψαντας τὰ ὅπλα, τέως εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀνεκομίσθησαν;

[5] πῶς οὖν ὑμᾶς εὐλαβεῖσθαι καθήκει, μέλλοντας ἐξ ἴσου ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον πρὸς τοὺς αὐτούς; τί δὲ προορᾶσθαι τῶν προγεγονότων, ἀλλʼ οὐ τἀναντία διʼ ἐκεῖνα καὶ νῦν θαρρεῖν;

[6] διόπερ, ὦ ἄνδρες, παρακαλέσαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὁρμᾶσθε πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον ἐρρωμένως· θεῶν γὰρ βουλομένων ταχέως πέπεισμαι ταὐτὸ τέλος ἀποβήσεσθαι τῆς παρούσης μάχης τοῖς προγεγονόσι κινδύνοισ"

[7] . οὗτος μὲν οὖν ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν μέρος ἐκέλευε μένειν κατὰ χώραν καὶ τὰ θηρία πρὸ τούτων, τῷ δʼ εὐωνύμῳ μετὰ τῶν εὐζώνων ἐπῄει σοβαρῶς τοῖς πολεμίοις·

[8] οἱ δὲ προκινδυνεύοντες τῶν Ῥωμαίων, προσλαβόντες τὴν τῶν πεζῶν στρατοπέδων ἐφεδρείαν, ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἐνέκειντο τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις.

[1] Φίλιππος δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρόν, ἐπειδὴ τὸ πλέον μέρος ἤδη τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως ἑώρα παρεμβεβληκὸς πρὸ τοῦ χάρακος, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς πελταστὰς καὶ τὸ δεξιὸν τῆς φάλαγγος προῆγε, σύντονον ποιούμενος τὴν πρὸς τοὺς λόφους ἀνάβασιν,

[2] τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Νικάνορα τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον ἐλέφαντα συνέταξε φροντίζειν ἵνα τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως ἐκ ποδὸς ἕπηται.

[3] ἅμα δὲ τῷ τοὺς πρώτους ἅψασθαι τῆς ὑπερβολῆς εὐθέως ἐξ ἀσπίδος παρενέβαλε καὶ προκατελάμβανε τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους· τῶν γὰρ προκινδυνευόντων Μακεδόνων ἐπὶ πολὺ τεθλιφότων τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ θάτερα μέρη τῶν λόφων, ἐρήμους κατέλαβε τοὺς ἄκρους.

[4] ἔτι δὲ παρεμβάλλοντος αὐτοῦ τὰ δεξιὰ μέρη τῆς στρατιᾶς, παρῆσαν οἱ μισθοφόροι, πιεζούμενοι κατὰ κράτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων·

[5] προσγενομένων γὰρ τοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων εὐζώνοις τῶν ἐν τοῖς βαρέσιν ὅπλοις ἀνδρῶν, καθάπερ ἀρτίως εἶπα, καὶ συνεργούντων κατὰ τὴν μάχην, προσλαβόντες οἷον εἰ σήκωμα τὴν τούτων χρείαν, βαρέως ἐπέκειντο τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἔκτεινον.

[6] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς, ὅτε παρεγίνετο, θεωρῶν οὐ μακρὰν τῆς τῶν πολεμίων παρεμβολῆς συνεστῶτα τὸν τῶν εὐζώνων κίνδυνον περιχαρὴς ἦν·

[7] ὡς δὲ πάλιν ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἑώρα κλίνοντας τοὺς ἰδίους καὶ προσδεομένους ἐπικουρίας, ἠναγκάζετο βοηθεῖν καὶ κρίνειν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ τὰ ὅλα, καίπερ ἔτι τῶν πλείστων μερῶν τῆς φάλαγγος κατὰ πορείαν ὄντων καὶ προσβαινόντων πρὸς τοὺς βουνούς.

[8] προσδεξάμενος δὲ τοὺς ἀγωνιζομένους, τούτους μὲν ἥθροιζε πάντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας, καὶ τοὺς πεζοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας, τοῖς δὲ πελτασταῖς καὶ τοῖς φαλαγγίταις παρήγγελλε διπλασιάζειν τὸ βάθος καὶ πυκνοῦν ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιόν. γενομένου δὲ τούτου,

[9] καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐν χερσὶν ὄντων, τοῖς μὲν φαλαγγίταις ἐδόθη παράγγελμα καταβαλοῦσι τὰς σαρίσας ἐπάγειν, τοῖς δʼ εὐζώνοις κερᾶν.

[10] κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ Τίτος, δεξάμενος εἰς τὰ διαστήματα τῶν σημαιῶν τοὺς προκινδυνεύοντας, προσέβαλε τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[1] γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν συμπτώσεως μετὰ βίας καὶ κραυγῆς ὑπερβαλλούσης, ὡς ἂν ἀμφοτέρων ὁμοῦ συναλαλαζόντων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐκτὸς τῆς μάχης ἐπιβοώντων τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις, ἦν τὸ γινόμενον ἐκπληκτικὸν καὶ παραστατικὸν ἀγωνίας.

[2] τὸ μὲν οὖν δεξιὸν τοῦ Φιλίππου λαμπρῶς ἀπήλλαττε κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον, ἅτε καὶ τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου ποιούμενον καὶ τῷ βάρει τῆς συντάξεως ὑπερέχον καὶ τῇ διαφορᾷ τοῦ καθοπλισμοῦ πρὸς τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν χρείαν πολὺ παραλλάττον·

[3] τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ μέρη τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτῷ τὰ μὲν ἐχόμενα τῶν κινδυνευόντων ἐν ἀποστάσει τῶν πολεμίων ἦν, τὰ δʼ ἐπὶ τῶν εὐωνύμων ἄρτι διηνυκότα τὰς ὑπερβολὰς ἐπεφαίνετο τοῖς ἄκροις.

[4] ὁ δὲ Τίτος, θεωρῶν οὐ δυναμένους τοὺς παρʼ αὑτοῦ στέγειν τὴν τῆς φάλαγγος ἔφοδον, ἀλλʼ ἐκπιεζουμένους τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν εὐωνύμων, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀπολωλότας ἤδη, τοὺς δʼ ἐπὶ πόδα ποιουμένους τὴν ἀναχώρησιν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς δεξιοῖς μέρεσι καταλειπομένας τῆς σωτηρίας τὰς ἐλπίδας,

[5] ταχέως ἀφορμήσας πρὸς τούτους, καὶ συνθεασάμενος [τῆς] τῶν πολεμίων τὰ μὲν συνεχῆ τοῖς διαγωνιζομένοις , τὰ δʼ ἐκ τῶν ἄκρων ἀκμὴν ἐπικαταβαίνοντα, τὰ δʼ ἔτι τοῖς ἄκροις ἐφεστῶτα, προθέμενος τὰ θηρία προσῆγε τὰς σημαίας τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[6] οἱ δὲ Μακεδόνες, οὔτε τὸν παραγγελοῦντʼ ἔχοντες οὔτε συστῆναι δυνάμενοι καὶ λαβεῖν τὸ τῆς φάλαγγος ἴδιον σχῆμα διά τε τὰς τῶν τόπων δυσχερείας καὶ διὰ τὸ τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις ἑπόμενοι πορείας ἔχειν διάθεσιν καὶ μὴ παρατάξεως,

[7] οὐδὲ προσεδέξαντο τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἔτι, διʼ αὐτῶν δὲ τῶν θηρίων πτοηθέντες καὶ διασπασθέντες ἐνέκλιναν.

[1] οἱ μὲν οὖν πλείους τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἑπόμενοι τούτους ἔκτεινον·

[2] εἷς δὲ τῶν χιλιάρχων τῶν ἅμα τούτοις, σημαίας ἔχων οὐ πλείους εἴκοσι, καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς χρείας καιρὸν συμφρονήσας ὃ δέον εἴη ποιεῖν, μεγάλα συνεβάλετο πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὅλων κατόρθωσιν.

[3] θεωρῶν γὰρ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐπὶ πολὺ προπεπτωκότας τῶν ἄλλων καὶ πιεζοῦντας τῷ βάρει τὸ σφέτερον εὐώνυμον, ἀπολιπὼν τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ νικῶντας ἤδη καταφανῶς, ἐπιστρέψας ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀγωνιζομένους καὶ κατόπιν ἐπιγενόμενος προσέβαλλε κατὰ νώτου τοῖς Μακεδόσι.

[4] τῆς δὲ τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν χρείας ἀδυνάτου καθεστώσης ἐκ μεταβολῆς καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα κινδυνεύειν, οὗτος μὲν ἐπέκειτο κτείνων τοὺς ἐν ποσίν, οὐ δυναμένους αὑτοῖς βοηθεῖν,

[5] ἕως οὗ ῥίψαντες τὰ ὅπλα φεύγειν ἠναγκάσθησαν οἱ Μακεδόνες, συνεπιθεμένων αὐτοῖς ἐκ μεταβολῆς καὶ τῶν κατὰ πρόσωπον ἐγκεκλικότων. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς,

[6] καθάπερ εἶπα, τεκμαιρόμενος ἐκ τοῦ καθʼ αὑτὸν μέρους ἐπέπειστο τελέως νικᾶν·

[7] τότε δὲ συνθεασάμενος ἄφνω ῥιπτοῦντας τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς Μακεδόνας καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ νώτου προσβεβληκότας, βραχὺ γενόμενος ἐκ τοῦ κινδύνου μετʼ ὀλίγων ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν συνεθεώρει τὰ ὅλα.

[8] κατανοήσας δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους κατὰ τὸ δίωγμα τοῦ λαιοῦ κέρως τοῖς ἄκροις ἤδη προσπελάζοντας, ἐγίνετο πρὸς τὸ φεύγειν, ὅσους ἐδύνατο πλείστους ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ συναθροίσας τῶν Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Μακεδόνων.

[9] Τίτος δὲ τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἑπόμενος, καὶ καταλαβὼν ἐν ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς ἄρτι τοῖς ἄκροις ἐπιβαλλούσας τὰς εὐωνύμους τάξεις τῶν Μακεδόνων τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐπέστη, τῶν πολεμίων ὀρθὰς ἀνασχόντων τὰς σαρίσας,

[10] ὅπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ ποιεῖν τοῖς Μακεδόσιν, ὅταν ἢ παραδιδῶσιν αὑτοὺς ἢ μεταβάλλωνται πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους·

[11] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πυθόμενος τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ συμβαίνοντος παρακατεῖχε τοὺς μεθʼ αὑτοῦ φείσασθαι κρίνων τῶν ἀποδεδειλιακότων.

[12] ἀκμὴν δὲ τοῦ Τίτου ταῦτα διανοουμένου τῶν προηγουμένων τινὲς ἐπιπεσόντες αὐτοῖς ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου προσέφερον τὰς χεῖρας, καὶ τοὺς μὲν πλείους διέφθειρον, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες διέφυγον ῥίψαντες τὰ ὅπλα.

[1] πανταχόθεν δὲ τοῦ κινδύνου συντέλειαν εἰληφότος καὶ κρατούντων τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰ Τέμπη.

[2] καὶ τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ περὶ τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου καλούμενον πύργον ηὐλίσθη, τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ προελθὼν εἰς Γόννους ἐπὶ τὴν εἰσβολὴν τῶν Τεμπῶν ἐπέμεινε, βουλόμενος ἀναδέξασθαι τοὺς ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς ἀνασῳζομένους.

[3] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι, μέχρι μέν τινος ἐπακολουθήσαντες τοῖς φεύγουσιν, οἱ μὲν ἐσκύλευον τοὺς τεθνεῶτας, οἱ δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἥθροιζον, οἱ δὲ πλείους ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὴν διαρπαγὴν τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων χάρακος·

[4] ἔνθα δὴ καταλαβόντες τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς προεμπεπτωκότας καὶ δόξαντες στέρεσθαι τῆς σφίσι καθηκούσης ὠφελείας, ἤρξαντο καταμέμφεσθαι τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ λέγειν πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν ὅτι τοὺς μὲν κινδύνους αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάττει, τῆς δʼ ὠφελείας ἄλλοις παρακεχώρηκε.

[5] καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπανελθόντες εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν στρατοπεδείαν ηὐλίσθησαν, εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαύριον ἅμα μὲν ἥθροιζον τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὰ λειπόμενα τῶν σκύλων, ἅμα δὲ προῆγον ποιούμενοι τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ Λαρίσης.

[6] ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρὸς τοὺς ἑπτακοσίους· τῶν δὲ Μακεδόνων ἀπέθανον μὲν οἱ πάντες εἰς ὀκτακισχιλίους, ζωγρίᾳ δʼ ἑάλωσαν οὐκ ἐλάττους πεντακισχιλίων.

[7] καὶ τῆς μὲν ἐν Θετταλίᾳ γενομένης περὶ Κυνὸς Κεφαλὰς Ῥωμαίων καὶ Φιλίππου μάχης τοιοῦτον

[1] ἀπέβη τὸ τέλος· ἐγὼ δὲ κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἕκτην βύβλον ἐν ἐπαγγελίᾳ καταλιπὼν ὅτι λαβὼν τὸν ἁρμόζοντα καιρὸν σύγκρισιν ποιήσομαι τοῦ καθοπλισμοῦ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Μακεδόνων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῆς συντάξεως τῆς ἑκατέρων, τί διαφέρουσιν ἀλλήλων πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον καὶ τί πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον, νῦν ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πράξεων πειράσομαι τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν ἐπὶ τέλος ἀγαγεῖν.

[2] ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἡ μὲν Μακεδόνων σύνταξις ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τοῦ χρόνοις, διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων διδοῦσα τὴν πεῖραν, ἐκράτει τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν συντάξεων, ἡ δὲ Ῥωμαίων τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν Λιβύην καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην προσεσπερίων ἐθνῶν ἁπάντων,

[3] ἐν δὲ τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς οὐχ ἅπαξ, ἀλλὰ πλεονάκις γέγονε τούτων τῶν τάξεων καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους διάκρισις,

[4] χρήσιμον καὶ καλὸν ἂν εἴη τὸ τὴν διαφορὰν ἐρευνῆσαι, καὶ παρὰ τί συμβαίνει Ῥωμαίους ἐπικρατεῖν καὶ τὸ πρωτεῖον ἐκφέρεσθαι τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἀγώνων,

[5] ἵνα μὴ τύχην λέγοντες μόνον μακαρίζωμεν τοὺς κρατοῦντας ἀλόγως, καθάπερ οἱ μάταιοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλʼ εἰδότες τὰς ἀληθεῖς αἰτίας ἐπαινῶμεν καὶ θαυμάζωμεν κατὰ λόγον τοὺς ἡγουμένους.

[6] περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν πρὸς Ἀννίβαν ἀγώνων γεγονότων Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τῶν ἐν τούτοις ἐλαττωμάτων οὐδὲν ἂν δέοι πλείω λέγειν· οὐ γὰρ παρὰ τὸν καθοπλισμὸν οὐδὲ παρὰ τὴν σύνταξιν, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τὴν ἐπιδεξιότητα τὴν Ἀννίβου καὶ τὴν ἀγχίνοιαν περιέπιπτον τοῖς ἐλαττώμασι.

[7] δῆλον δὲ τοῦτο πεποιήκαμεν ἡμεῖς ἐπʼ αὐτῶν ὑποδεικνύοντες τῶν ἀγώνων.

[8] μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τοῖς ἡμετέροις λόγοις πρῶτον μὲν τὸ τέλος τοῦ πολέμου· προσγενομένου γὰρ στρατηγοῦ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παραπλησίαν δύναμιν ἔχοντος Ἀννίβᾳ, ταχέως καὶ τὸ νικᾶν συνεξηκολούθησε τοῖς προειρημένοις·

[9] εἶτα καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀννίβας ἀποδοκιμάσας τὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχοντα καθοπλισμόν, ἅμα τῷ νικῆσαι τῇ πρώτῃ μάχῃ παραχρῆμα τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ὅπλοις καθοπλίσας τὰς οἰκείας δυνάμεις, τούτοις διετέλεσε χρώμενος τὸν ἑξῆς χρόνον.

[10] Πύρρος γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ὅπλοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυνάμεσιν Ἰταλικαῖς συγκέχρηται, τιθεὶς ἐναλλὰξ σημαίαν καὶ σπεῖραν φαλαγγιτικὴν ἐν τοῖς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀγῶσιν.

[11] ἀλλʼ ὅμως οὐδʼ οὕτως ἐδύνατο νικᾶν, ἀλλʼ ἀεί πως ἀμφίδοξα τὰ τέλη τῶν κινδύνων αὐτοῖς ἀπέβαινε.

[12] περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀναγκαῖον ἦν προειπεῖν χάριν τοῦ μηδὲν ἀντεμφαίνειν ταῖς ἡμετέραις ἀποφάσεσιν· ἐπάνειμι δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν προκειμένην σύγκρισιν.

[1] ὅτι μὲν ἐχούσης τῆς φάλαγγος τὴν αὑτῆς ἰδιότητα καὶ δύναμιν οὐδὲν ἂν ὑποσταίη κατὰ πρόσωπον οὐδὲ μείναι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῆς, εὐχερὲς καταμαθεῖν ἐκ πολλῶν.

[2] ἐπεὶ γὰρ ὁ μὲν ἀνὴρ ἵσταται σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐν τρισὶ ποσὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐναγωνίους πυκνώσεις, τὸ δὲ τῶν σαρισῶν μέγεθός ἐστι κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν ἑκκαίδεκα πηχῶν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἁρμογὴν τὴν πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν δεκατεττάρων,

[3] τούτων δὲ τοὺς τέτταρας ἀφαιρεῖ τὸ μεταξὺ τοῖν χεροῖν διάστημα καὶ τὸ κατόπιν σήκωμα τῆς προβολῆς,

[4] φανερὸν ὅτι τοὺς δέκα πήχεις προπίπτειν ἀνάγκη τὴν σάρισαν πρὸ τῶν σωμάτων ἑκάστου τῶν ὁπλιτῶν, ὅταν ἴῃ διʼ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν χεροῖν προβαλόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[5] ἐκ δὲ τούτου συμβαίνει τὰς μὲν τοῦ δευτέρου καὶ τρίτου καὶ τετάρτου πλεῖον, τὰς δὲ τοῦ πέμπτου ζυγοῦ σαρίσας δύο προπίπτειν πήχεις πρὸ τῶν πρωτοστατῶν, ἐχούσης τῆς φάλαγγος τὴν αὑτῆς ἰδιότητα καὶ πύκνωσιν κατʼ ἐπιστάτην καὶ κατὰ παραστάτην,

[6] ὡς Ὅμηρος ὑποδείκνυσιν ἐν τούτοις·

ἀσπὶς ἄρʼ ἀσπίδʼ ἔρειδε, κόρυς κόρυν, ἀνέρα δʼ ἀνήρ·

ψαῦον δʼ ἱππόκομοι κόρυθες λαμπροῖσι φάλοισι

νευόντων· ὣς πυκνοὶ ἐφέστασαν ἀλλήλοισι. τούτων δʼ ἀληθινῶς καὶ καλῶς λεγομένων,

[7] δῆλον ὡς ἀνάγκη καθʼ ἕκαστον τῶν πρωτοστατῶν σαρίσας προπίπτειν πέντε, δυσὶ πήχεσι διαφερούσας ἀλλήλων κατὰ μῆκος.

[1] ἐκ δὲ τούτου ῥᾴδιον ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν λαβεῖν τὴν τῆς ὅλης φάλαγγος ἔφοδον καὶ προβολήν, ποίαν τινʼ εἰκὸς εἶναι καὶ τίνα δύναμιν ἔχειν, ἐφʼ ἑκκαίδεκα τὸ βάθος οὖσαν.

[2] ὧν ὅσοι τὸ πέμπτον ζυγὸν ὑπεραίρουσι, ταῖς μὲν σαρίσαις οὐδὲν οἷοί τʼ εἰσὶ συμβαλέσθαι πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον· διόπερ οὐδὲ ποιοῦνται κατʼ ἄνδρα τὴν προβολήν,

[3] παρὰ δὲ τοὺς ὤμους τῶν προηγουμένων ἀνανενευκυίας φέρουσι χάριν τοῦ τὸν κατὰ κορυφὴν τόπον ἀσφαλίζειν τῆς ἐκτάξεως, εἰργουσῶν τῇ πυκνώσει τῶν σαρισῶν ὅσα τῶν βελῶν ὑπερπετῆ τῶν πρωτοστατῶν φερόμενα δύναται προσπίπτειν πρὸς τοὺς ἐφεστῶτας.

[4] αὐτῷ γε μὴν τῷ τοῦ σώματος βάρει κατὰ τὴν ἐπαγωγὴν πιεζοῦντες οὗτοι τοὺς προηγουμένους βιαίαν μὲν ποιοῦσι τὴν ἔφοδον, ἀδύνατον δὲ τοῖς πρωτοστάταις τὴν εἰς τοὔπισθεν μεταβολήν.

[5] τοιαύτης περὶ τὴν φάλαγγα διαθέσεως καὶ καθόλου καὶ κατὰ μέρος οὔσης, ῥητέον ἂν εἴη καὶ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων καθοπλισμοῦ καὶ τῆς ὅλης συντάξεως τὰς ἰδιότητας καὶ διαφορὰς ἐκ παραθέσεως.

[6] ἵστανται μὲν οὖν ἐν τρισὶ ποσὶ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι·

[7] τῆς μάχης δʼ αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἄνδρα τὴν κίνησιν λαμβανούσης διὰ τὸ τῷ μὲν θυρεῷ σκέπειν τὸ σῶμα, συμμετατιθεμένους αἰεὶ πρὸς τὸν τῆς πληγῆς καιρόν, τῇ μαχαίρᾳ δʼ ἐκ καταφορᾶς καὶ διαιρέσεως ποιεῖσθαι τὴν μάχην,

[8] προφανὲς ὅτι χάλασμα καὶ διάστασιν ἀλλήλων ἔχειν δεήσει τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐλάχιστον τρεῖς πόδας κατʼ ἐπιστάτην καὶ κατὰ παραστάτην, εἰ μέλλουσιν εὐχρηστεῖν πρὸς τὸ δέον.

[9] ἐκ δὲ τούτου συμβήσεται τὸν ἕνα Ῥωμαῖον ἵστασθαι κατὰ δύο πρωτοστάτας τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν, ὥστε πρὸς δέκα σαρίσας αὐτῷ γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπάντησιν καὶ τὴν μάχην,

[10] ἃς οὔτε κόπτοντα τὸν ἕνα καταταχῆσαι δυνατόν, ὅταν ἅπαξ συνάψωσιν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας, οὔτε βιάσασθαι ῥᾴδιον, μηδέν γε τῶν ἐφεστώτων δυναμένων συμβάλλεσθαι τοῖς πρωτοστάταις μήτε πρὸς τὴν βίαν μήτε πρὸς τὴν τῶν μαχαιρῶν ἐνέργειαν.

[11] ἐξ ὧν εὐκατανόητον ὡς οὐχ οἷόν τε μεῖναι κατὰ πρόσωπον τὴν τῆς φάλαγγος ἔφοδον οὐδέν, διατηρούσης τὴν αὑτῆς ἰδιότητα καὶ δύναμιν, ὡς ἐν ἀρχαῖς εἶπα.

[1] τίς οὖν αἰτία τοῦ νικᾶν Ῥωμαίους καὶ τί τὸ σφάλλον ἐστὶ τοὺς ταῖς φάλαγξι χρωμένους;

[2] ὅτι συμβαίνει τὸν μὲν πόλεμον ἀορίστους ἔχειν καὶ τοὺς καιροὺς καὶ τοὺς τόπους τοὺς πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, τῆς δὲ φάλαγγος ἕνα καιρὸν εἶναι καὶ τόπων ἓν γένος, ἐν οἷς δύναται τὴν αὑτῆς χρείαν ἐπιτελεῖν.

[3] εἰ μὲν οὖν τις ἦν ἀνάγκη τοῖς ἀντιπάλοις εἰς τοὺς τῆς φάλαγγος καιροὺς καὶ τόπους συγκαταβαίνειν, ὅτε μέλλοιεν κρίνεσθαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων, εἰκὸς ἦν κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον ἀεὶ φέρεσθαι τὸ πρωτεῖον τοὺς ταῖς φάλαγξι χρωμένους·

[4] εἰ δὲ δυνατὸν ἐκκλίνειν καὶ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ῥᾳδίως, πῶς ἂν ἔτι φοβερὸν εἴη τὸ προειρημένον σύνταγμα;

[5] καὶ μὴν ὅτι χρείαν ἔχει τόπων ἐπιπέδων καὶ ψιλῶν ἡ φάλαγξ, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις μηδὲν ἐμπόδιον ἐχόντων, λέγω δʼ οἷον τάφρους, ἐκρήγματα, συναγκείας, ὀφρῦς, ῥεῖθρα ποταμῶν, ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστι.

[6] πάντα γὰρ τὰ προειρημένα παραποδίζειν καὶ λύειν τὴν τοιαύτην τάξιν ἱκανὰ γίνεται.

[7] διότι δʼ εὑρεῖν τόπους ποτὲ μὲν ἐπὶ σταδίους εἴκοσι, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ πλείους, ἐν οἷς μηδέν τι τοιοῦτον ὑπάρχει, σχεδόν, ὡς εἰπεῖν, ἀδύνατόν ἐστιν, εἰ δὲ μή γε, τελέως σπάνιον, καὶ τοῦτο πᾶς ἄν τις ὁμολογήσειεν.

[8] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔστω τόπους εὑρῆσθαι τοιούτους. ἐὰν οὖν οἱ [μὲν] πολεμοῦντες εἰς μὲν τούτους μὴ συγκαταβαίνωσι, περιπορευόμενοι δὲ πορθῶσι τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν τὴν τῶν συμμάχων, τί τῆς τοιαύτης ὄφελος ἔσται συντάξεως;

[9] μένουσα μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις αὑτῇ τόποις οὐχ οἷον ὠφελεῖν δύναιτʼ ἂν τοὺς φίλους, ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ ἑαυτὴν σῴζειν.

[10] αἱ γὰρ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων παρακομιδαὶ κωλυθήσονται ῥᾳδίως ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὅταν ἀκονιτὶ κρατῶσι τῶν ὑπαίθρων·

[11] ἐὰν δʼ ἀπολιποῦσα τοὺς οἰκείους τόπους βούληταί τι πράττειν, εὐχείρωτος ἔσται τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[12] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κἂν εἰς τοὺς ἐπιπέδους συγκαταβάς τις τόπους μὴ πᾶν ἅμα τὸ σφέτερον στρατόπεδον ὑπὸ τὴν ἐπαγωγὴν τῆς φάλαγγος καὶ τὸν ἕνα καιρὸν ὑποβάλῃ, βραχέα δὲ φυγομαχήσῃ κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τοῦ κινδύνου καιρόν, εὐθεώρητον γίνεται τὸ συμβησόμενον ἐξ ὧν

[1] ποιοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι νῦν. οὐκέτι γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ λόγου δεῖ τεκμαίρεσθαι τὸ νυνὶ λεγόμενον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων.

[2] οὐ γὰρ ἐξισώσαντες τὴν παράταξιν πᾶσιν ἅμα συμβάλλουσι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις μετωπηδὸν πρὸς τὰς φάλαγγας, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἐφεδρεύει τῶν μερῶν αὐτοῖς, τὰ δὲ συμμίσγει τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[3] λοιπόν, ἄν τʼ ἐκπιέσωσιν οἱ φαλαγγῖται τοὺς καθʼ αὑτοὺς προσβάλλοντες ἄν τʼ ἐκπιεσθῶσιν ὑπὸ τούτων, λέλυται τὸ τῆς φάλαγγος ἴδιον·

[4] ἢ γὰρ ἑπόμενοι τοῖς ὑποχωροῦσιν ἢ φεύγοντες τοὺς προσκειμένους ἀπολείπουσι τὰ λοιπὰ μέρη τῆς οἰκείας δυνάμεως,

[5] οὗ γενομένου δέδοται τοῖς ἐφεδρεύουσι τῶν πολεμίων διάστημα καὶ τόπος, ὃν οὗτοι κατεῖχον, πρὸς τὸ μηκέτι κατὰ πρόσωπον ὁρμᾶν, ἀλλὰ παρεισπεσόντας πλαγίους παρίστασθαι καὶ κατὰ νώτου τοῖς φαλαγγίταις.

[6] ὅταν δὲ τοὺς μὲν τῆς φάλαγγος καιροὺς καὶ τὰ προτερήματα ῥᾴδιον ᾖ φυλάξασθαι, τοὺς δὲ κατὰ τῆς φάλαγγος ἀδύνατον, πῶς οὐ μεγάλην εἰκὸς εἶναι τὴν διαφορὰν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀληθείας τῶν προειρημένων;

[7] καὶ μὴν πορευθῆναι διὰ τόπων παντοδαπῶν ἀναγκαῖον τοὺς χρωμένους φάλαγγι καὶ καταστρατοπεδεῦσαι, ἔτι δὲ τόπους εὐκαίρους προκαταλαβέσθαι καὶ πολιορκῆσαί τινας καὶ πολιορκηθῆναι καὶ παραδόξοις ἐπιφανείαις περιπεσεῖν·

[8] ἅπαντα γὰρ ταῦτʼ ἐστὶ πολέμου μέρη καὶ ῥοπὰς ποιεῖ πρὸς τὸ νικᾶν, ποτὲ μὲν ὁλοσχερεῖς, ποτὲ δὲ μεγάλας.

[9] ἐν οἷς πᾶσιν ἡ μὲν Μακεδόνων ἐστὶ σύνταξις δύσχρηστος, ποτὲ δʼ ἄχρηστος, διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι τὸν φαλαγγίτην μήτε κατὰ τάγμα μήτε κατʼ ἄνδρα παρέχεσθαι χρείαν, ἡ δὲ Ῥωμαίων εὔχρηστος·

[10] πᾶς γὰρ Ῥωμαῖος, ὅταν ἅπαξ καθοπλισθεὶς ὁρμήσῃ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, ὁμοίως ἥρμοσται πρὸς πάντα τόπον καὶ καιρὸν καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἐπιφάνειαν.

[11] καὶ μὴν ἕτοιμός ἐστι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει διάθεσιν, ἄν τε μετὰ πάντων δέῃ κινδυνεύειν ἄν τε μετὰ μέρους ἄν τε κατὰ σημαίαν ἄν τε καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα.

[12] διὸ καὶ παρὰ πολὺ τῆς κατὰ μέρος εὐχρηστίας διαφερούσης, παρὰ πολὺ καὶ τὰ τέλη συνεξακολουθεῖ ταῖς Ῥωμαίων προθέσεσι μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς τῶν ἄλλων.

[13] περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην εἶναι τὸ διὰ πλειόνων ποιήσασθαι μνήμην διὰ τὸ καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν πολλοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων διαλαμβάνειν, ὅτε Μακεδόνες ἡττήθησαν, ἀπίστῳ τὸ γεγονὸς ἐοικέναι, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πολλοὺς διαπορήσειν διὰ τί καὶ πῶς λείπεται τὸ σύνταγμα τῆς φάλαγγος ὑπὸ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων καθοπλισμοῦ.

[1] Φίλιππος δέ, τὰ δυνατὰ πεποιηκὼς πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα, τοῖς δʼ ὅλοις πράγμασιν ἐσφαλμένος, ἀναδεξάμενος ὅσους ἐδύνατο πλείστους τῶν ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἀνασῳζομένων, αὐτὸς μὲν ὥρμησε διὰ τῶν Τεμπῶν εἰς Μακεδονίαν.

[2] εἰς δὲ τὴν Λάρισαν ἔτι τῇ προτεραίᾳ νυκτὶ διεπέμψατό τινα τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν, ἐντειλάμενος ἀφανίσαι καὶ κατακαῦσαι τὰ βασιλικὰ γράμματα, ποιῶν πρᾶγμα βασιλικὸν τὸ μηδʼ ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς λήθην ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ καθήκοντος·

[3] σαφῶς γὰρ ᾔδει διότι πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς δώσει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ κατὰ τῶν φίλων, ἐὰν κρατήσωσι Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν ὑπομνημάτων.

[4] ἴσως μὲν οὖν καὶ ἑτέροις ἤδη τοῦτο συμβέβηκε, τὸ τὰς μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιτυχίαις ἐξουσίας μὴ δύνασθαι φέρειν ἀνθρωπίνως, ἐν δὲ ταῖς περιπετείαις εὐλαβῶς ἵστασθαι καὶ νουνεχῶς·

[5] ἐν τοῖς δὲ μάλιστα καὶ περὶ Φίλιππον τοῦτο γέγονε. δῆλον δʼ ἔσται τοῦτο διὰ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα ῥηθησομένων·

[6] καθάπερ γὰρ καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁρμὰς ἐπὶ τὸ δέον αὐτοῦ σαφῶς ἐδηλώσαμεν, καὶ πάλιν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον μεταβολήν, καὶ πότε καὶ διὰ τί καὶ πῶς ἐγένετο, καὶ τὰς ἐν ταύτῃ πράξεις μετʼ ἀποδείξεως ἐξηγησάμεθα,

[7] τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον χρὴ καὶ τὴν μετάνοιαν αὐτοῦ δηλῶσαι καὶ τὴν εὐστοχίαν, καθʼ ἣν μεταθέμενος τοῖς ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἐλαττώμασιν εὐλογιστότατα δοκεῖ κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς καθʼ αὑτὸν καιροῖς.

[8] Τίτος δὲ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ποιησάμενος τὴν καθήκουσαν πρόνοιαν περί τε τῶν αἰχμαλώτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων λαφύρων, ᾔει πρὸς Λάρισαν. —

[1] καθόλου τῇ περὶ τὰ λάφυρα πλεονεξίᾳ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν εἴτʼ οὐκ ἐβούλετο Φίλιππον ἐκβαλὼν ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς Αἰτωλοὺς καταλιπεῖν δεσπότας τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

[2] δυσχερῶς δʼ ἔφερε καὶ τὴν ἀλαζονείαν αὐτῶν, θεωρῶν ἀντεπιγραφομένους ἐπὶ τὸ νίκημα καὶ πληροῦντας τὴν Ἑλλάδα τῆς αὑτῶν ἀνδραγαθίας.

[3] διὸ καὶ κατά τε τὰς ἐντεύξεις ἀγερωχότερον αὐτοῖς ἀπήντα καὶ περὶ τῶν κοινῶν ἀπεσιώπα, τὰ δὲ προκείμενα συνετέλει καὶ διʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ διὰ τῶν ἰδίων φίλων.

[4] τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης δυσχρηστίας ἐν ἀμφοτέροις, ἧκον πρεσβευταὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου Δημοσθένης καὶ Κυκλιάδας καὶ Λιμναῖος.

[5] πρὸς οὓς κοινολογηθεὶς ὁ Τίτος ἐπὶ πλεῖον μετὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων πεντεκαιδεχημέρους ἀνοχὰς ἐποιήσατο παραχρῆμα, συνετάξατο δὲ καὶ συμπορεύεσθαι τῷ Φιλίππῳ κοινολογησόμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν καθεστώτων ἐν ταύταις.

[6] γενομένης δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἐντεύξεως φιλανθρώπου, διπλασίως ἐξεκάετο τὰ τῆς ὑποψίας κατὰ τοῦ Τίτου·

[7] ἤδη γὰρ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τῆς δωροδοκίας ἐπιπολαζούσης καὶ τοῦ μηδένα μηδὲν δωρεὰν πράττειν, καὶ τοῦ χαρακτῆρος τούτου νομιστευομένου παρὰ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, οὐκ ἐδύναντο πιστεύειν διότι χωρὶς δώρων ἡ τηλικαύτη μεταβολὴ γέγονε τοῦ Τίτου πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον,

[8] οὐκ εἰδότες τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἀλλʼ ἐξ αὑτῶν τεκμαιρόμενοι καὶ συλλογιζόμενοι διότι τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον εἰκὸς ἦν προτείνειν πλῆθος χρημάτων διὰ τὸν καιρόν, τὸν δὲ Τίτον μὴ δύνασθαι τούτοις ἀντοφθαλμεῖν.

[1] ἐγὼ δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς ἀνωτέρω χρόνους καὶ κοινὴν ἂν ποιούμενος ἀπόφασιν ἐθάρρησα περὶ πάντων Ῥωμαίων εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν πράξαιεν τοιοῦτον, λέγω δὲ πρότερον ἢ τοῖς διαποντίοις αὐτοὺς ἐγχειρῆσαι πολέμοις, ἕως ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἐθῶν καὶ νομίμων ἔμενον.

[2] ἐν δὲ τοῖς νῦν καιροῖς περὶ πάντων μὲν οὐκ ἂν τολμήσαιμι τοῦτʼ εἰπεῖν· κατʼ ἰδίαν μέντοι γε περὶ πλειόνων ἀνδρῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ θαρρήσαιμʼ ἂν ἀποφήνασθαι διότι δύνανται τὴν πίστιν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ μέρει διαφυλάττειν.

[3] μαρτυρίας δὲ χάριν ὁμολογούμενα δύʼ ὀνόματα τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀδύνατα λέγειν.

[4] Λεύκιος μὲν γὰρ Αἰμίλιος ὁ Περσέα νικήσας, κύριος γενόμενος τῆς Μακεδόνων βασιλείας, ἐν ᾗ τῆς ἄλλης χωρὶς κατασκευῆς καὶ χορηγίας ἐν αὐτοῖς εὑρέθη τοῖς θησαυροῖς ἀργυρίου καὶ χρυσίου πλείω τῶν ἑξακισχιλίων ταλάντων,

[5] οὐχ οἷον ἐπεθύμησε τούτων τινός, ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ αὐτόπτης ἠβουλήθη γενέσθαι, διʼ ἑτέρων δὲ τὸν χειρισμὸν ἐποιήσατο τῶν προειρημένων, καίτοι κατὰ τὸν ἴδιον βίον οὐ περιττεύων τῇ χορηγίᾳ, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον ἐλλείπων μᾶλλον.

[6] μεταλλάξαντος γοῦν αὐτοῦ τὸν βίον οὐ πολὺ κατόπιν τοῦ πολέμου, βουληθέντες οἱ κατὰ φύσιν υἱοὶ Πόπλιος Σκιπίων καὶ Κόιντος Μάξιμος ἀποδοῦναι τῇ γυναικὶ τὴν φερνήν, εἴκοσι τάλαντα καὶ πέντε, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐδυσχρηστήθησαν ὡς οὐδʼ εἰς τέλος ἐδυνήθησαν, εἰ μὴ τὴν ἐνδουχίαν ἀπέδοντο καὶ τὰ σώματα καὶ σὺν τούτοις ἔτι τινὰς τῶν κτήσεων.

[7] εἰ δέ τισιν ἀπίστῳ τὸ λεγόμενον ἐοικέναι δόξει, ῥᾴδιον ὑπὲρ τούτου λαβεῖν πίστιν·

[8] πολλῶν γὰρ ἀμφισβητουμένων παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος διὰ τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιπαραγωγάς, ὅμως τὸ νῦν εἰρημένον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν ὁμολογούμενον εὑρήσει παρὰ πᾶσιν ὁ ζητῶν.

[9] καὶ μὴν Πόπλιος Σκιπίων, ὁ τούτου μὲν κατὰ φύσιν υἱός, Ποπλίου δὲ τοῦ μεγάλου κληθέντος κατὰ θέσιν υἱωνός, κύριος γενόμενος τῆς Καρχηδόνος, ἥτις ἐδόκει πολυχρημονεστάτη τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην εἶναι πόλεων, ἁπλῶς τῶν ἐξ ἐκείνης οὐδὲν εἰς τὸν ἴδιον βίον μετήγαγεν, οὔτʼ ὠνησάμενος οὔτʼ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ κτησάμενος οὐδέν,

[10] καίπερ οὐχ ὅλως εὐπορούμενος κατὰ τὸν βίον, ἀλλὰ μέτριος ὢν κατὰ τὴν ὕπαρξιν, ὡς Ῥωμαῖος.

[11] οὐχ οἷον δὲ τῶν ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς Καρχηδόνος ἀπέσχετο μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθόλου τῶν ἐκ τῆς Λιβύης οὐδὲν ἐπιμιχθῆναι πρὸς τὸν ἴδιον εἴασε βίον.

[12] περὶ δὲ τούτου πάλιν τἀνδρὸς ὁ ζητῶν ἀληθινῶς ἀναμφισβήτητον εὑρήσει παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τὴν περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος δόξαν.

[1] ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων οἰκειότερον λαβόντες καιρὸν ποιησόμεθα τὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖον διαστολήν. ὁ δὲ Τίτος ταξάμενος ἡμέραν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον τοῖς μὲν συμμάχοις ἔγραψε παραχρῆμα, διασαφῶν πότε δεήσει παρεῖναι πρὸς τὸν σύλλογον, αὐτὸς δὲ μετά τινας ἡμέρας ἧκε πρὸς τὴν εἰσβολὴν τῶν Τεμπῶν εἰς τὸν ταχθέντα χρόνον.

[2] ἁθροισθέντων δὲ τῶν συμμάχων καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου συναχθέντος ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων, ἀναστὰς ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἐκέλευε λέγειν ἕκαστον ἐφʼ οἷς δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι τὰς πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον διαλύσεις.

[3] Ἀμύνανδρος μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς βραχέα διαλεχθεὶς καὶ μέτρια κατέπαυσε τὸν λόγον·

[4] ἠξίου γὰρ πρόνοιαν αὑτοῦ ποιήσασθαι πάντας, ἵνα μὴ χωρισθέντων Ῥωμαίων ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀπερείδηται τὴν ὀργὴν ὁ Φίλιππος· εἶναι γὰρ εὐχειρώτους Ἀθαμᾶνας αἰεὶ Μακεδόσι διά τε τὴν ἀσθένειαν καὶ γειτνίασιν τῆς χώρας.

[5] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Αἰτωλὸς ἀναστάς, καθότι μὲν ἥθροικε τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν διαλύσεων διαβούλιον καὶ καθόλου νῦν ἑκάστους ἀξιοῖ λέγειν τὸ φαινόμενον,

[6] ἐπῄνεσε τὸν Τίτον, τοῖς δʼ ὅλοις πράγμασιν ἀγνοεῖν ἔφη καὶ παραπίπτειν αὐτόν, εἰ πέπεισται διαλύσεις ποιησάμενος πρὸς Φίλιππον ἢ Ῥωμαίοις τὴν εἰρήνην ἢ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν βέβαιον ἀπολείψειν· οὐδέτερον γὰρ εἶναι τούτων δυνατόν,

[7] ἀλλʼ εἰ βούλεται καὶ τὴν τῆς πατρίδος πρόθεσιν ἐπιτελῆ ποιεῖν καὶ τὰς ἰδίας ὑποσχέσεις, ἃς ὑπέσχηται πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι, μίαν ὑπάρχειν ἔφη διάλυσιν πρὸς Μακεδόνας τὸ Φίλιππον ἐκβάλλειν ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς.

[8] τοῦτο δʼ εἶναι καὶ λίαν εὐχερές, ἐὰν μὴ παρῇ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα καιρόν.

[9] πλείω δὲ πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διαλεχθεὶς κατέπαυσε τὸν λόγον.

[1] ὁ δὲ Τίτος ἀναδεξάμενος ἀστοχεῖν αὐτὸν ἔφησεν οὐ μόνον τῆς Ῥωμαίων προαιρέσεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς αὑτοῦ προθέσεως καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ τῶν Ἑλλήνων συμφέροντος.

[2] οὔτε γὰρ Ῥωμαίους οὐδενὶ τὸ πρῶτον πολεμήσαντας εὐθέως ἀναστάτους ποιεῖν τούτους·

[3] πίστιν δʼ ἔχειν τὸ λεγόμενον ἔκ [τε] τῶν κατʼ Ἀννίβαν καὶ Καρχηδονίους, ὑφʼ ὧν τὰ δεινότατα παθόντας Ῥωμαίους, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα γενομένους κυρίους ὃ βουληθεῖεν πρᾶξαι κατʼ αὐτῶν ἁπλῶς, οὐδὲν ἀνήκεστον βουλεύσασθαι περὶ Καρχηδονίων·

[4] καὶ μὴν οὐδʼ αὐτὸς οὐδέποτε ταύτην ἐσχηκέναι τὴν αἵρεσιν, ὅτι δεῖ πολεμεῖν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἀδιαλύτως· ἀλλʼ εἴπερ ἐβουλήθη ποιεῖν τὰ παρακαλούμενα πρὸ τῆς μάχης, ἑτοίμως ἂν διαλελύσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν.

[5] διὸ καὶ θαυμάζειν ἔφη πῶς μετέχοντες τότε τῶν περὶ τῆς διαλύσεως συλλόγων ἅπαντες νῦν ἀκαταλλάκτως ἔχουσιν.

[6] "ἢ δῆλον ὅτι νενικήκαμεν; ἀλλὰ τοῦτό γʼ ἐστὶ πάντων ἀγνωμονέστατον·

[7] πολεμοῦντας γὰρ δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας βαρεῖς εἶναι καὶ θυμικούς, ἡττωμένους δὲ γενναίους καὶ μεγαλόφρονας, νικῶντάς γε μὴν μετρίους καὶ πραεῖς καὶ φιλανθρώπους. ὑμεῖς δὲ τἀναντία παρακαλεῖτε νῦν.

[8] ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοῖς Ἕλλησι ταπεινωθῆναι μὲν ἐπὶ πολὺ συμφέρει τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχήν, ἀρθῆναί γε μὴν οὐδαμῶσ"

[9] . τάχα γὰρ αὐτοὺς πεῖραν λήψεσθαι τῆς Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Γαλατῶν παρανομίας· τοῦτο γὰρ ἤδη καὶ πλεονάκις γεγονέναι.

[10] καθόλου δʼ αὐτὸς μὲν ἔφη καὶ τοὺς παρόντας Ῥωμαίων κρίνειν, ἐὰν Φίλιππος ὑπομένῃ πάντα ποιεῖν τὰ πρότερον ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἐπιταττόμενα, διδόναι τὴν εἰρήνην αὐτῷ, προσλαβόντας καὶ τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου γνώμην· Αἰτωλοὺς δὲ κυρίους εἶναι βουλευομένους ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν.

[11] τοῦ δὲ Φαινέου μετὰ ταῦτα βουλομένου λέγειν ὅτι μάταια πάντα τὰ πρὸ τοῦ γέγονε· τὸν γὰρ Φίλιππον, ἐὰν διολίσθῃ τὸν παρόντα καιρόν, ἤδη πάλιν ἀρχὴν ἄλλην ποιήσεσθαι πραγμάτων·

[12] ὁ Τίτος αὐτόθεν ἐξ ἕδρας καὶ θυμικῶς "παῦσαι" φησὶ "Φαινέα, ληρῶν· ἐγὼ γὰρ οὕτως χειριῶ τὰς διαλύσεις ὥστε μηδὲ βουληθέντα τὸν Φίλιππον ἀδικεῖν δύνασθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας."

[1] καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐχωρίσθησαν. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ παραγενομένου τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ πάντων εἰς τὸν σύλλογον ἁθροισθέντων, εἰσελθὼν ὁ Φίλιππος εὐστόχως καὶ συνετῶς ὑπετέμετο τὰς πάντων ὁρμάς·

[2] ἔφη γὰρ τὰ μὲν πρότερον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἐπιταττόμενα πάντα συγχωρεῖν καὶ ποιήσειν, περὶ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν διδόναι τῇ συγκλήτῳ τὴν ἐπιτροπήν.

[3] τούτων δὲ ῥηθέντων οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἀπεσιώπησαν, ὁ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν Φαινέας "τί οὖν ἡμῖν οὐκ ἀποδίδως, Φίλιππε" ἔφη "Λάρισαν τὴν Κρεμαστήν, Φάρσαλον, Θήβας τὰς Φθίας, Ἐχῖνον"

[4] ; ὁ μὲν οὖν Φίλιππος ἐκέλευε παραλαμβάνειν αὐτούς, ὁ δὲ Τίτος τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν οὐδεμίαν, Θήβας δὲ μόνον τὰς Φθίας·

[5] Θηβαίους γὰρ ἐγγίσαντος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ παρακαλοῦντος σφᾶς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν οὐ βουληθῆναι· διὸ νῦν, κατὰ πόλεμον ὑποχειρίων ὄντων, ἔχειν ἐξουσίαν ἔφη βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν ὡς ἂν προαιρῆται.

[6] τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Φαινέαν ἀγανακτούντων, καὶ λεγόντων ὅτι δέον αὐτοὺς εἴη, πρῶτον μέν, καθότι συνεπολέμησαν νῦν, κομίζεσθαι τὰς πόλεις τὰς πρότερον μεθʼ αὑτῶν συμπολιτευομένας,

[7] ἔπειτα κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς συμμαχίαν, καθʼ ἣν ἔδει τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἑλόντων τὰ μὲν ἔπιπλα Ῥωμαίων εἶναι, τὰς δὲ πόλεις Αἰτωλῶν, ὁ Τίτος ἀγνοεῖν αὐτοὺς ἔφη κατʼ ἀμφότερα.

[8] τήν τε γὰρ συμμαχίαν λελύσθαι, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν τὰς διαλύσεις ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς Φίλιππον ἐγκαταλείποντες Ῥωμαίους, εἴ τε καὶ μένειν ἔτι τὴν συμμαχίαν,

[9] δεῖν αὐτοὺς κομίζεσθαι καὶ παραλαμβάνειν, οὐκ εἴ τινες ἐθελοντὴν σφᾶς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν ἐνεχείρισαν, ὅπερ αἱ κατὰ Θετταλίαν πόλεις ἅπασαι πεποιήκασι νῦν, ἀλλʼ εἴ τινες κατὰ κράτος ἑάλωσαν.

[1] τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἄλλοις ὁ Τίτος ἤρεσκε ταῦτα λέγων, οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ βαρέως ἤκουον καί τις οἷον ἀρχὴ κακῶν ἐγεννᾶτο μεγάλων·

[2] ἐκ γὰρ ταύτης τῆς διαφορᾶς καὶ τούτου τοῦ σπινθῆρος μετʼ ὀλίγον ὅ τε πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ὅ τε πρὸς Ἀντίοχον ἐξεκαύθη πόλεμος.

[3] τὸ δὲ συνέχον ἦν τῆς ὁρμῆς τῆς τοῦ Τίτου πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις, ἐπυνθάνετο τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἀπὸ Συρίας ἀνῆχθαι μετὰ δυνάμεως, ποιούμενον τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην.

[4] διόπερ ἠγωνία μὴ ταύτης ὁ Φίλιππος τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀντιλαμβανόμενος ἐπὶ τὸ πολιοφυλακεῖν ὁρμήσῃ καὶ τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον, εἶθʼ ἑτέρου παραγενηθέντος ὑπάτου τὸ κεφάλαιον τῶν πράξεων εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀνακλασθῇ.

[5] διὸ συνεχωρήθη τῷ βασιλεῖ, καθάπερ ἠξίου, λαβόντα τετραμήνους ἀνοχὰς παραχρῆμα μὲν δοῦναι τῷ Τίτῳ τὰ διακόσια τάλαντα καὶ Δημήτριον τὸν υἱὸν εἰς ὁμηρείαν καί τινας ἑτέρους τῶν φίλων, περὶ δὲ τῶν ὅλων πέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ διδόναι τῇ συγκλήτῳ τὴν ἐπιτροπήν.

[6] καὶ τότε μὲν ἐχωρίσθησαν πιστωσάμενοι περὶ τῶν ὅλων πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἐφʼ ᾧ Τίτον, ἐὰν μὴ συντελῆται τὰ κατὰ τὰς διαλύσεις, ἀποδοῦναι Φιλίππῳ τὰ διακόσια τάλαντα καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους·

[7] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάντες ἔπεμπον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, οἱ μὲν συνεργοῦντες, οἱ δʼ ἀντιπράττοντες τῇ διαλύσει. —

[1] τί δήποτʼ ἐστὶν ὅτι τοῖς αὐτοῖς καὶ διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀπατώμενοι πάντες οὐ δυνάμεθα λῆξαι τῆς ἀνοίας;

[2] τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ γένος τῆς ῥᾳδιουργίας πολλάκις ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἤδη γέγονε·

[3] καὶ τὸ μὲν παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις διαχωρεῖν ἴσως οὐ θαυμαστόν, τὸ δέ, παρʼ οἷς ἡ πηγὴ τῆς τοιαύτης ὑπάρχει κακοπραγμοσύνης.

[4] ἀλλʼ ἔστιν αἴτιον τὸ μὴ πρόχειρον ὑπάρχειν τὸ παρʼ Ἐπιχάρμῳ καλῶς εἰρημένον

νᾶφε καὶ μέμνασʼ ἀπιστεῖν· ἄρθρα ταῦτα τᾶν φρενῶν. —

Μεδίων, πόλις πρὸς τῇ Αἰτωλίᾳ.

[5] Πολύβιος ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῳ.

ιι. ρες ασιαε

[1] κωλύειν δὲ τὸν Ἀντίοχον παραπλεῖν, οὐκ ἀπεχθείας χάριν, ἀλλʼ ὑφορώμενοι μὴ Φιλίππῳ συνεπισχύσας ἐμπόδιον γένηται τῇ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίᾳ. —

[2] ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς πάνυ ὠρέγετο τῆς Ἐφέσου διὰ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν, τῷ δοκεῖν μὲν κατὰ τῆς Ἰωνίας καὶ τῶν ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου πόλεων καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν ἀκροπόλεως ἔχειν θέσιν, κατὰ δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἀμυντήριον ὑπάρχειν ἀεὶ τοῖς Ἀσίας βασιλεῦσιν εὐκαιρότατον. —

[1] ὅτι φησὶν ὁ Πολύβιος ἐν τῷ ιη# λόγῳ. ὅτι Ἄτταλος ἐτελεύτησε τὸν βίον· ὑπὲρ οὗ δίκαιόν ἐστι, καθάπερ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἰθίσμεθα ποιεῖν, καὶ περὶ τούτου νῦν ἐπιφθέγξασθαι τὸν ἁρμόζοντα λόγον.

[2] ἐκείνῳ γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἐφόδιον ὑπῆρξε πρὸς βασιλείαν τῶν ἐκτός, πλοῦτος δὲ μόνον,

[3] ὃς μετὰ νοῦ μὲν καὶ τόλμης χειριζόμενος ὡς ἀληθῶς μεγάλην παρέχεται χρείαν πρὸς πᾶσαν ἐπιβολήν, ἄνευ δὲ τῶν προειρημένων τοῖς πλείστοις κακῶν παραίτιος πέφυκε γίνεσθαι καὶ συλλήβδην ἀπωλείας.

[4] καὶ γὰρ φθόνους γεννᾷ καὶ ἐπιβουλὰς καὶ πρὸς διαφθορὰν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς μεγίστας ἔχει ῥοπάς. ὀλίγαι δέ τινές εἰσι ψυχαὶ παντάπασιν αἱ ταῦτα δυνάμεναι διωθεῖσθαι τῇ τοῦ πλούτου δυνάμει.

[5] διὸ καὶ τοῦ προειρημένου ἄξιον ἀγασθῆναι τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν, ὅτι πρὸς οὐδὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἐπεβάλετο χρήσασθαι τοῖς χορηγίοις ἀλλὰ πρὸς βασιλείας κατάκτησιν, οὗ μεῖζον ἢ κάλλιον οὐδὲν οἷόν τʼ ἐστὶν οὐδʼ εἰπεῖν·

[6] ὃς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐνεστήσατο τῆς προειρημένης ἐπιβολῆς οὐ μόνον διὰ τῆς εἰς τοὺς φίλους εὐεργεσίας καὶ χάριτος, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργων.

[7] νικήσας γὰρ μάχῃ Γαλάτας, ὃ βαρύτατον καὶ μαχιμώτατον ἔθνος ἦν τότε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν, ταύτην ἀρχὴν ἐποιήσατο καὶ τότε πρῶτον αὑτὸν ἔδειξε βασιλέα.

[8] τυχὼν δὲ τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης καὶ βιώσας ἔτη δύο πρὸς τοῖς ἑβδομήκοντα, τούτων δὲ βασιλεύσας τετταράκοντα καὶ τέτταρα, σωφρονέστατα μὲν ἐβίωσε καὶ σεμνότατα πρὸς γυναῖκα καὶ τέκνα,

[9] διεφύλαξε δὲ τὴν πρὸς πάντας τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους πίστιν, ἐναπέθανε δʼ ἐν αὐτοῖς τοῖς καλλίστοις ἔργοις, ἀγωνιζόμενος ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας.

[10] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, τέτταρας υἱοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ καταλιπὼν οὕτως ἡρμόσατο τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὥστε παισὶ παίδων ἀστασίαστον παραδοθῆναι τὴν βασιλείαν.

ιιι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι ἐπὶ Μαρκέλλου Κλαυδίου ὑπάτου παρειληφότος τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν ἧκον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην οἵ τε παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρέσβεις οἵ τε παρὰ τοῦ Τίτου καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ὑπὲρ τῶν πρὸς Φίλιππον συνθηκῶν.

[2] λόγων δὲ πλειόνων γενομένων ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ, ταύτῃ μὲν ἐδόκει βεβαιοῦν τὰς ὁμολογίας·

[3] εἰς δὲ τὸν δῆμον εἰσενεχθέντος τοῦ διαβουλίου Μάρκος, αὐτὸς ἐπιθυμῶν τῆς εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαβάσεως, ἀντέλεγε καὶ πολλὴν ἐποιεῖτο σπουδὴν εἰς τὸ διακόψαι τὰς συνθήκας.

[4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅ γε δῆμος κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Τίτου προαίρεσιν ἐπεκύρωσε τὰς διαλύσεις.

[5] ὧν ἐπιτελεσθεισῶν εὐθέως ἡ σύγκλητος ἄνδρας δέκα καταστήσασα τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐξέπεμπε τοὺς χειριοῦντας τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα μετὰ τοῦ Τίτου καὶ βεβαιώσοντας τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[6] ἐποιήσαντο δὲ λόγους ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ περὶ τῆς συμμαχίας οἱ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρέσβεις, οἱ περὶ Δαμόξενον τὸν Αἰγιέα·

[7] γενομένης δʼ ἀντιρρήσεως κατὰ τὸ παρὸν διὰ τὸ κατὰ πρόσωπον Ἠλείους μὲν ἀμφισβητεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς Τριφυλίας, Μεσσηνίους δʼ ὑπὲρ Ἀσίνης καὶ Πύλου, συμμάχους τότε Ῥωμαίων ὑπάρχοντας, Αἰτωλοὺς δὲ περὶ τῆς Ἡραιῶν πόλεως, ὑπέρθεσιν ἔλαβε τὸ διαβούλιον ἐπὶ τοὺς δέκα.

[8] καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν σύγκλητον ἐπὶ τούτοις ἦν.

ιϝ. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα μετὰ τὴν μάχην Τίτου παραχειμάζοντος ἐν Ἐλατείᾳ Βοιωτοί, σπουδάζοντες ἀνακομίσασθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς παρʼ αὐτῶν στρατευσαμένους παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ, διεπρεσβεύοντο περὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὐτῶν πρὸς Τίτον.

[2] ὁ δὲ βουλόμενος ἐκκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς πρὸς τὴν σφετέραν εὔνοιαν διὰ τὸ προορᾶσθαι τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ἑτοίμως συνεχώρησεν.

[3] ταχὺ δὲ πάντων ἀνακομισθέντων ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Βραχύλλης, τοῦτον μὲν εὐθέως βοιωτάρχην κατέστησαν, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι φίλους τῆς Μακεδόνων οἰκίας ἐτίμων καὶ προῆγον οὐχ ἧττον ἢ πρότερον.

[4] ἔπεμψαν δὲ καὶ πρεσβείαν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον τὴν εὐχαριστήσουσαν ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν νεανίσκων ἐπανόδῳ, λυμαινόμενοι τὴν τοῦ Τίτου χάριν.

[5] ἃ συνορῶντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ζεύξιππον καὶ Πεισίστρατον, καὶ πάντες οἱ δοκοῦντες εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις φίλοι δυσχερῶς ἔφερον, προορώμενοι τὸ μέλλον καὶ δεδιότες περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων·

[6] σαφῶς γὰρ ᾔδεισαν ὡς, ἐὰν μὲν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι χωρισθῶσιν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος μένῃ παρὰ πλευράν, συνεπισχύων αἰεὶ τοῖς πρὸς σφᾶς ἀντιπολιτευομένοις, οὐδαμῶς ἀσφαλῆ σφίσιν ἐσομένην τὴν ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ πολιτείαν.

[7] διὸ καὶ συμφρονήσαντες ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς Τίτον εἰς τὴν Ἐλάτειαν.

[8] συμμίξαντες δὲ τῷ προειρημένῳ πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος διετίθεντο λόγους, ὑποδεικνύντες τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους τὴν οὖσαν ἤδη νῦν καθʼ αὑτῶν καὶ τὴν ἀχαριστίαν τῶν ὄχλων.

[9] καὶ τέλος ἐθάρρησαν εἰπεῖν ὡς, ἐὰν μὴ τὸν Βραχύλλην ἐπανελόμενοι καταπλήξωνται τοὺς πολλούς, οὐκ ἔστιν ἀσφάλεια τοῖς Ῥωμαίων φίλοις χωρισθέντων τῶν στρατοπέδων.

[10] ὁ δὲ Τίτος ταῦτα διακούσας αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἔφη κοινωνεῖν τῆς πράξεως ταύτης, τοὺς δὲ βουλομένους πράττειν οὐ κωλύειν·

[11] καθόλου δὲ λαλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευε περὶ τούτων Ἀλεξαμενῷ τῷ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγῷ.

[12] τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ζεύξιππον πειθαρχησάντων καὶ διαλεγομένων, ταχέως ὁ προειρημένος πεισθεὶς καὶ συγκαταθέμενος τοῖς λεγομένοις τρεῖς μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλικῶν συνέστησε, τρεῖς δὲ τῶν Ἰταλικῶν νεανίσκων τοὺς προσοίσοντας τὰς χεῖρας τῷ Βραχύλλῃ. —

[13] οὐδεὶς γὰρ οὕτως οὔτε μάρτυς ἐστι φοβερὸς οὔτε κατήγορος δεινὸς ὡς ἡ σύνεσις ἡ κατοικοῦσʼ ἐν ταῖς ἑκάστων ψυχαῖς. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἧκον ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης οἱ δέκα, διʼ ὧν ἔμελλε χειρίζεσθαι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, κομίζοντες τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα τὸ περὶ τῆς πρὸς Φίλιππον εἰρήνης.

[2] ἦν δὲ τὰ συνέχοντα τοῦ δόγματος ταῦτα, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους Ἕλληνας πάντας, τούς τε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην, ἐλευθέρους ὑπάρχειν καὶ νόμοις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις·

[3] τοὺς δὲ ταττομένους ὑπὸ Φίλιππον καὶ τὰς πόλεις τὰς ἐμφρούρους παραδοῦναι Φίλιππον Ῥωμαίοις πρὸ τῆς τῶν Ἰσθμίων πανηγύρεως,

[4] Εὔρωμον δὲ καὶ Πήδασα καὶ Βαργύλια καὶ τὴν Ἰασέων πόλιν, ὁμοίως Ἄβυδον, Θάσον, Μύριναν, Πέρινθον, ἐλευθέρας ἀφεῖναι τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξ αὐτῶν μεταστησάμενον·

[5] περὶ δὲ τῆς τῶν Κιανῶν ἐλευθερώσεως Τίτον γράψαι πρὸς Προυσίαν κατὰ τὸ δόγμα τῆς συγκλήτου·

[6] τὰ δʼ αἰχμάλωτα καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἅπαντας ἀποκαταστῆσαι Φίλιππον Ῥωμαίοις ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρόνοις, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς καταφράκτους ναῦς πλὴν πέντε σκαφῶν καὶ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους· δοῦναι δὲ καὶ χίλια τάλαντα,

[7] τούτων τὰ μὲν ἡμίση παραυτίκα, τὰ δʼ ἡμίση κατὰ φόρους ἐν ἔτεσι δέκα.

[1] τούτου δὲ τοῦ δόγματος διαδοθέντος εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες εὐθαρσεῖς ἦσαν καὶ περιχαρεῖς, μόνοι δʼ Αἰτωλοί, δυσχεραίνοντες ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ τυγχάνειν ὧν ἤλπιζον, κατελάλουν τὸ δόγμα, φάσκοντες οὐ πραγμάτων, ἀλλὰ γραμμάτων μόνον ἔχειν αὐτὸ διάθεσιν.

[2] καί τινας ἐλάμβανον πιθανότητας ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐγγράπτων πρὸς τὸ διασείειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας τοιαύτας.

[3] ἔφασκον γὰρ εἶναι δύο γνώμας ἐν τῷ δόγματι περὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Φιλίππου φρουρουμένων πόλεων, τὴν μὲν μίαν ἐπιτάττουσαν ἐξάγειν τὰς φρουρὰς τὸν Φίλιππον, τὰς δὲ πόλεις παραδιδόναι Ῥωμαίοις, τὴν δʼ ἑτέραν ἐξάγοντα τὰς φρουρὰς ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς πόλεις.

[4] τὰς μὲν οὖν ἐλευθερουμένας ἐπʼ ὀνόματος δηλοῦσθαι, ταύτας δʼ εἶναι τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν, τὰς δὲ παραδιδομένας Ῥωμαίοις φανερὸν ὅτι τὰς κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην. εἶναι δὲ ταύτας Ὠρεόν,

[5] Ἐρέτριαν, Χαλκίδα, Δημητριάδα, Κόρινθον.

[6] ἐκ δὲ τούτων εὐθεώρητον ὑπάρχειν πᾶσιν ὅτι μεταλαμβάνουσι τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πέδας παρὰ Φιλίππου Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ γίνεται μεθάρμοσις δεσποτῶν, οὐκ ἐλευθέρωσις τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἐλέγετο κατακόρως.

[7] ὁ δὲ Τίτος ὁρμήσας ἐκ τῆς Ἐλατείας μετὰ τῶν δέκα καὶ κατάρας εἰς τὴν Ἀντίκυραν, παραυτίκα διέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Κόρινθον, κἀκεῖ παραγενόμενος συνήδρευε μετὰ τούτων καὶ διελάμβανε περὶ τῶν ὅλων.

[8] πλεοναζούσης δὲ τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διαβολῆς καὶ πιστευομένης παρʼ ἐνίοις, πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους ἠναγκάζετο ποιεῖσθαι λόγους ὁ Τίτος ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ,

[9] διδάσκων ὡς εἴπερ βούλονται καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων εὔκλειαν ὁλόκληρον περιποιήσασθαι, καὶ καθόλου πιστευθῆναι παρὰ πᾶσι διότι καὶ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐποιήσαντο διάβασιν οὐ τοῦ συμφέροντος ἕνεκεν, ἀλλὰ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας, ἐκχωρητέον εἴη πάντων τῶν τόπων καὶ πάσας ἐλευθερωτέον τὰς πόλεις τὰς νῦν ὑπὸ Φιλίππου φρουρουμένας.

[10] ταύτην δὲ συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπορίαν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ διὰ τὸ περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ προδιειλῆφθαι καὶ ῥητὰς ἔχειν τοὺς δέκα παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τὰς ἐντολάς, περὶ δὲ Χαλκίδος καὶ Κορίνθου καὶ Δημητριάδος ἐπιτροπὴν αὐτοῖς δεδόσθαι διὰ τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ἵνα βλέποντες πρὸς τοὺς καιροὺς βουλεύωνται περὶ τῶν προειρημένων πόλεων κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις·

[11] ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς δῆλος ἦν ἐπέχων πάλαι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην πράγμασιν.

[12] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν Κόρινθον ὁ Τίτος ἔπεισε τὸ συνέδριον ἐλευθεροῦν παραχρῆμα καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐγχειρίζειν διὰ τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁμολογίας, τὸν δʼ Ἀκροκόρινθον καὶ Δημητριάδα καὶ Χαλκίδα παρακατέσχεν.

[1] δοξάντων δὲ τούτων, καὶ τῆς Ἰσθμίων πανηγύρεως ἐπελθούσης, καὶ σχεδὸν ἀπὸ πάσης τῆς οἰκουμένης τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν συνεληλυθότων διὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν τῶν ἀποβησομένων, πολλοὶ καὶ ποικίλοι καθʼ ὅλην τὴν πανήγυριν ἐνέπιπτον λόγοι,

[2] τῶν μὲν ἀδύνατον εἶναι φασκόντων Ῥωμαίους ἐνίων ἀποστῆναι τόπων καὶ πόλεων, τῶν δὲ διοριζομένων ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἐπιφανῶν εἶναι δοκούντων τόπων ἀποστήσονται, τοὺς δὲ φαντασίαν μὲν ἔχοντας ἐλάττω, χρείαν δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν παρέχεσθαι δυναμένους καθέξουσι.

[3] καὶ τούτους εὐθέως ἐπεδείκνυσαν αὐτοὶ καθʼ αὑτῶν διὰ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους εὑρεσιλογίας.

[4] τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τῆς ἀπορίας, ἁθροισθέντος τοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὸ στάδιον ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα, προελθὼν ὁ κῆρυξ καὶ κατασιωπησάμενος τὰ πλήθη διὰ τοῦ σαλπικτοῦ τόδε τὸ κήρυγμʼ ἀνηγόρευσεν· "

[5] ἡ σύγκλητος ἡ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Τίτος Κοΐντιος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος, καταπολεμήσαντες βασιλέα Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας, ἀφιᾶσιν ἐλευθέρους, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις, Κορινθίους, Φωκέας, Λοκρούς, Εὐβοεῖς, Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας, Μάγνητας, Θετταλούς, Περραιβούσ".

[6] κρότου δʼ ἐν ἀρχαῖς εὐθέως ἐξαισίου γενομένου τινὲς μὲν οὐδʼ ἤκουσαν τοῦ κηρύγματος, τινὲς δὲ πάλιν ἀκούειν ἐβούλοντο.

[7] τὸ δὲ πολὺ μέρος τῶν ἀνθρώπων διαπιστούμενον καὶ δοκοῦν ὡς ἂν εἰ καθʼ ὕπνον ἀκούειν τῶν λεγομένων διὰ τὸ παράδοξον τοῦ συμβαίνοντος,

[8] πᾶς τις ἐξ ἄλλης ὁρμῆς ἐβόα προάγειν τὸν κήρυκα καὶ τὸν σαλπικτὴν εἰς μέσον τὸ στάδιον καὶ λέγειν πάλιν ὑπὲρ τῶν αὐτῶν, ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, βουλομένων τῶν ἀνθρώπων μὴ μόνον ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλέπειν τὸν λέγοντα διὰ τὴν ἀπιστίαν τῶν ἀναγορευομένων.

[9] ὡς δὲ πάλιν ὁ κῆρυξ, προελθὼν εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ κατασιωπησάμενος διὰ τοῦ σαλπικτοῦ τὸν θόρυβον, ἀνηγόρευσε ταὐτὰ καὶ ὡσαύτως τοῖς πρόσθεν, τηλικοῦτον συνέβη καταρραγῆναι τὸν κρότον ὥστε καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἂν ὑπὸ τὴν ἔννοιαν ἀγαγεῖν τοῖς νῦν ἀκούουσι τὸ γεγονός.

[10] ὡς δέ ποτε κατέληξεν ὁ κρότος, τῶν μὲν ἀθλητῶν ἁπλῶς οὐδεὶς οὐδένα λόγον εἶχεν ἔτι, πάντες δὲ διαλαλοῦντες, οἱ μὲν ἀλλήλοις, οἱ δὲ πρὸς σφᾶς αὐτούς, οἷον εἰ παραστατικοὶ τὰς διανοίας ἦσαν.

[11] ᾗ καὶ μετὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς χαρᾶς μικροῦ διέφθειραν τὸν Τίτον εὐχαριστοῦντες·

[12] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀντοφθαλμῆσαι κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ σωτῆρα προσφωνῆσαι βουλόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ τῆς δεξιᾶς ἅψασθαι σπουδάζοντες, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ στεφάνους ἐπιρριπτοῦντες καὶ λημνίσκους, παρʼ ὀλίγον διέλυσαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον.

[13] δοκούσης δὲ τῆς εὐχαριστίας ὑπερβολικῆς γενέσθαι, θαρρῶν ἄν τις εἶπε διότι πολὺ καταδεεστέραν εἶναι συνέβαινε τοῦ τῆς πράξεως μεγέθους.

[14] θαυμαστὸν γὰρ ἦν καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ ταύτης γενέσθαι τῆς προαιρέσεως καὶ τὸν ἡγούμενον αὐτῶν Τίτον, ὥστε πᾶσαν ὑπομεῖναι δαπάνην καὶ πάντα κίνδυνον χάριν τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας· μέγα δὲ καὶ τὸ δύναμιν ἀκόλουθον τῇ προαιρέσει προσενέγκασθαι·

[15] τούτων δὲ μέγιστον ἔτι τὸ μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἀντιπαῖσαι πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ἀλλʼ ἁπλῶς ἅπαντα πρὸς ἕνα καιρὸν ἐκδραμεῖν, ὥστε διὰ κηρύγματος ἑνὸς ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας Ἕλληνας καὶ τοὺς τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐλευθέρους, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους γενέσθαι, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς ἰδίοις.

[1] διελθούσης δὲ τῆς πανηγύρεως πρώτοις μὲν ἐχρημάτισαν τοῖς παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευταῖς, διακελευόμενοι τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεων τῶν μὲν αὐτονόμων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ μηδεμιᾷ πολεμεῖν, ὅσας δὲ νῦν παρείληφε τῶν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαῖον καὶ Φίλιππον ταττομένων, ἐκχωρεῖν.

[2] σὺν δὲ τούτοις προηγόρευον μὴ διαβαίνειν εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην μετὰ δυνάμεως· οὐδένα γὰρ ἔτι τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὔτε πολεμεῖσθαι νῦν ὑπʼ οὐδενὸς οὔτε δουλεύειν οὐδενί.

[3] καθόλου δὲ καὶ ἐξ αὑτῶν τινας ἔφασαν ἥξειν πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον.

[4] ταύτας μὲν οὖν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἡγησιάνακτα καὶ Λυσίαν λαβόντες τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἐπανῆλθον·

[5] μετὰ δὲ τούτους εἰσεκαλοῦντο πάντας τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων παραγεγονότας, καὶ τὰ δόξαντα τῷ συνεδρίῳ διεσάφουν.

[6] Μακεδόνων μὲν οὖν τοὺς Ὀρέστας καλουμένους διὰ τὸ προσχωρῆσαι σφίσι κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτονόμους ἀφεῖσαν, ἠλευθέρωσαν δὲ Περραιβοὺς καὶ Δόλοπας καὶ Μάγνητας.

[7] Θετταλοῖς δὲ μετὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας προσένειμαν, ἀφελόμενοι Θήβας τὰς Φθίας καὶ Φάρσαλον·

[8] οἱ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ περί τε τῆς Φαρσάλου μεγάλην ἐποιοῦντο φιλοτιμίαν, φάσκοντες αὑτῶν δεῖν ὑπάρχειν κατὰ τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνθήκας, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ Λευκάδος.

[9] οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν πόλεων ὑπερέθεντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸ διαβούλιον πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον, τοὺς δὲ Φωκέας καὶ τοὺς Λοκροὺς συνεχώρησαν αὐτοῖς ἔχειν, καθάπερ εἶχον καὶ πρότερον, ἐν τῇ συμπολιτείᾳ.

[10] Κόρινθον δὲ καὶ τὴν Τριφυλίαν καὶ τὴν Ἡραιῶν πόλιν Ἀχαιοῖς ἀπέδωκαν. Ὠρεὸν δʼ, ἔτι δὲ τὴν Ἐρετριέων πόλιν ἐδόκει μὲν τοῖς πλείοσιν Εὐμένει δοῦναι·

[11] Τίτου δὲ πρὸς τὸ συνέδριον διαστείλαντος οὐκ ἐκυρώθη τὸ διαβούλιον· διὸ καὶ μετά τινα χρόνον ἠλευθερώθησαν αἱ πόλεις αὗται διὰ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ σὺν ταύταις Κάρυστος.

[12] ἔδωκαν δὲ καὶ Πλευράτῳ Λυχνίδα καὶ Πάρθον, οὔσας μὲν Ἰλλυρίδας, ὑπὸ Φίλιππον δὲ ταττομένας.

[13] Ἀμυνάνδρῳ δὲ συνεχώρησαν, ὅσα παρεσπάσατο κατὰ πόλεμον ἐρύματα τοῦ Φιλίππου, κρατεῖν τούτων.

[1] ταῦτα δὲ διοικήσαντες ἐμέρισαν σφᾶς αὐτούς,

[2] καὶ Πόπλιος μὲν Λέντλος εἰς Βαργύλια πλεύσας ἠλευθέρωσε τούτους, Λεύκιος δὲ Στερτίνιος εἰς Ἡφαιστίαν καὶ Θάσον ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεις ἐποίησε τὸ παραπλήσιον.

[3] πρὸς δὲ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ὥρμησαν Πόπλιος Οὐίλλιος καὶ Λεύκιος Τερέντιος, οἱ δὲ περὶ Γνάιον τὸν Κορνήλιον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Φίλιππον.

[4] ᾧ καὶ συμμίξαντες πρὸς τοῖς Τέμπεσι περί τε τῶν ἄλλων διελέχθησαν ὑπὲρ ὧν εἶχον τὰς ἐντολάς, καὶ συνεβούλευον αὐτῷ πρεσβευτὰς πέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας, ἵνα μὴ δοκῇ τοῖς καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύων ἀποκαραδοκεῖν τὴν Ἀντιόχου παρουσίαν.

[5] τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως συγκαταθεμένου τοῖς ὑποδεικνυμένοις, εὐθέως ἀπʼ ἐκείνου χωρισθέντες ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Θερμικῶν σύνοδον,

[6] καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεκάλουν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς διὰ πλειόνων μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ διαφυλάττειν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὔνοιαν.

[7] πολλῶν δὲ παρισταμένων, καὶ τῶν μὲν πρᾴως καὶ πολιτικῶς μεμψιμοιρούντων αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ κοινωνικῶς χρῆσθαι τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι μηδὲ τηρεῖν τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνθήκας,

[8] τῶν δὲ λοιδορούντων καὶ φασκόντων οὔτʼ ἂν ἐπιβῆναι τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐδέποτε Ῥωμαίους οὔτʼ ἂν νικῆσαι Φίλιππον, εἰ μὴ διʼ ἑαυτούς,

[9] τὸ μὲν ἀπολογεῖσθαι πρὸς ἕκαστα τούτων οἱ περὶ τὸν Γνάιον ἀπεδοκίμασαν, παρεκάλουν δʼ αὐτοὺς πρεσβεύειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, διότι πάντων παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τεύξονται τῶν δικαίων· ὃ καὶ πεισθέντες ἐποίησαν.

[10] καὶ τὸ μὲν τέλος τοῦ πρὸς Φίλιππον πολέμου τοιαύτην ἔσχε διάθεσιν.

ϝ. ρες ασιαε

[1] ἐάν, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, τρέχωσι τὴν ἐσχάτην, ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καταφεύξονται καὶ τούτοις ἐγχειριοῦσι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν. —

[2] ὅτι προχωρούσης τῷ Ἀντιόχῳ κατὰ νοῦν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς παρόντι ἐν Θρᾴκῃ τῷ Ἀντιόχῳ κατέπλευσαν εἰς Σηλυβρίαν οἱ περὶ Λεύκιον Κορνήλιον.

[3] οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου πρέσβεις ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις ἐξαπεσταλμένοι τὰς Ἀντιόχου καὶ

[1] Πτολεμαίου. κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἧκον καὶ τῶν δέκα Πόπλιος μὲν Λέντλος ἐκ Βαργυλίων, Λεύκιος δὲ Τερέντιος καὶ Πόπλιος Οὐίλλιος ἐκ Θάσου.

[2] ταχὺ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ διασαφηθείσης τῆς τούτων παρουσίας, πάντες ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἡθροίσθησαν εἰς τὴν Λυσιμάχειαν.

[3] συνεκύρησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἡγησιάνακτα καὶ Λυσίαν οἱ πρὸς τὸν Τίτον ἀποσταλέντες εἰς τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον.

[4] αἱ μὲν οὖν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεις τοῦ τε βασιλέως καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τελέως ἦσαν ἀφελεῖς καὶ φιλάνθρωποι· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα γενομένης συνεδρείας κοινῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀλλοιοτέραν ἔλαβε τὰ πράγματα διάθεσιν.

[5] ὁ γὰρ Λεύκιος ὁ Κορνήλιος ἠξίου μὲν καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαῖον ταττομένων πόλεων, ὅσας νῦν εἴληφε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν, παραχωρεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον, τῶν δʼ ὑπὸ Φίλιππον διεμαρτύρετο φιλοτίμως ἐξίστασθαι·

[6] γελοῖον γὰρ εἶναι τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἆθλα τοῦ γεγονότος αὐτοῖς πολέμου πρὸς Φίλιππον Ἀντίοχον ἐπελθόντα παραλαμβάνειν.

[7] παρῄνει δὲ καὶ τῶν αὐτονόμων ἀπέχεσθαι πόλεων.

[8] καθόλου δʼ ἔφη θαυμάζειν τίνι λόγῳ τοσαύταις μὲν πεζικαῖς, τοσαύταις δὲ ναυτικαῖς δυνάμεσι πεποίηται τὴν εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην διάβασιν·

[9] πλὴν γὰρ τοῦ προτίθεσθαι Ῥωμαίοις ἐγχειρεῖν αὐτόν, οὐδʼ ἔννοιαν ἑτέραν καταλείπεσθαι παρὰ τοῖς ὀρθῶς λογιζομένοις. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαῖοι ταῦτʼ εἰπόντες ἀπε

[1] σιώπησαν· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς πρῶτον μὲν διαπορεῖν ἔφη κατὰ τίνα λόγον ἀμφισβητοῦσι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεων· πᾶσι γὰρ μᾶλλον ἐπιβάλλειν τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἢ Ῥωμαίοις.

[2] δεύτερον δʼ ἠξίου μηδὲν αὐτοὺς πολυπραγμονεῖν καθόλου τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς περιεργάζεσθαι τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἁπλῶς οὐδέν.

[3] εἰς δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἔφη διαβεβηκέναι μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων ἀνακτησόμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν Χερρόνησον καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεις· τὴν γὰρ τῶν τόπων τούτων ἀρχὴν μάλιστα πάντων αὑτῷ καθήκειν.

[4] εἶναι μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν δυναστείαν ταύτην Λυσιμάχου, Σελεύκου δὲ πολεμήσαντος πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ κρατήσαντος τῷ πολέμῳ πᾶσαν τὴν Λυσιμάχου βασιλείαν δορίκτητον γενέσθαι Σελεύκου.

[5] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς τῶν αὑτοῦ προγόνων περισπασμοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς χρόνοις πρῶτον μὲν Πτολεμαῖον παρασπασάμενον σφετερίσασθαι τοὺς τόπους τούτους, δεύτερον δὲ Φίλιππον.

[6] αὐτὸς δὲ νῦν οὐ κτᾶσθαι τοῖς Φιλίππου καιροῖς συνεπιτιθέμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀνακτᾶσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις δικαίοις συγχρώμενος.

[7] Λυσιμαχεῖς δέ, παραλόγως ἀναστάτους γεγονότας ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν, οὐκ ἀδικεῖν Ῥωμαίους κατάγων καὶ συνοικίζων·

[8] ποιεῖν γὰρ τοῦτʼ ἔφη βουλόμενος οὐ Ῥωμαίοις τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβαλεῖν, Σελεύκῳ δʼ οἰκητήριον ἑτοιμάζειν.

[9] τὰς δʼ αὐτονόμους τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν πόλεων οὐ διὰ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπιταγῆς δέον εἶναι τυγχάνειν τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς αὑτοῦ χάριτος.

[10] τὰ δὲ πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον αὐτὸς ἔφη διεξάξειν εὐδοκουμένως ἐκείνῳ· κρίνειν γὰρ οὐ φιλίαν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ τῆς φιλίας ἀναγκαιότητα συντίθεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν.

[1] τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον οἰομένων δεῖν καλεῖσθαι τοὺς Λαμψακηνοὺς καὶ τοὺς Σμυρναίους καὶ δοῦναι λόγον αὐτοῖς, ἐγένετο τοῦτο.

[2] παρῆσαν δὲ παρὰ μὲν Λαμψακηνῶν οἱ περὶ Παρμενίωνα καὶ Πυθόδωρον, παρὰ δὲ Σμυρναίων οἱ περὶ Κοίρανον. ὧν μετὰ παρρησίας διαλεγομένων,

[3] δυσχεράνας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τῷ δοκεῖν λόγον ὑπέχειν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων τοῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀμφισβητοῦσι, μεσολαβήσας τὸν Παρμενίωνα "

[4] παῦσαι" φησὶ "τῶν πολλῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ Ῥοδίων ὑμῖν εὐδοκῶ διακριθῆναι περὶ τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων.

[5] " καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις διέλυσαν τὸν σύλλογον, οὐδαμῶς εὐδοκήσαντες ἀλλήλοις.

ϝι. ρες αεγψπτι

[1] τῶν γὰρ παραβόλων καὶ καλῶν ἔργων ἐφίενται μὲν πολλοί, τολμῶσι δʼ ὀλίγοι ψαύειν.

[2] καίτοι πολὺ καλλίους ἀφορμὰς εἶχε Σκόπας Κλεομένους πρὸς τὸ παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ τολμᾶν.

[3] ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ προκαταληφθεὶς εἰς αὐτὰς συνεκλείσθη τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις οἰκέταις καὶ φίλοις ἐλπίδας· ἀλλʼ ὅμως οὐδὲ ταύτας ἐγκατέλιπεν, ἀλλʼ ἐφʼ ὅσον ἦν δυνατὸς ἐξήλεγξε, τὸ καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν τοῦ ζῆν αἰσχρῶς περὶ πλείονος ποιησάμενος.

[4] Σκόπας δέ, καὶ χεῖρα βαρεῖαν ἔχων συνεργὸν καὶ καιρόν, ἅτε τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος, μέλλων καὶ βουλευόμενος προκατελήφθη.

[5] γνόντες γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀριστομένην συναθροίζοντα τοὺς φίλους εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν οἰκίαν καὶ συνεδρεύοντα μετὰ τούτων, πέμψαντές τινας τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν ἐκάλουν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον.

[6] ὁ δʼ οὕτως παρειστήκει τῶν φρενῶν ὡς οὔτε πράττειν ἐτόλμα τῶν ἑξῆς οὐδὲν οὔτε καλούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως οἷός τʼ ἦν πειθαρχεῖν, ὃ πάντων ἐστὶν ἔσχατον,

[7] ἕως οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀριστομένην γνόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀλογίαν τοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας καὶ τὰ θηρία περιέστησαν περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν,

[8] Πτολεμαῖον δὲ τὸν Εὐμένους πέμψαντες μετὰ νεανίσκων ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευον, ἐὰν μὲν ἑκὼν βούληται πειθαρχεῖν, εἰ δὲ μή, μετὰ βίας.

[9] τοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου παρεισελθόντος εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ δηλοῦντος ὅτι καλεῖ Σκόπαν ὁ βασιλεύς, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς οὐ προσεῖχε τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλέπων εἰς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀτενὲς ἔμενε καὶ πλείω χρόνον ὡς ἂν εἰ προσανατεινόμενος αὐτῷ καὶ θαυμάζων τὴν τόλμαν.

[10] ὡς δʼ ἐπελθὼν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος θρασέως ἐπελάβετο τῆς χλαμύδος αὐτοῦ, τότε βοηθεῖν ἠξίου τοὺς παρόντας.

[11] ὄντων δὲ καὶ τῶν εἰσελθόντων νεανίσκων πλειόνων καὶ τὴν ἔξω περίστασιν διασαφήσαντός τινος, συνείξας τοῖς παροῦσιν ἠκολούθει μετὰ τῶν φίλων.

[1] ἅμα δὲ τῷ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον βραχέα μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς κατηγόρησε, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Πολυκράτης, ἄρτι παραγεγονὼς ἀπὸ Κύπρου, τελευταῖος δʼ Ἀριστομένης.

[2] ἦν δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα παραπλήσιος ἡ κατηγορία πάντων τοῖς ἄρτι ῥηθεῖσι, προσετέθη δὲ τοῖς προειρημένοις ἡ μετὰ τῶν φίλων συνεδρεία καὶ τὸ μὴ πειθαρχῆσαι καλούμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως.

[3] ἐφʼ οἷς οὐ μόνον οἱ τοῦ συνεδρίου κατεγίνωσκον αὐτοῦ πάντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν οἱ συμπαρόντες.

[4] ὁ δʼ Ἀριστομένης, ὅτε κατηγορεῖν ἔμελλε, πολλοὺς μὲν καὶ ἑτέρους παρέλαβε τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δὲ πρεσβεύοντας ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Δωρίμαχος ὁ Νικοστράτου.

[5] ῥηθέντων δὲ τούτων μεταλαβὼν ὁ Σκόπας ἐπειρᾶτο μὲν φέρειν τινὰς ἀπολογισμούς, οὐδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀλογίαν, εὐθέως οὗτος μὲν εἰς φυλακὴν ἀπήγετο μετὰ τῶν φίλων·

[6] ὁ δʼ Ἀριστομένης ἐπιγενομένης τῆς νυκτὸς τὸν μὲν Σκόπαν καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ φίλους πάντας διέφθειρε φαρμάκῳ,

[7] Δικαιάρχῳ δὲ καὶ στρέβλας καὶ μάστιγας προσαγαγὼν οὕτως αὐτὸν ἐπανείλετο, λαβὼν παρʼ αὐτοῦ δίκην καθήκουσαν καὶ κοινὴν ὑπὲρ πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

[8] ὁ γὰρ Δικαίαρχος οὗτος ἦν, ὃν Φίλιππος, ὅτε προέθετο παρασπονδεῖν τὰς Κυκλάδας νήσους καὶ τὰς ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου πόλεις, ἀπέδειξε τοῦ στόλου παντὸς ἡγεμόνα καὶ τῆς ὅλης πράξεως προστάτην.

[9] ὃς ἐπὶ πρόδηλον ἀσέβειαν ἐκπεμπόμενος οὐχ οἷον ἄτοπόν τι πράττειν ἐνόμιζεν, ἀλλὰ τῇ τῆς ἀπονοίας ὑπερβολῇ καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ὑπέλαβε καταπλήξεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους·

[10] οὗ γὰρ ὁρμίσειε τὰς ναῦς, δύο κατεσκεύαζε βωμούς, τὸν μὲν Ἀσεβείας, τὸν δὲ Παρανομίας, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔθυε καὶ τούτους προσεκύνει καθάπερ ἂν εἰ δαίμονας.

[11] διὸ καὶ δοκεῖ μοι τυχεῖν τῆς ἁρμοζούσης δίκης καὶ παρὰ θεῶν καὶ παρʼ ἀνθρώπων· παρὰ φύσιν γὰρ ἐνστησάμενος τὸν αὑτοῦ βίον εἰκότως παρὰ φύσιν καὶ τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔτυχε.

[12] τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν Αἰτωλῶν τοὺς βουλομένους εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀπαλλάττεσθαι πάντας

[1] ἀπέλυσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς μετὰ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων. Σκόπα δὲ καὶ ζῶντος μὲν ἐπίσημος ἦν ἡ φιλαργυρία — πολὺ γὰρ δή τι τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους ὑπερέθετο κατὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν — ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐγενήθη διὰ τοῦ πλήθους τοῦ χρυσίου καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τῆς εὑρημένης παρʼ αὐτῷ.

[2] λαβὼν γὰρ συνεργὸν τὴν ἀγριότητα τὴν Χαριμόρτου καὶ τὴν μέθην, ἄρδην ἐξετοιχωρύχησε τὴν βασιλείαν.

[3] ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἔθεντο καλῶς οἱ περὶ τὴν αὐλήν, εὐθέως ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὸ ποιεῖν Ἀνακλητήρια τοῦ βασιλέως, οὐδέπω μὲν τῆς ἡλικίας κατεπειγούσης, νομίζοντες δὲ λήψεσθαί τινα τὰ πράγματα κατάστασιν καὶ πάλιν ἀρχὴν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον προκοπῆς, δόξαντος αὐτοκράτορος ἤδη γεγονέναι τοῦ βασιλέως.

[4] χρησάμενοι δὲ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς μεγαλομερῶς, ἐπετέλουν τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀξίως τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας προσχήματος, πλεῖστα Πολυκράτους δοκοῦντος εἰς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ταύτην αὐτοῖς συνηργηκέναι.

[5] ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ καὶ κατὰ τὸν πατέρα μὲν ἔτι νέος ὢν οὐδενὸς ἐδόκει τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν δευτερεύειν οὔτε κατὰ τὴν πίστιν οὔτε κατὰ τὰς πράξεις, ὁμοίως δὲ κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα βασιλέα.

[6] πιστευθεὶς γὰρ τῆς Κύπρου καὶ τῶν ἐν ταύτῃ προσόδων ἐν καιροῖς ἐπισφαλέσι καὶ ποικίλοις, οὐ μόνον διεφύλαξε τῷ παιδὶ τὴν νῆσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλῆθος ἱκανὸν ἥθροισε χρημάτων, ἃ τότε παραγεγόνει κομίζων τῷ βασιλεῖ, παραδεδωκὼς τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Κύπρου Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ Μεγαλοπολίτῃ.

[7] τυχὼν δὲ διὰ ταῦτα μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς καὶ περιουσίας ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς χρόνοις, μετὰ ταῦτα προβαινούσης τῆς ἡλικίας ὁλοσχερῶς εἰς ἀσέλγειαν ἐξώκειλε καὶ βίον ἀσυρῆ.

[8] παραπλησίαν δέ τινα τούτῳ φήμην ἐκληρονόμησεν ἐπὶ γήρως καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Ἀγησάρχου.

[9] περὶ ὧν, ὅταν ἐπὶ τοὺς καιροὺς ἔλθωμεν, οὐκ ὀκνήσομεν διασαφεῖν τὰ παρακολουθήσαντα ταῖς ἐξουσίαις αὐτῶν ἀπρεπῆ.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. Congress at Nicaea in Locris, winter of B. C. 198-197. Coss. Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Sext. Aelius Paetus Catus.

2. Cycliadas expelled for favouring Philip. See Livy, 32, 19 .

3. The Roman demand.

4. Peace of Epirus, B.C. 205. See supra .

5. Demands of Attalus,

6. of the Rhodians,

7. of the Achaeans.

8. and of the Aetolians.

9. Speech of Alexander Isius.

10. The rejoinder of Philip.

11. Philip explains the peculiar law of the Aetolians.

12. and the Achaeans,

13. Second day’s conference, Philip comes late.

14. Philip’s final offers.

15. Dissatisfaction of the Congress.

16. Third day’s conference. A reference to the Senate agreed on.

17. The embassies to Rome.

18. The speeches of the Greek envoys in the Senate.

19. The reading ἐναύσασθαι, which I attempt to represent, is doubtful. Schweig. suggests ἐγγεύσασθαι to taste.

20. B. C. 197 Coss. G. Cornelius Cathagus, Q. Minucius Rufus.

21. Was Aristaenus a traitor or a wise Opportunist?

22. Comparison of the policy of the Achaeans and other Peloponnesians towards Philip V. with that recommended by Demosthenes towards Philip II.

23. Demosthenes, de Corona, §§ 43 , 48 , 295 .

24. B. C. 338 after the battle of Chaeronea. See Thirlwall, 6, 77; Grote, 11, 315 (ch. 90); Kennedy’s translation of the de Corona, Appendix vi. The argument of Polybius is of course an ex post facto one. It is open still to maintain that, had the advice of Demosthenes been followed, these states might have been freed from the tyranny of Sparta without becoming subject to another master in the king of Macedonia.

25. B. C. 338.

26. The true traitor is the man who acts with personal objects or from party spirit.

27. The reward of treason.

28. The reward of treason.

29. Demosth. de Corona, § 47 .

30. Attalus in Sicyon, B. C. 198.

31. Attalus spent the winter of B.C. 198- 197 at Aegina, in the course of which he seems to have visited Sicyon.

32. The cruelty of Apega, wife of Nabis.

33. B.C. 197. King Attalus before the assembled Boeotians. See Livy, 33, 2 .

34. B. C. 197, at the beginning of spring. Livy, 33, 1 .

35. The methods of forming palisades among the Greeks and Romans.

36. Flamininus marches to Pherae in Thessaly.

37. Thebae Pthiotides.

38. The advanced guards of the two armies meet.

39. Autumn of B. C. 197 Both Philip and Flamininus advance towards Scotusa, on opposite sides of a range of hills.

40. That is of Cynoscephalae.

Supergressi tumulos qui Cynoscephalae vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque, posuerunt castra.

Livy, 33, 7 .

41. Another skirmish between detached parties.

42. Philip sends supports.

43. Valour of the Aetolian cavalry.

44. Cynoscephalae. Flamininus offers battle, which Philip, against his better judgment, accepts.

45. Flamininus addresses his men, and advances to the attack.

46. The advanced guard are encouraged.

47. Philip also advances and occupies the hills.

48. Philip’s advanced guard defeated.

49. Philip’s right wing repulse the Roman left.

50. Successful advance of the Roman right.

51. I have given the meaning which I conceive this sentence to have; but the editors generally suspect the loss of a word like ἄπρακτα or ἀπραγοῦντα after τὰ μὲν συνεχῆ τοῖς διαγωνιζομένοις. This is unnecessary if we regard συνεχῆ as predicative, and I think this way of taking it gives sufficient sense. Polybius is thinking of the Macedonian army as being so dislocated by the nature of the ground, that, while some parts were in contact with the enemy, the rest had not arrived on the scene of the fighting.

52. The Macedonian phalanx outflanked.

53. The king quits the field and flies.

54. Philip retreats to Tempe.

55. The Romans soon abandon pursuit and devote themselves to the plunder.

56. The losses on both sides.

57. The Roman defeats in the Punic wars were not from inferior tactics, but owing to the genius of Hannibal.

58. See .

59. Iliad, 13, 131 .

60. The Roman more open order compared with the phalanx.

61. Why the phalanx fails.

62. Flexibility of the Roman order.

63. Prudent conduct of Philip.

64. See ; ; .

65. Estrangement of Aetolians.

66. Flamininus grants fifteen days’ truce to Philip.

67. The disinterestedness of the Romans generally as to money.

68. See ; .

69. Lucius Aemilius Paulus.

70. Publius Cornelius, Scipio Africanus Minor.

71. The congress of Tempe, B. C. 197.

72. Speech of King Amynandros.

73. Alexander the Aetolian.

74. Reply of Flamininus.

75. On the third day of the conference Philip appears.

76. The Aetolians checkmated by Flamininus.

77. Livy (33, 13) has mistaken the meaning of Polybius in this passage, representing the quarrel of the Aetolians and Flamininus as being for the possession of Thebes,—the only town, in fact, on which there was no dispute.

78. The terms of the peace settled. Winter of B. C. 197.

79. Foolish credulity, see ; and .

80. Death of King Attalus, who had fallen ill at Thebes, before the battle of Cynoscephalae, and had been brought home to die at Pergamum, autumn, B. C. 197. Livy, 33, 21 .

81. B. C. 196. Coss. L. Funius Purpureo, M. Claudius Marcellus. The treaty with Philip is confirmed.

82. Philip allows his Boeotian followers to return home.

83. Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, heads of the Romanising party, determine to get rid of Brachylles, B. C. 196.

84. Zeuxippus condemned by his own conscience. See Livy, 33, 28 .

85. The Senatus Consultum.

86. Objections of the Aetolians.

87. The commissioners sit at Corinth, and declare all Greek cities free, except the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis.

88. The Isthmian games, July B. C. 196.

89. Proclamation of the freedom of the Greek cities.

90. An exciting scene.

91. Answer of commissioners to King Antiochus.

92. Final arrangements.

93. The commissioners separate and go to various parts of Greece.

94. Two go to Antiochus and others to Philip.

95. Gnaeus Cornelius at the congress of the Aetolian league.

96. Referring apparently to the conduct of the Hellenic cities in Asia in presence of Antiochus, who, having wintered in Ephesus (B. C. 197- 196), was endeavouring in 196 by force or stratagem to consolidate his power in Asia Minor. Livy, 33, 38 .

97. Antiochus in the Chersonesus and Thrace, B. C. 196.

98. Speech of Lucius Cornelius.

99. The reply of Antiochus.

100. Justin. 17, 1-2 ; Appian Syr. 62 . The battle was in the plain of Corus in Phrygia.

101. Lysimachus conquered by of Seleucus Nicanor, B. C. 281.

102. Antiochus refuses to acknowledge the Romans as arbitrators.

103. Death of Scopas, See supra, ; , B. C. 196.

104. Scopas before the council.

105. Death of Dicaearchus.

106. Enormous wealth collected by Scopas.

107. The anacleteria of Ptolemy Epiphanes, B. C. 176. Aet. 14.

Search the Perseus Catalog for:

Search the Perseus Catalog for:

The War with Philip

Congress of Nicaea

Speech of Alexander Isius

Philip’s Response

Philip Retorts On His Accusers

Philip’s Answer to the Rhodians and Attalus

A Retort of Flamininus

The Dispute Referred To the Senate

They Agree to Send Envoys to the Roman Senate

Pleadings Before the Senate

The Greeks Ask for Help Against Philip

Greece Assigned to Flamininus

Wise Patriots or Traitors?

Comparison with Philip II and Demosthenes

The Fate of Traitors

Attalus in Sicyon

Attalus and the Boeotians

Roman and Greek Palisading

Flamininus and Philip Nearing Each Other

Both Sides Advance on Scotusa

The Macedonians Send for Help

Skirmishes Before the Main Battle

Flamininus Rouses His Troops

The Battle of Cynoscephalae

The Battle

Philip’s Defeat and Flight

Philip Retreats, the Romans Plunder

The Macedonian Phalanx

A Well-Formed Phalanx is Irresistible

Roman Soldiers in More Open Order

Cumbrous Nature of the Phalanx

How the Romans Fight Against a Phalanx

Philip’s Conduct After the Battle

Flamininus and the Aetolians At Odds

Comparative Incorruptibility of Romans

Congress at Tempe Begins

Debate In the Congress At Tempe

Philip Comes to the Conference

Peace Terms Agreed On

Foolish Credulity

Asia: King Attalus I

Italy: Treaty with Philip Confirmed

Greece: Murder of Brachylles

Decree of the Senate on the Peace with Philip

The Freedom of Greece

Proclamation At the Isthmian Games

The Commissioners Make Detailed Arrangements

The Commissioners Carry Word Throughout Greece

Asia: Roman Envoys To Antiochus

Conference Between Roman Legates and Antiochus

The King’s Reply

Antiochus Demands a Rhodian Court

Egypt: Fall of Scopas

Scopas and Dicaearchus Punished

Anacleteria of Ptolemy Epiphanes

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