Pausanias, Description of Greece, ed. Friedrich Spiro, 4.10

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[1] Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἀκούσαντες τὸν γενόμενον 0 Μεσσηνίοις χρησμὸν ἀθύμως διέκειντο καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἔς τε τὰ λοιπὰ καὶ ἄρχειν ὀκνοῦντες μάχης.
ἔτει δὲ ἕκτῳ μετὰ τὸν ἐξ Ἰθώμης Λυκίσκου δρασμὸν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι—τὰ γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐγίνετο αὐτοῖς αἴσια —στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰθώμην· οἱ δὲ Κρῆτες οὐκέτι παρόντες σφίσιν ἔτυχον. ὑστέρησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν Μεσσηνίων σύμμαχοι—διʼ ὑποψίας γὰρ οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται καὶ ἄλλοις ἤδη Πελοποννησίων καὶ Ἀρκάσιν ἦσαν καὶ Ἀργείοις μάλιστα—καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι κρύφα ἔμελλον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀφίξεσθαι καὶ ἰδίᾳ δὴ μᾶλλον ἢ μετὰ δόγματος κοινοῦ, τοῖς δὲ Ἀρκάσιν ἡ στρατεία μὲν ἀνείρητο ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ, παρέτυχον δὲ οὐδʼ οὗτοι. τοὺς γὰρ Μεσσηνίους καὶ ἄνευ συμμάχων κινδυνεῦσαι προήγαγεν ἡ δόξα τοῦ χρησμοῦ.

[2] τὰ μὲν οὖν πολλὰ οὐδέν τι ἐγένετο διάφορα ἢ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς προτέρας μάχης, ἥ τε ἡμέρα καὶ τότε μαχομένους προαπέλιπεν· οὐ μέντοι βιασθῆναί γε οὐδέτερον κέρας ἢ καὶ λόχον μνημονεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ τὴν τάξιν, ὡς ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἐτάχθησαν, συμμεῖναί φασιν, ἀλλʼ ἀφʼ ἑκατέρων τοὺς ἀρίστους συνελθόντας ἐς τὸ μεσαίτατον ἐνταῦθα τὸν πάντα ἔχειν πόνον.

[3] ὁ γὰρ Εὐφαὴς πλέον τι ἢ βασιλέα εἰκὸς ἦν προθυμούμενος καὶ ἀφειδῶς τοῖς περὶ τὸν Θεόπομπον ἐγκείμενος τραύματα τε πολλά τε καὶ οὐκ ἰάσιμα λαμβάνει· λιποψυχήσαντα δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ πεσόντα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ὀλίγον ὅμως ἐμπνέοντα ἐποιοῦντο παρʼ αὑτοὺς ἑλκύσαι σπουδήν. ἐπήγειρε δὲ καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἥ τε ἐς τὸν Εὐφαῆ προϋπάρχουσα εὔνοια καὶ τὰ ὀνείδη τὰ μέλλοντα· φονευομένοις τε ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἄμεινόν σφισιν ἐφαίνετο προΐεσθαι τὰς
ψυχὰς ἢ ἐκεῖνον προεμένων ἀποσωθῆναί τινα.

[4] τότε μὲν δὴ πεσὼν ὁ Εὐφαὴς τήν τε μάχην ἐπεμήκυνε καὶ προήγαγεν ἐς πλέον παρὰ ἑκατέρων τὰ τολμήματα· ὕστερον δὲ ἀνήνεγκε μὲν καὶ ᾔσθετο ὅτι οὐκ ἔλαττον ἐσχήκασιν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ, ἡμέραις δὲ οὐ πολλαῖς ἀποθνήσκει, βασιλεύσας Μεσσηνίων τρία ἔτη καὶ δέκα καὶ πολεμήσας Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸν πάντα τῆς βασιλείας χρόνον.

[5]
Εὐφαεῖ δὲ οὐκ ὄντων παίδων τὸν αἱρεθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου κατελείπετο ἔχειν τὴν ἀρχήν, Κλέοννίς τε καὶ Δᾶμις ἐς ἀμφισβήτησιν Ἀριστοδήμῳ προῆλθον, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον διαφέρειν νομιζόμενοι· τὸν δὲ Ἄντανδρον οἱ πολέμιοι κατειργάσαντο ἐν τῇ μάχῃ προκινδυνεύοντα Εὐφαοῦς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τῶν μάντεων αἱ γνῶμαι κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἀμφοτέρων, Ἐπηβόλου καὶ Ὀφιονέως, μὴ σφᾶς ἀνδρὶ ἐναγεῖ καὶ θυγατρὸς μίασμα ἐπικειμένῳ δοῦναι τὴν Αἰπύτου καὶ τῶν ἀπογόνων τιμήν·

[6] ᾑρέθη δὲ ὅμως καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν Ἀριστόδημος. ὁ δὲ Ὀφιονεὺς οὗτος ὁ τῶν Μεσσηνίων μάντις τυφλὸς ὢν εὐθὺς ἐκ γενετῆς μαντικήν τινα εἶχε τοιαύτην· πυνθανόμενος τὰ γινόμενα ἑκάστοις ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ ἐν κοινῷ προέλεγεν οὕτω τὰ μέλλοντα. οὗτος μὲν τρόπον ἐμαντεύετο τὸν εἰρημένον, Ἀριστόδημος δὲ βασιλεύσας τῷ τε δήμῳ διέμεινε τὰ εἰκότα χαρίζεσθαι προθυμούμενος καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει τούς τε ἄλλους καὶ μάλιστα Κλέοννιν καὶ Δᾶμιν ἦγεν ἐν τιμῇ· διὰ θεραπείας δὲ εἶχε καὶ τὰ τῶν συμμάχων, Ἀρκάδων τε τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἐς Ἄργος καὶ Σικυῶνα ἀποστέλλων δῶρα.

[7] τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀριστοδήμου βασιλείας ἐπολέμουν
λῃστείαις τε κατʼ ὀλίγους ἀεὶ καὶ περὶ τὴν ὡραίαν καταδρομαῖς ἐς τὴν ἀλλήλων χρώμενοι, συνεσέβαλλον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀρκάδων τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐς τὴν Λακωνικήν· Ἀργεῖοι δὲ προαναφῆναι μὲν τὸ ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔχθος οὐκ ἠξίουν, γινομένου δὲ ἀγῶνος παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς μεθέξοντες.

Description of Greece. Pausanias. ed. Friedrich Spiro. Leipzig. 1903.

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Current edition Perseus

Ἑλλάδος Περιηγήσεως (Greek) (Pausanias. Pausaniae Graeciae descriptio, Volumes 1-3. Spiro, Friedrich, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1903.)

Translations (2)

Description of Greece Perseus (Pausanias. Pausanias Description of Greece, Volumes 1-4. Jones, W.H.S. (William Henry Samuel), translator; Ormerod, Henry Arderne, translator. London, New York: W. Heinemann, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1918-1935.) — 4.10 focus

[1]
But the Lacedaemonians, when they heard the oracle given to the Messenians, were in despair, both they and their kings, and for the future shrank from offering battle.
But five years after the escape of Lyciscus from Ithome , the victims being auspicious, the Lacedaemonians marched against Ithome . The Cretans were no longer with them. The allies of the Messenians also were late, for the Spartans had now incurred the suspicion of others of the Peloponnesians, especially of the Arcadians and Argives. The Argives intended to come without the knowledge of the Lacedaemonians, and by private enterprise rather than by public declaration. The expedition was openly proclaimed among the Arcadians, but they did not arrive either. For the Messenians were induced by the credit placed in the oracle to face the risk without allies.

[2] This engagement did not differ in most points from the first, as on this occasion too daylight failed the combatants, but they record that on neither side was a wing or division broken, as they did not maintain the formation in which they were originally posted, champions on either side meeting in the middle, and there supporting the whole combat.

[3] Euphaes, who showed more eagerness than a king should and recklessly attacked Theopompus' bodyguard, received a number of mortal wounds. When he swooned and fell, the Lacedaemonians did their utmost to drag him into their own ranks, as he still breathed. But the Messenians were roused by the affection which they felt for their king and by the reproach which would be theirs. It seemed better to die for their kings and sacrifice their lives than that he should be abandoned while one of them escaped.

[4] So the fall of Euphaes prolonged the battle and called forth further deeds of daring on both sides. He came to himself later and saw that his men had not had the worst of the fight, but he died in a few days, having reigned thirteen years over the Messenians, and having been at war with the Lacedaemonians for the whole of his reign.

[5]
Euphaes, having no children, left his kingdom to the man chosen by the people. Cleonnis and Damis came forward to dispute it with Aristodemus, as they were considered superior to him in war and all else. Antander had been killed by the enemy, risking his life for Euphaes in the battle. The views of both the seers, Epebolus and Ophioneus, were identical, that they should not give the honors of Aepytus and his descendants to a man who was accursed and polluted by the murder of his daughter. Nevertheless Aristodemus was chosen and became king.

[6] This Ophioneus, the Messenian seer, was blind from birth and practised the following method of divination. By learning the facts relevant to each case, both private and public, he thus foretold the future. This then was the way he practised his art. Aristodemus, becoming king, constantly was ready to show all reasonable favour to the people, and held all the nobles in honor, especially Cleonnis and Damis. He maintained good relations with the allies, sending gifts to the Arcadian leaders and to Argos and Sicyon .

[7] They carried on the war during his reign by means of constant forays with small parties, and made incursions into one another's country at harvest time, the Messenians being supported by the Arcadians in their raids into Laconia . The Argives did not think fit to declare their hatred for the Lacedaemonians beforehand, but prepared to take part in the contest when it came.

English (Jones and Ormerod; retranslated Gregory Nagy, CHS, 2018) (OCR draft) Experimental (CHS Pausanias Reader retranslation by Gregory Nagy, based on Jones and Ormerod, with marked Greek terms, notes, quotations, and bibliographic attributions preserved.) — 4.10 focus

[1] But the Lacedaemonians, when they heard the oracle given to the Messenians, were in despair, both they and their kings, and for the future shrank from offering battle.

But five years after the escape of Lykiskos from Ithome, the victims being auspicious, the Lacedaemonians marched against Ithome. The Cretans were no longer with them. The allies of the Messenians also were late, for the Spartans had now incurred the suspicion of others of the Peloponnesians, especially of the Arcadians and Argives. The Argives intended to come without the knowledge of the Lacedaemonians, and by private enterprise rather than by public declaration. The expedition was openly proclaimed among the Arcadians, but they did not arrive either. For the Messenians were induced by the credit placed in the oracle to face the risk without allies.

[3] Euphaes, who showed more eagerness than a king should and recklessly attacked those guarding Theopompos, received a number of mortal wounds. When he swooned and fell, the Lacedaemonians did their utmost to drag him into their own ranks, as he still breathed. But the Messenians were roused by the affection which they felt for their king and by the reproach which would be theirs. It seemed better to die for their kings and sacrifice their lives than that he should be abandoned while one of them escaped.

[5] Euphaes, having no children, left his kingdom to the man chosen by the people. Kleonnis and Damis came forward to dispute it with Aristodemos, as they were considered superior to him in war and all else. Antandros had been killed by the enemy, risking his life for Euphaes in the battle. The views of both the seers, Epebolus and Ophioneus, were identical, that they should not give the honors of Aipytos and his descendants to a man who was accursed and polluted by the murder of his daughter. Nevertheless Aristodemos was chosen and became king.

[6] This Ophioneus, the Messenian seer, was blind from birth and practiced the following method of divination. By learning the facts relevant to each case, both private and public, he thus foretold the future. This then was the way he practiced his art. Aristodemos, becoming king, constantly was ready to show all reasonable favor to the people, and held all the nobles in honor, especially Kleonnis and Damis. He maintained good relations with the allies, sending gifts to the Arcadian leaders and to Argos and Sikyon.

[7] They carried on the war during his reign by means of constant forays with small parties, and made incursions into one another’s country at harvest time, the Messenians being supported by the Arcadians in their raids into Laconia. The Argives did not think fit to declare their hatred for the Lacedaemonians beforehand, but prepared to take part in the contest when it came.

New Alexandria Commentaries

Gregory Nagy, Editors: Angelia Hanhardt and Keith DeStone, Web producer: Noel Spencer, Consultant for images: Jill Curry Robbins, \[\[Noel gives this a separate URN\]\]

Pausanias Description of Greece 4.10

ed. Friedrich Spiro

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