Pausanias, Description of Greece, ed. Friedrich Spiro, 4.8

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[1]
τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Εὐφαὴς εἶπεν· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἑκατέροις ἐσήμηναν οἱ ἡγεμόνες, Μεσσήνιοι μὲν δρόμῳ τε ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἀφειδῶς αὑτῶν εἶχον 0 ἅτε ἄνθρωποι θανατῶντες ὑπὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ, καὶ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος πρῶτος ἔσπευδεν ἄρξαι μάχης· ἀντεπῄεσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι σπουδῇ καὶ οὗτοι, πρόνοιαν δὲ ὅμως ἐποιοῦντο μὴ διαλυθῆναί σφισι τὴν τάξιν.

[2] ὡς δὲ πλησίον ἐγίνοντο, ἀπειλαῖς ἐχρῶντο τῶν τε ὅπλων τῇ κινήσει καὶ ἐνορῶντες ἐς ἀλλήλους δεινόν· ἔς τε λοιδορίας προήγοντο οἱ μὲν οἰκέτας αὑτῶν ἤδη τοὺς Μεσσηνίους καὶ οὐδὲν ἐλευθερωτέρους ἀποκαλοῦντες τῶν εἱλώτων, οἱ δὲ ἐκείνους τῷ τε ἐγχειρήματι ἀνοσίους, ἐπεὶ πλεονεξίας ἕνεκα ἐπὶ ἄνδρας συγγενεῖς ἐπίασι, καὶ θεῶν ἀσεβεῖς ὅσοι Δωριεῦσι πατρῷοι, τῶν τε ἄλλων καὶ μάλιστα Ἡρακλέους. ἤδη τε ὁμοῦ τοῖς ὀνείδεσι καὶ ἔργων ἥπτοντο, ἀθρόοι τε πρὸς ἀθρόους ὠθισμῷ χρώμενοι μάλιστα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὶ ἐπιόντες.

[3] τέχνῃ μὲν οὖν ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ ὁμοῦ καὶ μελέτῃ πολὺ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προέσχον, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τῷ πλήθει· τούς τε γὰρ περιοίκους ὑπηκόους ἤδη καὶ συνακολουθοῦντας εἶχον Ἀσιναῖοί τε καὶ οἱ Δρύοπες γενεᾷ πρότερον ὑπὸ Ἀργείων ἐκ τῆς σφετέρας ἀνεστηκότες καὶ ἥκοντες ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ἱκέται κατʼ ἀνάγκην συνεστρατεύοντο· πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ψιλοὺς τῶν Μεσσηνίων τοξότας Κρῆτας ἐπήγοντο μισθωτούς.

[4] Μεσσηνίοις δὲ †ἐς ἅπαντα ἐς τὸ ἴσον ἥ τε ἀπόνοια καὶ τὸ ἐς τὸν θάνατον εὔθυμον· καὶ ὁπόσα μὲν πάσχοιεν, ἀναγκαῖα μᾶλλον τοῖς πατρίδα σεμνύνουσιν ἢ δεινὰ ἐνόμιζον, ἃ δὲ ἔδρων, αὐτοί τε ἡγοῦντο εἰργάσθαι μειζόνως καὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις συμβαίνειν χαλεπώτερα. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν προεκπηδῶντες τῆς τάξεως 0 τολμήματα λαμπρὰ ἀπεδείκνυντο, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἐπικαίρως τετρωμένοις καὶ ἐμπνέουσιν ὀλίγον ὅμως ἡ ἀπόνοια ἤκμαζε.

[5] παρακλήσεις τε ἐγίνοντο, καὶ οἱ μὲν ζῶντες καὶ ἔτι ἄτρωτοι τοὺς τραυματίας παρώξυνον, πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἐσχάτην τινὶ ἐφεστηκέναι μοῖραν, ἀντιδράσαντα ὅ τι καὶ δύναιτο σὺν ἡδονῇ δέχεσθαι τὸ πεπρωμένον· οἱ δὲ ὁπότε αἴσθοιντο οἱ τραυματίαι τὴν ἰσχὺν σφᾶς ὑπολείπουσαν καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα οὐ παραμένον, διεκελεύοντο τοῖς ἀτρῶσι μὴ χείρονας ἢ αὐτοὶ γίνεσθαι μηδὲ ἐς ἀνωφελὲς τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων τελευτὴν καταστῆσαι.

[6] Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ προτροπῇ μὲν ἐς ἀλλήλους τῇ δεήσει οὐκ ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἐς τὰ παράδοξα τῶν τολμημάτων οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἑτοίμως τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις εἶχον· ἅτε δὲ εὐθὺς ἐκ παίδων τὰ πολεμικὰ ἐπιστάμενοι, βαθυτέρᾳ τε τῇ φάλαγγι ἐχρῶντο καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἤλπιζον οὔτε χρόνον τὸν ἴσον καρτερήσειν ἀντιτεταγμένους οὔτε πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κάματον ἢ τὰ τραύματα ἀνθέξειν.

[7] ἴδια μὲν τοιαῦτα ἐν ἑκατέρῳ τῷ στρατεύματι ἔς τε τὰ ἔργα ἦν καὶ ἐς τὰς γνώμας τῶν μαχομένων, κοινὰ δὲ ἀπʼ ἀμφοτέρων· οὔτε γὰρ ἱκεσίαις οἱ φονευόμενοι καὶ χρημάτων ὑποσχέσεσιν ἐχρῶντο, τάχα μέν που μὴ πείσειν διὰ τὸ ἔχθος ἀπεγνωκότες, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ἀπαξιοῦντες ὡς οὐ τὰ πρότερά γε κακιοῦσιν· οἵ τε ἀποκτείνοντες ἀπείχοντο καὶ αὐχήματος ὁμοίως καὶ ὀνειδῶν, οὐκ ἔχοντές πω βεβαίαν οὐδέτεροι τὴν ἐλπίδα εἰ κρατήσουσι. παραδοξότατα δὲ ἀπέθνησκον οἱ τῶν κειμένων σκυλεύειν 0 τινὰ ἐπιχειροῦντες· ἢ γὰρ τοῦ σώματος γυμνόν τι ὑποφήναντες ἠκοντίζοντο καὶ ἐτύπτοντο οὐ προορώμενοι διὰ τὴν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀσχολίαν, ἢ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν σκυλευομένων ἔτι ἐμπνεόντων διεφθείροντο.

[8] ἐμάχοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἀξίως λόγου, Θεόπομπος δὲ καὶ ἀκρατέστερον ὥρμητο ὡς αὐτὸν ἀποκτενῶν Εὐφαῆ. Εὐφαὴς δὲ ὁρῶν ἐπιόντα εἶπεν ἄρα πρὸς τὸν Ἄντανδρον οὐδὲν εἶναι τὰ Θεοπόμπου διάφορα ἢ ὅσα ὁ πρόγονος αὐτοῦ Πολυνείκης ἐτόλμησε· Πολυνείκην τε γὰρ στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἀγαγόντα ἐξ Ἄργους ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοχειρὶ καὶ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ ἐκείνου, Θεόπομπόν τε ἐθέλειν ἐς τὸ ἴσον καταστῆσαι μιάσματος τοῖς ἀπὸ Λαΐου καὶ Οἰδίποδος τὸ Ἡρακλειδῶν γένος· οὐ μέντοι χαίροντά γε ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης διακριθήσεσθαι. τοιαῦτα ἐπιλέγων ἀντεπῄει καὶ οὗτος.

[9] ἐνταῦθα ἥ τε πᾶσα μάχη κεκμηκότων ὅμως ἐς τὸ ἀκμαιότατον αὖθις ἤρθη, καὶ τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἀνερρώννυντο καὶ τὸ ἀφειδὲς ἐς τὸν θάνατον παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων ηὐξάνετο, ὥστε εἰκάσαι ἄν τις τοῦ ἔργου τότε σφᾶς πρῶτον ἅπτεσθαι. τέλος δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐφαῆ τῆς τε ἀπονοίας τῷ ὑπερβάλλοντι μανίας ὄντες ἐγγύτατα καὶ ὑπʼ ἀνδραγαθίας—πᾶν γὰρ δὴ τὸ περὶ τὸν βασιλέα οἱ λογάδες τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἦσαν—βιάζονται τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους· καὶ αὐτόν τε Θεόπομπον ἀπώσαντο καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων τοὺς καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἐτρέψαντο.

[10] τὸ δὲ ἕτερον κέρας τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐταλαιπώρει. Πυθάρατός τε γὰρ ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐτεθνήκει καὶ αὐτοὶ διὰ 0 τὴν ἀναρχίαν ἀτακτότερον καὶ θορυβωδέστερον ἐμάχοντο, οὐ μέντοι ἀθύμως εἶχον οὐδʼ οὗτοι. φεύγουσι δὲ οὔτε τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ὁ Πολύδωρος οὔτε οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐφαῆ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἠκολούθησαν· Εὐφαεῖ γὰρ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν αἱρετώτερα ἐφαίνετο ἀμύνειν τοῖς ἡττωμένοις—οὐ μέντοι Πολυδώρῳ γὲ οὐδὲ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν συμμίσγουσιν, ἐν σκότῳ γὰρ ἤδη τὰ γινόμενα ἦν—

[11] καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἅμα εἶργε μὴ πρόσω τοῖς ἀποχωροῦσιν ἐπακολουθεῖν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ ἡ ἀπειρία τῶν τόπων. ἦν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄλλως πάτριον σχολαιοτέρας τὰς διώξεις ποιεῖσθαι, μὴ διαλῦσαι τὴν τάξιν πλείονα ἔχοντας πρόνοιαν ἤ τινα ἀποκτεῖναι φεύγοντα. τὰ δὲ μέσα ἀμφοτέροις, ᾗ Λακεδαιμονίων ὁ Εὐρυλέων, Μεσσηνίοις δὲ Κλέοννις ἡγεῖτο, ἰσοπαλῶς μὲν ἠγωνίζοντο, διέλυσε δὲ ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων καὶ τούτους ἐπελθοῦσα ἡ νύξ.

[12]
ταύτην τὴν μάχην παρὰ ἀμφοτέρων ἢ μόνα ἢ μάλιστα ἐμαχέσαντο τὰ ὁπλιτικά. οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ὀλίγοι τε ἦσαν καὶ οὐδὲν ὥστε καὶ μνημονευθῆναι διεπράξαντο· οὐ γάρ τοι ἀγαθοὶ τότε ἱππεύειν ἦσαν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι. τῶν δὲ Μεσσηνίων οἱ ψιλοὶ καὶ οἱ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις Κρῆτες οὐδὲ συνέμιξαν ἀρχήν· τῷ γὰρ πεζῷ τῷ σφετέρῳ κατὰ τρόπον ἔτι ἑκάτεροι τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐπετάχθησαν.

[13] ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν μάχης μὲν οὐδέτεροι διενοοῦντο ἄρχειν οὐδὲ ἱστάναι πρότεροι τρόπαιον, προϊούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ὑπὲρ ἀναιρέσεως τῶν νεκρῶν ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο, καὶ ἐπειδὴ παρὰ ἀμφοτέρων συνεχωρήθη, θάψειν ἔμελλον ἤδη τὸ ἐντεῦθεν. 0

Description of Greece. Pausanias. ed. Friedrich Spiro. Leipzig. 1903.

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Current edition Perseus

Ἑλλάδος Περιηγήσεως (Greek) (Pausanias. Pausaniae Graeciae descriptio, Volumes 1-3. Spiro, Friedrich, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1903.)

Translations (2)

Description of Greece Perseus (Pausanias. Pausanias Description of Greece, Volumes 1-4. Jones, W.H.S. (William Henry Samuel), translator; Ormerod, Henry Arderne, translator. London, New York: W. Heinemann, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1918-1935.) — 4.8 focus

[1]
Such were the words of Euphaes. When the leaders on either side gave the signal, the Messenians charged the Lacedaemonians recklessly like men eager for death in their wrath, each one of them eager to be the first to join battle. The Lacedaemonians also advanced to meet them eagerly, but were careful not to break their ranks.

[2] When they were about to come to close quarters, they threatened one another by brandishing their arms and with fierce looks, and fell to recriminations, these calling the Messenians already their slaves, no freer than the Helots; the others answering that they were impious in their undertaking, who for the sake of gain attacked their kinsmen and outraged all the ancestral gods of the Dorians, and Heracles above all. And now with their taunts they come to deeds, mass thrusting against mass, especially on the Lacedaemonian side, and man attacking man.

[3] The Lacedaemonians were far superior both in tactics and training, and also in numbers, for they had with them the neighboring peoples already reduced and serving in their ranks, and the Dryopes of Asine, who a generation earlier had been driven out of their own country by the Argives and had come as suppliants to Lacedaemon , were forced to serve in the army. Against the Messenian light-armed they employed Cretan archers as mercenaries.

[4] The Messenians were inspired alike by desperation and readiness to face death, regarding all their sufferings as necessary rather than terrible to men who honored their country, and exaggerating their achievements and the consequences to the Lacedaemonians. Some of them leapt forth from the ranks, displaying glorious deeds of valor, in others fatally wounded and scarce breathing the frenzy of despair still reigned.

[5] They encouraged one another, the living and unwounded urging the stricken before their last moment came to sell their lives as dearly as they could and accept their fate with joy. And the wounded, when they felt their strength ebbing and breath failing, urged the unwounded to prove themselves no less valorous than they and not to render their death of no avail to their fatherland.

[6] The Lacedaemonians refrained from exhorting one another, and were less inclined than the Messenians to engage in striking deeds of valor. As they were versed in warfare from boyhood, they employed a deeper formation and hoped that the Messenians would not endure the contest for so long as they, or sustain the toil of battle or wounds.

[7] These were the differences in both sets of combatants in action and in feeling; but on both sides alike the conquered made no appeals or promises of ransom, perhaps in their enmity despairing of getting quarter, but mainly because they scorned to disgrace their previous achievements. The victorious refrained alike from boasting and from taunts, neither side having yet sure hopes of victory. The most remarkable was the death of those who tried to strip any of the fallen. For if they exposed any part of their bodies, they were struck with javelins or were struck down while intent on their present occupation, or were killed by those whom they were plundering who still lived.

[8] The kings fought in a manner that deserves mention. Theopompus rushed wildly forward to slay Euphaes himself. Euphaes, seeing him advancing, said to Antander that the action of Theopompus was no different from the attempt of his ancestor Polyneices; for Polyneices led an army from Argos against his fatherland, and slaying his brother with his own hand was slain by him. Theopompus was ready to involve the race of the Heracleidae in pollution as great as that of the house of Laius and Oedipus, but he would not leave the field unscathed. With these words he too advanced.

[9] Thereupon the battle, though the combatants had wearied, everywhere broke out again in full force. Their strength was renewed and recklessness of death heightened on both sides, so that it might have been thought that they were engaging for the first time. Finally Euphaes and his men in a frenzy of despair that was near to madness (for picked Messenian troops formed the whole of the king's bodyguard), overpowering the enemy by their valor, drove back Theopompus himself and routed the Lacedaemonian troops opposed to them.

[10] But the other Messenian wing was in difficulties, for the general Pytharatus had been killed, and the men, without a commander, were fighting in a disorganized and confused manner, though not without heart. Polydorus did not pursue the Messenians when they gave way, nor Euphaes' men the Lacedaemonians. It seemed better to him and his men to support the defeated wing; they did not, however, engage with Polydorus' force, for darkness had already descended on the field;

[11] moreover, the Lacedaemonians were prevented from following the retiring force further not least by their ignorance of the country. Also it was an ancient practice with them not to carry out a pursuit too quickly, as they were more careful about maintaining their formation than about slaying the flying. In the center, where Euryleon was commanding the Lacedaemonians, and Cleonnis on the Messenian side, the contest was undecided; the coming of night separated them here also.

[12]
This battle was fought principally or entirely by the heavy-armed troops on both sides. The mounted men were few and achieved nothing worth mention; for the Peloponnesians were not good horsemen then. The Messenian light-armed and the Cretans on the Lacedaemonian side did not engage at all; for on both sides according to the ancient practice they were posted in reserve to their own infantry.

[13] The following day neither side was minded to begin battle or to be the first to set up a trophy, but as the day advanced they made proposals for taking up the dead; when this was agreed on both sides, they proceeded to bury them.

English (Jones and Ormerod; retranslated Gregory Nagy, CHS, 2018) (OCR draft) Experimental (CHS Pausanias Reader retranslation by Gregory Nagy, based on Jones and Ormerod, with marked Greek terms, notes, quotations, and bibliographic attributions preserved.) — 4.8 focus

[1] Such were the words of Euphaes. When the leaders on either side gave the signal, the Messenians charged the Lacedaemonians recklessly like men eager for death in their wrath, each one of them eager to be the first to join battle. The Lacedaemonians also advanced to meet them eagerly, but were careful not to break their ranks.

[2] When they were about to come to close quarters, they threatened one another by brandishing their arms and with fierce looks, and fell to recriminations, these calling the Messenians already their slaves, no freer than the Helots; the others answering that they were impious in their undertaking, who for the sake of gain attacked their kinsmen and outraged all the ancestral gods of the Dorians, and Hēraklēs above all. And now with their taunts they come to deeds, mass thrusting against mass, especially on the Lacedaemonian side, and man attacking man.

[3] The Lacedaemonians were far superior both in tactics and training, and also in numbers, for they had with them the neighboring peoples already reduced and serving in their ranks, and the Dryopes of Asine, who a generation earlier had been driven out of their own country by the Argives and had come as suppliants to Lacedaemon, were forced to serve in the army. Against the Messenian light-armed they employed Cretan archers as mercenaries.

[8] The kings fought in a manner that deserves mention. Theopompos rushed wildly forward to slay Euphaes himself. Euphaes, seeing him advancing, said to Antandros that the action of Theopompos was no different from the attempt of his ancestor Polyneikes; for Polyneikes led an army from Argos against his fatherland, and slaying his brother with his own hand was slain by him. Theopompos was ready to involve the lineage of the Herakleidai in pollution as great as that of the house of Laios and Oedipus, but he would not leave the field unscathed. With these words he too advanced.

[9] Thereupon the battle, though the combatants had wearied, everywhere broke out again in full force. Their strength was renewed and recklessness of death heightened on both sides, so that it might have been thought that they were engaging for the first time. Finally Euphaes and his men in a frenzy of despair that was near to madness (for picked Messenian troops formed the whole of the king’s bodyguard), overpowering the enemy by their valor, drove back Theopompos himself and routed the Lacedaemonian troops opposed to them.

[10] But the other Messenian wing was in difficulties, for the general Pytharatos had been killed, and the men, without a commander, were fighting in a disorganized and confused manner, though not without heart. Polydoros did not pursue the Messenians when they gave way, nor Euphaes’ men the Lacedaemonians. It seemed better to him and his men to support the defeated wing; they did not, however, engage with Polydoros’ force, for darkness had already descended on the field;

[11] moreover, the Lacedaemonians were prevented from following the retiring force further not least by their ignorance of the country. Also it was an ancient practice with them not to carry out a pursuit too quickly, as they were more careful about maintaining their formation than about slaying the flying. In the center, where Euryleon was commanding the Lacedaemonians, and Kleonnis on the Messenian side, the contest was undecided; the coming of night separated them here also.

[12] This battle was fought principally or entirely by the heavy-armed troops on both sides. The mounted men were few and achieved nothing worth mention; for the Peloponnesians were not good horsemen then. The Messenian light-armed and the Cretans on the Lacedaemonian side did not engage at all; for on both sides according to the ancient practice they were posted in reserve to their own infantry.

New Alexandria Commentaries

Gregory Nagy, Editors: Angelia Hanhardt and Keith DeStone, Web producer: Noel Spencer, Consultant for images: Jill Curry Robbins, \[\[Noel gives this a separate URN\]\]

Pausanias Description of Greece 4.8

ed. Friedrich Spiro

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