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CHAPTER III.

[1] HAVING previously passed over the regions of ancient Italy as far as Metapontium, we must now proceed to describe the rest. After it Iapygia¹ comes next in order; the Greeks call it Messapia, but the inhabitants, dividing it into cantons, call one the Salentini,² that in the neighbourhood of the Cape³ Iapygia, and another the Calabri;⁴ above these towards the north lie the Peucetii,⁵ and those who are called Daunii⁶ in the Greek language, but the inhabitants call the whole region beyond the Calabri, Apulia. Some of these people are called Poedicli,⁷ especially the Peucetii. Messapia forms a peninsula; the isthmus extending from Brentesium⁸ to Tarentum, which bounds it, being 310 stadia, and the circumnavigation round the Iapygian promontory⁹ about [one thousand]¹⁰ four hundred. [Tarentum¹¹] is distant from Metapontium¹² about two hundred and twenty¹³] stadia. The course to it by sea runs in an easterly direction. The Gulf of Tarentum is for the most part destitute of a port, but here there is a spacious and commodious [harbour¹⁴], closed in by a great bridge. It is 100 stadia¹⁵ in circuit. This port, at the head of its basin which recedes most inland, forms, with the exterior sea, an isthmus which connects the peninsula with the land. The city is situated upon this peninsula. The neck of land is so low that ships are easily hauled over it from either side. The site of the city likewise is extremely low; the ground, however, rises slightly towards the citadel. The old wall of the city has an immense circuit, but now the portion towards the isthmus is deserted, but that standing near the mouth of the harbour, where the citadel is situated, still subsists, and contains a considerable city. It possesses a noble gymnasium and a spacious forum, in which there is set up a brazen colossus of Jupiter, the largest that ever was, with the exception of that of Rhodes. The citadel is situated between the forum and the entrance of the harbour, it still preserves some slight relics of its ancient magnificence and gifts, but the chief of them were destroyed either by the Carthaginians¹⁶ when they took the city, or by the Romans¹⁷ when they took it by force and sacked it. Amongst other booty taken on this occasion¹⁸ was the brazen colossus of Hercules, the work of Lysippus, now in the Capitol, which was dedicated as an offering by Fabius Maximus, who took the city.

[2] Antiochus, speaking of the foundation of this city, says that after the Messenian war¹⁹ such of the Lacedaemonians as did not join the army were sentenced to be slaves, and denominated Helots; and that such as were born during the period of the war they termed Partheniae, and decreed to be base: but these not bearing the reproach, (for they were many,) conspired against the free citizens,²⁰ but the chief magistrates, becoming acquainted with the existence of the plot, employed certain persons, who, by feigning friendship to the cause, should be able to give some intelligence of the nature of it. Of this number was Phalanthus, who was apparently the chief leader of them, but who was not quite pleased with those who had been named to conduct their deliberations.²¹ It was agreed that at the Hyacinthine games, celebrated in the temple of Amyclae, just at the conclusion of the contest, and when Phalanthus should put on his helmet,²² they should make a simultaneous attack. The free citizens²³ were distinguishable from others by their hair. They, having been secretly warned as to the arrangements made for the signal of Phalanthus, just as the chief contest came off, a herald came forward and proclaimed, Let not Phalanthus put on his helmet. The conspirators perceiving that the plot was disclosed, some fled, and others supplicated mercy. When the chief magistrates had bid them not to fear, they committed them to prison, but sent Phalanthus to inquire after a new settlement. He received from the oracle the following response,

To thee Satyrium²⁴ I have given, and the rich country of Tarentum to inhabit, and thou shalt become a scourge to the Iapygians.

The Partheniae accordingly accompanied Phalanthus to their destination, and the barbarians and Cretans,²⁵ who already possessed the country, received them kindly. They say that these Cretans were the party who sailed with Minos to Sicily, and that after his death, which took place at Camici,²⁶ in the palace of Cocalus, they took ship and set sail from Sicily, but in their voyage they were cast by tempest on this coast, some of whom, afterwards coasting the Adriatic on foot, reached Macedonia, and were called Bottiaei.²⁷ They further add, that all the people who reach as far as Daunia were called Iapygians, from Iapyx, who was born to Daedalus by a Cretan woman, and became a chief leader of the Cretans. The city Tarentum was named from a certain hero.²⁸

[3] Ephorus gives the following account of the foundation. The Lacedaemonians waged war against the Messenians, who had murdered their king, Teleclus,²⁹ when he visited Messene to offer sacrifice. They took an oath that they would not return home before they had destroyed Messene, or should be all slain. They left only the youngest and oldest of the citizens to keep their own country. After this, in the tenth [year] of the war, the Lacedaemonian matrons assembled and deputed certain women to remonstrate with the citizens, and show them that they were carrying on the war with the Messenians on very disadvantageous terms, for they, abiding in their own country, procreated children, while the Lacedaemonians, leaving their wives in a state like widowhood, remained away in the war; and to expose the great peril there was of the depopulation of their country. The Lacedaemonians, being both desirous of observing their oath, and taking into consideration the representations of their wives, sent a deputation of the most vigorous, and, at the same time, most juvenile of the army, whom they considered, in a manner, not to have participated in the oath, because they had been but children when they accompanied their elders to the war, and charged them all to company with all the maidens, reckoning that by that means they would bear the more children; which having been accordingly obeyed, the children who were born were denominated Partheniae. Messene was taken after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtaeus says,

The fathers of our fathers, armed for war,

Possessing ever patient courage, fought at Messene

For nineteen years with unremitting toil.

Till on the twentieth, leaving their rich soil,

The enemy forsook the towering heights of Ithome.³⁰

Thus then did they destroy Messenia, but returning home, they neglected to honour the Partheniae like other youths, and treated them as though they had been born out of wedlock. The Partheniae, leaguing with the Helots, conspired against the Lacedaemonians, and agreed to raise a Laconic felt hat³¹ in the market-place as a signal for the commencement of hostilities. Some of the Helots betrayed the plot, but the government found it difficult to resist them by force, for they were many, and all unanimous, and looked upon each other as brothers; those in authority therefore commanded such as were appointed to raise the signal, to depart out of the market-place; when they therefore perceived that their plot was disclosed they desisted, and the Lacedaemonians persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their fathers, to leave the country and colonize: and advised them, if they should get possession of a convenient place, to abide in it, but if not, they promised that a fifth part of Messenia should be divided amongst them on their return. So they departed and found the Greeks carrying on hostilities against the barbarians, and taking part in the perils of the war, they obtained possession of Tarentum, which they colonized.

[4] At one time, when the government of the Tarentines had assumed a democratic form, they rose to great importance; for they possessed the greatest fleet of any state in those parts, and could bring into the field an army of 30,000 foot and 3000 horse, exclusive of a select body of 1000 cavalry called Hipparchi.³² They likewise encouraged the Pythagorean philosophy, and Archytas, who for a long time presided over the government of their state, gave it his special support.³³ But at a later period their luxury, which was produced by their prosperity, increased to that degree that their general holidays or festivals exceeded in number the days of the year; and hence arose an inefficient government, and as one proof of their unstatesmanlike acts we may adduce their employment of foreign generals; for they sent for Alexander,³⁴ king of the Molossi, to come and assist them against the Messapii and Leucani. They had before that employed Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus;³⁵ afterwards they called in Cleonymus³⁶ and Agathocles,³⁷ and later, when they rose against the Romans, Pyrrhus.³⁸ They were not able even to retain the respect of those whom they had invited, but rather merited their disgust. Alexander [of Epirus] was so displeased with them that lie endeavoured to remove the seat of the general council of the Greek states in Italy, which was accustomed to assemble at Heraclea, a city of the Tarentines, to a city of the Thurii; and he commanded that some place on the river Acalandrus,³⁹ commodious for their meetings, should be properly fortified for their reception.—And indeed they say that the misfortune⁴⁰ of that prince was chiefly due to a want of good feeling on their part. They were deprived of their liberty during the wars⁴¹ of Hannibal, but have since received a Roman colony,⁴² and now live in peace and are in a more prosperous state than ever. They also engaged in war with the Messapii concerning Heraclea, when they counted the kings of the Daunii and of the Peucetii as allies.⁴³

[5] The remainder of the country of the Iapygii is very fair, notwithstanding unfavourable appearances; for although, for the most part, it appears rugged, yet when it is broken up the soil is found to be deep; and although it lacks water, yet it appears well-suited for pasture, and is furnished with trees. At one time it was thickly inhabited throughout its whole extent, and possessed thirteen cities, but now it is so depopulated that, with the exception of Tarentum and Brentesium,⁴⁴ they only deserve the name of hamlets. They say that the Salentini are a colony of Cretans. Here is the temple of Minerva,⁴⁵ which formerly was rich, and the rock called Acra Iapygia,⁴⁶ which juts out far into the sea towards the rising of the sun in winter,⁴⁷ and turning, as it were, towards Cape Lacinium, which lies opposite to it on the west, it closes the entrance of the Gulf of Tarentum, as on the other side, the Ceraunian Mountains, together with the said Cape, close the entrance of the Ionian Gulf, the run across is about 700 stadia from that,⁴⁸ both to the Ceraunian Mountains and to Cape Lacinium.⁴⁹ In coasting along the shore from Tarentum to Brentesium there are 600 stadia as far as the little city of Baris, which is at the present time called Veretum,⁵⁰ and is situated on the extremities of the Salentine territory; the approach to it from Tarentum is much easier on foot⁵¹ than by sea. Thence to Leuca are 80 stadia; this too is but a small village, in which there is shown a well of fetid water, and the legend runs, that when Hercules drove out the last of the giants from Phlegra in Campania, who were called Leuternians, some fled and were buried here, and that from their blood a spring issues to supply the well; on this account likewise the coast is called the Leuternian coast.⁵² From Leuca to Hydrus,⁵³ a small town, 150 stadia. From thence to Brentesium 400, and the like distance also [from Hydrus] to the island Saso,⁵⁴ which is situated almost in the midst of the course from Epirus to Brentesium; and therefore when vessels are unable to obtain a direct passage they run to the left from Saso to Hydrus, and thence watching for a favourable wind they steer towards the haven of Brentesium, or the passengers disembarking proceed on foot by a shorter way through Rudiae, a Grecian city, where the poet Ennius was born.⁵⁵ The district which we have followed by sea from Tarentum to Brentesium is like a peninsula. The road by land from Brentesium to Tarentum is but a day’s journey for a light person on foot, it constitutes the isthmus of the said peninsula, which people in general call Messapia, lapygia, Calabria, or Salentinum, without being at all particular; but some, as we have said before, do make a distinction. Thus have we described the towns on the sea-coast.

[6] In the inland are Rudiae and Lupiae, and at a short distance from the sea Aletia;⁵⁶ about the middle of the isthmus is Uria,⁵⁷ in which is still shown the palace of a certain famous nobleman.⁵⁸ As Hyria⁵⁹ is described by Herodotus as situated in Iapygia, and as founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos while sailing to Sicily;⁶⁰ we must suppose that he meant either this place [Uria] or Veretum. It is said that a colony of Cretans settled in Brentesium,⁶¹ but the tradition varies; some say they were those who came with Theseus from Cnossus;⁶² others, that they were some out of Sicily who had come with Iapyx; they agree however in saying that they did not abide there, but went thence to Bottiaea. At a later period, when the state was under the government of a monarch, it lost a large portion of its territories, which was taken by the Lacedaemonians who came over under Phalanthus; notwithstanding this the Brundusians received him when he was expelled from Tarentum, and honoured him with a splendid tomb at his death. They possess a district of superior fertility to that of the Tarentines; for its soil is light, still it is fruitful, and its honey and wools are amongst the most esteemed; further, the harbour of Brentesium is superior to that of Tarentum, for many havens are protected by the single entrance,⁶³ and rendered perfectly smooth, many bays [or reaches] being formed within it, so that it resembles in fashion the antlers of a stag, whence its name, for the place, together with the city, is exceedingly like the head of a stag, and in the Messapian language the stag’s head is called Brentesium; while the port of Tarentum is not entirely safe, both on account of its lying very open, and of certain shallows near its head.

[7] Further, the course for passengers from Greece and Asia is most direct to Brentesium, and in fact all who are journeying to Rome disembark here. Hence there are two ways to Rome; one, which is only walked by mules, through the Peucetii, who are called Poedicli, the Daunii, and the Samnites, as far as Beneventum, on which road is the city Egnatia,⁶⁴ then Celia,⁶⁵ Netium,⁶⁶ Canusium,⁶⁷ and Herdonia.⁶⁸ Livy records the defeat of the Roman forces at this place in two successive years. Hannibal removed the inhabitants and fired the town, (Livy xxvii. 1,) but it was subsequently repaired, and is noticed by Frontinus as Ardona. Ptolemy and Silius Italicus, viii. 568, mention it as Herdonia—

. . . . . . . . . quosque

Obscura inculsis Herdonia misit ab agris.

That through Tarentum is a little to the left, it runs about a day’s journey round for one traversing the whole distance; it is called the Appian Way, and is more of a carriage road than the other. On it stands the city Uria,⁶⁹ and Venusia;⁷⁰ the one [Uria] between Tarentum and Brentesium, the other on the confines of the Samnites and Lucani. Both the roads from Brentesium run into one near Beneventum and Campania, and thence to Rome it receives the name of Appian, and runs through Caudium,⁷¹ Calatia,⁷² Capua,⁷³ and Casilinum,⁷⁴ to Sinuessa.⁷⁵ The way from thence to Rome has been already described.—The whole length of the Appian Way from Rome to Brentesium is 360 miles.

There is a third way from Rhegium, through the Bruttii, Lucani, and Samnites, along the chain of the Apennines, into Campania, where it joins the Appian Way;⁷⁶ it is longer than those from Brentesium by about three or four days’ journey.

[8] From Brentesium the sea is traversed by two passages to the opposite coast, one crossing to the Ceraunian⁷⁷ Mountains and the adjacent coasts of the Epirus and Greece, the other to Epidamnus,⁷⁸ which is the longer⁷⁹ of the two, being 1800⁸⁰ stadia. Still this is habitually traversed, on account of the situation of the city [Epidamnus] being convenient for the nations of Illyria and Macedonia. As we coast along the shore of the Adriatic from Brentesium we come to the city Egnatia,⁸¹ it is the general place to stop at for those travelling to Barium,⁸² as well by land as by sea. The run is made when the wind blows from the south. The territory of the Peucetii extends as far as this along the coast, in the interior of the land it reaches as far as Silvium.⁸³ It is throughout rugged and mountainous, and chiefly occupied by the Apennine mountains. It is thought to have been colonized by a party of Arcadians. The distance from Brentesium to Barium is about 700 stadia. [Tarentum] is about equally distant from both.⁸⁴ The Daunii inhabit the adjoining district, then the Apuli as far as the Phrentani. As the inhabitants of the district, except in ancient times, have never been particular in speaking of the Peucetii or Daunii precisely, and as the whole of this country is now called Apulia, the boundaries of these nations are necessarily but ill defined: wherefore we ourselves shall not be very exact in treating of them.

[9] From Barium to the river Ofanto,⁸⁵ on which the Canusitae have established an emporium, there are 400⁸⁶ stadia. The course up the river to the emporium is 90 [stadia]. Near it is Salapia,⁸⁷ the port of the Argyrippeni. For the two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, are situated at no great distance from the sea, and in the midst of a plain; at one time they were the most important cities of the Greeks of Italy, as is manifest from the circumference of their walls, but now they have fallen off. One of them was originally called Argos Hippium, then Argyrippa, and then again Arpi. They are said to have been both founded by Diomed, and both the plain of Diomed and many other things are shown in these districts as evidence of his having possessed them. Such were the ancient offerings in the temple of Minerva, at Luceria.⁸⁸ That was an ancient city of the Daunii, but now it is of no account. Again, in the neighbouring sea there are two islands called the Diomedean islands, one of which is inhabited, but the other, they say, is desert: in the latter it is fabled that Diomed disappeared from the earth, and that his companions were transformed into birds,⁸⁹ and indeed the fable goes so far as to prolong their race to the present time, saying that they are tame, and lead a sort of human life, both in respect of food, and their readiness to approach men of gentle manners, and to shun the evil and wanton. We have already noticed⁹⁰ what is currently reported amongst the Heneti concerning this hero [Diomed] and the honours decreed to him by custom. It is thought also that Sipus⁹¹ was a settlement founded by Diomed, it is distant from Salapia about 140 stadia, and was called by the Greeks Sepius, from the numbers of cuttle fish⁹² thrown up by the sea along its shore. Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and a considerable estuary; by both of these channels the merchandise, and wheat especially, of Sipus is conveyed to the sea. Two heroa or shrines are shown on a hill of Daunia, called Drium, one on the very brow of the hill sacred to Calchas, those who are about to inquire of the oracle offer a black ram to him, and sleep upon the fleece, the other below near the foot of the hill is dedicated to Podalirius, it is about a hundred stadia distant from the sea; from this hill also flows a stream,⁹³ which is a potent cure for all manner of diseases among cattle.⁹⁴ The promontory of Garganum⁹⁵ running into the sea, juts out from this bay about 300 stadia.⁹⁶ As you turn the point you perceive the town of Urium,⁹⁷ while off the headland are seen the Diomedean islands. All this coast produces everything in great abundance, it is exceedingly well adapted for horses and sheep, and the wool is finer than that of Tarentum, but less glossy. The district is mild on account of the cup-like situation of the plains. There are some who report that Diomed attempted to cut a canal to the sea, but being sent for to return home, where he died, left it incomplete, as well as other undertakings. This is one account of him: another makes him abide here till the end of his days; a third is the fable I have already noticed, that he vanished in the island [of Teutria], and one might reckon as a fourth that of the Heneti,⁹⁸ for they somehow make out that he finished his career among them, as they assert his apotheosis. The distances I have thus given are laid down in accordance with those of Artemidorus.

[10] The chorographer indeed gives only 165 miles from Brentesium⁹⁹ to Garganum, but Artemidorus makes then more.¹⁰⁰ Thence to Ancona, the first says there are 254 miles, whilst Artemidorus has given but 1250 stadia to the Fiumesino,¹⁰¹ near to Ancona, which is much shorter. Polybius says that from Iapygia the distance has been laid down in miles, and that there are 562 miles thence to the town of Sila,¹⁰² thence to Aquileia 178. These geographers do not agree as to the length to be assigned to the line of the sea-coast of Illyria, run from the Ceraunian Mountains¹⁰³ to the head¹⁰⁴ of the Adriatic, some of them stating it to be above 6000 [stadia], and making it longer than the opposite coast [of Italy], while it is much shorter.¹⁰⁵ Indeed they all generally differ among themselves in stating distances, as we often have occasion to remark. Wherever it is possible to discriminate we set forth what appears to us to be correct, but where it is impossible to come to any safe conclusion we think it our duty to publish their several assertions. However, when we have no data furnished by them, it must not be wondered at, if we should leave some points untouched in treating of such and so vast a subject as we have undertaken. We would not indeed omit any of the important particulars, but trifling circumstances, even when they are noted, are of little advantage, and when taken no heed of, are not missed, nor does their omission at all impair the whole work, or, if it does, at most not much.

[11] Immediately beyond the Garganum comes a deep bay.¹⁰⁶ Those who dwell round it call themselves Apuli,¹⁰⁷ they speak the same language as the Daunii and Peucetii, and at the present time resemble them in every other particular; however it is likely that they were formerly distinct, since their names completely differ from those of the others. In ancient times the whole of this country was flourishing, but Hannibal and the wars which subsequently occurred have wasted it. Here too was fought the battle of Cannae, where there was so great a slaughter of the Roman forces and their allies.¹⁰⁸ Near this gulf there is a lake,¹⁰⁹ and above the lake in the interior is the Apulian Teanum,¹¹⁰ having a like name with that of the Sidicini.¹¹¹ It is between this and the neighbourhood of Dicaearchia¹¹² that the breadth of Italy is so contracted as to form an isthmus of less than 1000 stadia from sea to sea.¹¹³ Leaving the lake we sail next to Buca,¹¹⁴ and the country of the Frentani. There are 200 stadia from the lake both to Buca and to the Garganum. The remainder of the towns in the vicinity of Buca have been before described.¹¹⁵

Geography. Strabo. Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator). London. 1854-1857.

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Current edition Perseus

Geography (English) (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 1-3. Hamilton, Hans Claude, translator; Falconer, William, translator. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854-1857.)

Editions (1)

Γεωγραφικά Perseus (Strabo. Strabonis Geographica, Vols. 1-3. Meineke, August, editor. Leipzig: Teubner. 1877.) — 6.3 focus

[1] ἐπεληλυθόσι δʼ ἡμῖν τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχαίαν Ἰταλίαν μέχρι Μεταποντίου τὰ συνεχῆ λεκτέον. συνεχὴς δʼ ἐστὶν ἡ Ἰαπυγία· ταύτην δὲ καὶ Μεσσαπίαν καλοῦσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες, οἱ δʼ ἐπιχώριοι κατὰ μέρη τὸ μέν τι Σαλεντίνους καλοῦσι τὸ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν τὴν Ἰαπυγίαν, τὸ δὲ Καλαβρούς. ὑπὲρ τούτους πρόσβορροι Πευκέτιοί τέ εἰσι καὶ Δαύνιοι κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα διάλεκτον προσαγορευόμενοι, οἱ δʼ ἐπιχώριοι πᾶσαν τὴν μετὰ τοὺς Καλαβροὺς Ἀπουλίαν καλοῦσι· τινὲς δʼ αὐτῶν καὶ Ποίδικλοι λέγονται, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ Πευκέτιοι. ἔστι δέ τι ἐπιχερρονησιάζουσα ἡ Μεσσαπία τῷ ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου μέχρι Τάραντος ἰσθμῷ κλειομένη σταδίων δέκα καὶ τριακοσίων. ὅ τε περίπλους ἐστὶ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν σταδίων ὁμοῦ τι τετρακοσίων. τοῦ δὲ Μεταποντίου μὲν διέχει σταδίους περὶ διακοσίους καὶ εἴκοσιν ὁ Τάρας, ὁ δὲ πλοῦς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολάς. τοῦ δὲ κόλπου παντὸς τοῦ Ταραντίνου τὸ πλέον ἀλιμένου ὄντος, ἐνταῦθα δὴ λιμήν ἐστι μέγιστος καὶ κάλλιστος γεφύρᾳ κλειόμενος μεγάλῃ, σταδίων δʼ ἐστὶν ἑκατὸν τὴν περίμετρον. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ πρὸς τὸν μυχὸν μέρους ἰσθμὸν ποιεῖ πρὸς τὴν ἔξω θάλατταν, ὥστʼ ἐπὶ χερρονήσῳ κεῖσθαι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰ πλοῖα ὑπερνεωλκεῖσθαι ῥᾳδίως ἑκατέρωθεν ταπεινοῦ ὄντος τοῦ αὐχένος. ταπεινὸν δὲ καὶ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ἔδαφος, μικρὸν δʼ ὅμως ἐπῆρται κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. τὸ μὲν οὖν παλαιὸν τεῖχος κύκλον ἔχει μέγαν, νυνὶ δʼ ἐκλέλειπται τὸ πλέον τὸ πρὸς τῷ ἰσθμῷ, τὸ δὲ πρὸς τῷ στόματι τοῦ λιμένος, καθʼ ὃ καὶ ἡ ἀκρόπολις, συμμένει μέγεθος ἀξιολόγου πόλεως ἐκπληροῦν. ἔχει δὲ γυμνάσιόν τε κάλλιστον καὶ ἀγορὰν εὐμεγέθη, ἐν ᾗ καὶ ὁ τοῦ Διὸς ἵδρυται κολοσσὸς χαλκοῦς, μέγιστος μετὰ τὸν Ῥοδίων. μεταξὺ δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ τοῦ στόματος ἡ ἀκρόπολις μικρὰ λείψανα ἔχουσα τοῦ παλαιοῦ κόσμου τῶν ἀναθημάτων· τὰ γὰρ πολλὰ τὰ μὲν κατέφθειραν Καρχηδόνιοι λαβόντες τὴν πόλιν, τὰ δʼ ἐλαφυραγώγησαν Ῥωμαῖοι κρατήσαντες βιαίως· ὧν ἐστι καὶ ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ χαλκοῦς κολοσσικός, Λυσίππου ἔργον, ἀνάθημα Μαξίμου Φαβίου τοῦ ἑλόντος τὴν πόλιν.

[2] περὶ δὲ τῆς κτίσεως Ἀντίοχος λέγων φησὶν ὅτι τοῦ Μεσσηνιακοῦ πολέμου γενηθέντος οἱ μὴ μετασχόντες Λακεδαιμονίων τῆς στρατείας ἐκρίθησαν δοῦλοι καὶ ὠνομάσθησαν Εἵλωτες, ὅσοις δὲ κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν παῖδες ἐγένοντο, Παρθενίας ἐκάλουν καὶ ἀτίμους ἔκριναν· οἱ δʼ οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοι (πολλοὶ δʼ ἦσαν) ἐπεβούλευσαν τοῖς τοῦ δήμου. αἰσθόμενοι δʼ ὑπέπεμψάν τινας, οἳ προσποιήσει φιλίας ἔμελλον ἐξαγγέλλειν τὸν τρόπον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς. τούτων δʼ ἦν καὶ Φάλανθος, ὅσπερ ἐδόκει προστάτης ὑπάρχειν αὐτῶν, οὐκ ἠρέσκετο δʼ ἁπλῶς τοῖς περὶ τῆς βουλῆς ὀνομασθεῖσι. συνέκειτο μὲν δὴ τοῖς Ὑακινθίοις ἐν τῷ Ἀμυκλαίῳ συντελουμένου τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ἡνίκʼ ἂν τὴν κυνῆν περίθηται ὁ Φάλανθος, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπίθεσιν· γνώριμοι δʼ ἦσαν ἀπὸ τῆς κόμης οἱ τοῦ δήμου. ἐξαγγειλάντων δὲ λάθρᾳ τὰ συγκείμενα τῶν περὶ Φάλανθον καὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐνεστῶτος, προελθὼν ὁ κῆρυξ εἶπε μὴ περιθέσθαι κυνῆν Φάλανθον. οἱ δʼ αἰσθόμενοι ὡς μεμηνύκασι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν οἱ μὲν διεδίδρασκον οἱ δὲ ἱκέτευον. κελεύσαντες δʼ αὐτοὺς θαρρεῖν φυλακῇ παρέδοσαν, τὸν δὲ Φάλανθον ἔπεμψαν εἰς θεοῦ περὶ ἀποικίας· ὁ δʼ ἔχρησε

Σατύριόν τοι δῶκα Τάραντά τε πίονα δῆμον

οἰκῆσαι, καὶ πῆμα Ἰαπύγεσσι γενέσθαι.

ἧκον οὖν σὺν Φαλάνθῳ οἱ Παρθενίαι, καὶ ἐδέξαντο αὐτοὺς οἵ τε βάρβαροι καὶ οἱ Κρῆτες οἱ προκατασχόντες τὸν τόπον. τούτους δʼ εἶναί φασι τοὺς μετὰ Μίνω πλεύσαντας εἰς Σικελίαν, καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν τὴν ἐν Καμικοῖς παρὰ Κωκάλῳ συμβᾶσαν ἀπάραντας ἐκ Σικελίας κατὰ δὲ τὸν ἀνάπλουν δεῦρο παρωσθέντας, ὧν τινὰς ὕστερον πεζῇ περιελθόντας τὸν Ἀδρίαν μέχρι Μακεδονίας Βοττιαίους προσαγορευθῆναι. Ἰάπυγας δὲ λεχθῆναι πάντας φασὶ μέχρι τῆς Δαυνίας ἀπὸ Ἰάπυγος, ὃν ἐκ Κρήσσης γυναικὸς Δαιδάλῳ γενέσθαι φασὶ καὶ ἡγήσασθαι τῶν Κρητῶν· Τάραντα δʼ ὠνόμασαν ἀπὸ ἥρωός τινος τὴν πόλιν.

[3] ἔφορος δʼ οὕτω λέγει περὶ τῆς κτίσεως· ἐπολέμουν Λακεδαιμόνιοι Μεσσηνίοις ἀποκτείνασι τὸν βασιλέα Τήλεκλον εἰς Μεσσήνην ἀφικόμενον ἐπὶ θυσίαν, ὀμόσαντες μὴ πρότερον ἐπανήξειν οἴκαδε πρὶν ἢ Μεσσήνην ἀνελεῖν ἢ πάντας ἀποθανεῖν· φύλακας δὲ τῆς πόλεως κατέλιπον στρατεύοντες τούς τε νεωτάτους καὶ πρεσβυτάτους τῶν πολιτῶν. δεκάτῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἔτει τοῦ πολέμου τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συνελθούσας ἐξ ἑαυτῶν πέμψαι τινὰς παρὰ τοὺς ἄνδρας τὰς μεμψομένας, ὡς οὐκ ἐπʼ ἴσοις πολεμοῖεν πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους (οἱ μὲν γὰρ μένοντες τεκνοποιοῦνται, οἱ δὲ χήρας ἀφέντες τὰς γυναῖκας ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ ἐστρατοπέδευον), καὶ κίνδυνος εἴη λιπανδρῆσαι τὴν πατρίδα. οἱ δʼ ἅμα καὶ τὸν ὅρκον φυλάττοντες καὶ τὸν τῶν γυναικῶν λόγον ἐν νῷ θέμενοι πέμπουσι τῆς στρατιᾶς τοὺς εὐρωστοτάτους ἅμα καὶ νεωτάτους, οὓς ᾔδεσαν οὐ μετασχόντας τῶν ὅρκων διὰ τὸ παῖδας ἔτι ὄντας συνεξελθεῖν τοῖς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ· προσέταξαν δὲ συγγίνεσθαι ταῖς παρθένοις ἁπάσαις ἅπαντας, ἡγούμενοι πολυτεκνήσειν μᾶλλον· γενομένων δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν παῖδες ὠνομάσθησαν Παρθενίαι. Μεσσήνη δὲ ἑάλω πολεμηθεῖσα ἐννεακαίδεκα ἔτη, καθάπερ καὶ Τυρταῖός φησιν

ἀμφʼ αὐτὴν δʼ ἐμάχοντʼ ἐννεακαίδεκʼ ἔτη,

νωλεμέως αἰεὶ ταλασίφρονα θυμὸν ἔχοντες,

αἰχμηταὶ πατέρων ἡμετέρων πατέρες.

εἰκοστῷ δʼ οἱ μὲν κατὰ πίονα ἔργα λιπόντες

φεῦγον Ἰθωμαίων ἐκ μεγάλων ὀρέων.

¹ τὴν μὲν οὖν Μεσσηνίαν κατενείμαντο, ἐπανελθόντες δʼ οἴκαδε τοὺς Παρθενίας οὐχ ὁμοίως τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐτίμων ὡς οὐκ ἐκ γάμου γεγονότας· οἳ συνιστάμενοι μετὰ τῶν Εἱλώτων ἐπεβούλευσαν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ συνέθεντο ἆραι σύσσημον ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ πῖλον Λακωνικόν, ἐπειδὰν ἐγχειρῶσι. τῶν δὲ Εἱλώτων τινὲς ἐξαγγείλαντες, τὸ μὲν ἀντεπιτίθεσθαι χαλεπὸν ἔγνωσαν· καὶ γὰρ πολλοὺς εἶναι καὶ πάντας ὁμόφρονας, ὡς ἂν ἀλλήλων ἀδελφοὺς νομιζομένους· τοὺς μέλλοντας δʼ αἴρειν τὸ σύσσημον ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπιέναι προσέταξαν. οἱ μὲν δὴ μεμηνυμένην αἰσθόμενοι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπέσχον, οἱ δὲ διὰ τῶν πατέρων ἔπεισαν αὐτοὺς εἰς ἀποικίαν ἐξελθεῖν· κἂν μὲν κατάσχωσιν ἀρκοῦντα τὸν τόπον, μένειν, εἰ δὲ μή, τῆς Μεσσηνίας τὸ πέμπτον κατανείμασθαι μέρος ἐπανιόντας. οἱ δὲ σταλέντες κατελάβοντο τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς πολεμοῦντας τοῖς βαρβάροις, μετασχόντες δὲ τῶν κινδύνων κτίζουσι τὴν Τάραντα.

[4] ἴσχυσαν δέ ποτε οἱ Ταραντῖνοι καθʼ ὑπερβολὴν πολιτευόμενοι δημοκρατικῶς· καὶ γὰρ ναυτικὸν ἐκέκτηντο μέγιστον τῶν ταύτῃ καὶ πεζοὺς ἔστελλον τρισμυρίους, ἱππέας δὲ τρισχιλίους, ἱππάρχους δὲ χιλίους. ἀπεδέξαντο δὲ καὶ τὴν Πυθαγόρειον φιλοσοφίαν, διαφερόντως δʼ Ἀρχύτας, ὃς καὶ προέστη τῆς πόλεως πολὺν χρόνον. ἐξίσχυσε δʼ ἡ ὕστερον τρυφὴ διὰ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν, ὥστε τὰς πανδήμους ἑορτὰς πλείους ἄγεσθαι κατʼ ἔτος παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἢ τὰς ἡμέρας· ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ χεῖρον ἐπολιτεύοντο. ἓν δὲ τῶν φαύλων πολιτευμάτων τεκμήριόν ἐστι τὸ ξενικοῖς στρατηγοῖς χρῆσθαι· καὶ γὰρ τὸν Μολοττὸν Ἀλέξανδρον μετεπέμψαντο ἐπὶ Μεσσαπίους καὶ Λευκανούς, καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Ἀρχίδαμον τὸν Ἀγησιλάου καὶ ὕστερον Κλεώνυμον καὶ Ἀγαθοκλέα, εἶτα Πύρρον, ἡνίκα συνέστησαν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. οὐδʼ ἐκείνοις δʼ εὐπειθεῖν ἠδύναντο οὓς ἐπεκαλοῦντο, ἀλλʼ εἰς ἔχθραν αὐτοὺς καθίστασαν. ὁ γοῦν Ἀλέξανδρος τὴν κοινὴν Ἑλλήνων τῶν ταύτῃ πανήγυριν, ἣν ἔθος ἦν ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ συντελεῖν τῆς Ταραντίνης, μετάγειν ἐπειρᾶτο εἰς τὴν Θουρίαν κατὰ ἔχθος, ἐκέλευέ τε κατὰ τὸν Ἀκάλανδρον ποταμὸν τειχίζειν τόπον, ὅπου ἔσοιντο αἱ σύνοδοι· καὶ δὴ καὶ ἡ συμβᾶσα αὐτῷ κακοπραγία διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἀγνωμοσύνην ἀπαντῆσαι λέγεται. πρὸς δὲ Μεσσαπίους ἐπολέμησαν περὶ Ἡρακλείας, ἔχοντες συνεργοὺς τόν τε τῶν Δαυνίων καὶ τὸν τῶν Πευκετίων βασιλέα. περί τε τὰ Ἀννίβεια καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀφῃρέθησαν, ὕστερον δʼ ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων δεξάμενοι καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ζῶσι καὶ βέλτιον ἢ πρότερον.

[5] ἡ δʼ ἑξῆς τῶν Ἰαπύγων χώρα παραδόξως ἐστὶν ἀστεία· ἐπιπολῆς γὰρ φαινομένη τραχεῖα εὑρίσκεται βαθύγειος σχιζομένη, ἀνυδροτέρα δʼ οὖσα εὔβοτος οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ εὔδενδρος ὁρᾶται. εὐάνδρησε δέ ποτε καὶ τοῦτο σφόδρα τὸ χωρίον σύμπαν καὶ ἔσχε πόλεις τρισκαίδεκα, ἀλλὰ νῦν πλὴν Τάραντος καὶ Βρεντεσίου τἆλλα πολισμάτιά ἐστιν· οὕτως ἐκπεπόνηνται. τοὺς δὲ Σαλεντίνους Κρητῶν ἀποίκους φασίν· ἐνταῦθα δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν πλούσιόν ποτε ὑπάρξαν, καὶ ὁ σκόπελος, ὃν καλοῦσιν ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν, πολὺς ἐκκείμενος εἰς τὸ πέλαγος καὶ τὰς χειμερινὰς ἀνατολάς, ἐπιστρέφων δέ πως ἐπὶ τὸ Λακίνιον ἀνταῖρον ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας αὐτῷ καὶ κλεῖον τὸ στόμα τοῦ Ταραντίνου κόλπου πρὸς αὐτόν. καὶ τὰ Κεραύνια δʼ ὁμοίως ὄρη κλείει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸ στόμα τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου, καὶ ἔστι τὸ δίαρμα ὅσον ἑπτακοσίων σταδίων ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ πρός τε τὰ Κεραύνια καὶ πρὸς τὸ Λακίνιον. περίπλους δʼ ἐκ Τάραντός ἐστιν εἰς Βρεντέσιον μέχρι μὲν Βάριδος πολίχνης ἑξακόσιοι στάδιοι· καλοῦσι δὲ Βᾶριν οἱ νῦν Ὀυερητόν, κεῖται δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄκροις τῆς Σαλεντίνης, καὶ τὸ πολὺ πεζῇ μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ πλοῦν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐκ τοῦ Τάραντος εὐμαρὴς ἡ ἄφιξίς ἐστιν. ἔνθεν εἰς τὰ Λευκὰ στάδιοι ὀγδοήκοντα, πολίχνιον καὶ τοῦτο, ἐν ᾧ δείκνυται πηγὴ δυσώδους ὕδατος· μυθεύουσι δʼ ὅτι τοὺς περιλειφθέντας τῶν γιγάντων ἐν τῇ κατὰ Καμπανίαν Φλέγρᾳ Λευτερνίους καλουμένους Ἡρακλῆς ἐξελάσειε, καταφυγόντες δὲ δεῦρο ὑπὸ γῆς περισταλεῖεν, ἐκ δὲ ἰχώρων τοιοῦτον ἴσχοι ῥεῦμα ἡ πηγή· διὰ τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τὴν παραλίαν ταύτην Λευτερνίαν προσαγορεύουσιν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν Λευκῶν εἰς Ὑδροῦντα πολίχνην ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα· ἐντεῦθεν δʼ εἰς Βρεντέσιον τετρακόσιοι· οἱ δʼ ἴσοι καὶ εἰς Σάσωνα τὴν νῆσον, ἥτις μέση πως ἵδρυται τοῦ διάρματος τοῦ ἐκ τῆς Ἠπείρου πρὸς τὸ Βρεντέσιον· διόπερ οἱ μὴ δυνάμενοι κρατεῖν τῆς εὐθυπλοίας καταίρουσιν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ἐκ τοῦ Σάσωνος πρὸς τὸν Ὑδροῦντα, ἐντεῦθεν δὲ τηρήσαντες φορὸν πνεῦμα προσέχουσι τοῖς μὲν Βρεντεσίνων λιμέσιν, ἐκβάντες δὲ πεζεύουσι συντομώτερον ἐπὶ Ῥοδιῶν πόλεως Ἑλληνίδος, ἐξ ἧς ἦν ὁ ποιητὴς Ἔννιος. ἔοικεν οὖν χερρονήσῳ τὸ περιπλεόμενον χωρίον ἐκ Τάραντος εἰς Βρεντέσιον· ἡ δʼ ἐκ Βρεντεσίου πεζευομένη ὁδὸς εἰς τὸν Τάραντα, εὐζώνῳ μιᾶς οὖσα ἡμέρας, τὸν ἰσθμὸν ποιεῖ τῆς εἰρημένης χερρονήσου, ἣν Μεσσαπίαν τε καὶ Ἰαπυγίαν καὶ Καλαβρίαν καὶ Σαλεντίνην κοινῶς οἱ πολλοὶ προσαγορεύουσι· τινὲς δὲ διαιροῦσιν, ὡς ἐλέγομεν πρότερον.

[6] τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ πολίχνια εἴρηται. ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ Ῥοδίαι τέ εἰσι καὶ Λουπίαι καὶ μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης Ἀλητία· ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ ἰσθμῷ μέσῳ Οὐρία, ἐν ᾗ βασίλειον ἔτι δείκνυται τῶν δυναστῶν τινος. εἰρηκότος δʼ Ἡροδότου Ὑρίαν εἶναι ἐν τῇ Ἰαπυγίᾳ κτίσμα Κρητῶν τῶν πλανηθέντων ἐκ τοῦ Μίνω στόλου τοῦ εἰς Σικελίαν, ἤτοι ταύτην δεῖ δέχεσθαι ἢ τὸ Ὀυερητόν. Βρεντέσιον δʼ ἐποικῆσαι μὲν λέγονται Κρῆτες οἱ μετὰ Θησέως ἐπελθόντες ἐκ Κνωσσοῦ, εἴθʼ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας ἀπηρκότες μετὰ τοῦ Ἰάπυγος (λέγεται γὰρ ἀμφοτέρως)· οὐ συμμεῖναι δέ φασιν αὐτούς, ἀλλʼ ἀπελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Βοττιαίαν. ὕστερον δὲ ἡ πόλις βασιλευομένη πολλὴν ἀπέβαλε τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν μετὰ Φαλάνθου Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅμως δʼ ἐκπεσόντα αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ Τάραντος ἐδέξαντο οἱ Βρεντεσῖνοι, καὶ τελευτήσαντα ἠξίωσαν λαμπρᾶς ταφῆς. χώραν δʼ ἔχουσι βελτίω τῆς Ταραντίνων· λεπτόγεως γὰρ ἐκείνη, χρηστόκαρπος δέ, μέλι δὲ καὶ ἔρια τῶν σφόδρα ἐπαινουμένων ἐστί. καὶ εὐλίμενον δὲ μᾶλλον τὸ Βρεντέσιον· ἑνὶ γὰρ στόματι πολλοὶ κλείονται λιμένες ἄκλυστοι, κόλπων ἀπολαμβανομένων ἐντός, ὥστʼ ἐοικέναι κέρασιν ἐλάφου τὸ σχῆμα, ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ τοὔνομα· σὺν γὰρ τῇ πόλει κεφαλῇ μάλιστα ἐλάφου προσέοικεν ὁ τόπος, τῇ δὲ Μεσσαπίᾳ γλώττῃ βρέντιον ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ ἐλάφου καλεῖται. ὁ δὲ Ταραντῖνος οὐ παντελῶς ἐστιν ἄκλυστος διὰ τὸ ἀναπεπτάσθαι, καί τινα καὶ προσβραχῆ ἔχει τὰ περὶ τὸν μυχόν.

[7] ἔτι δὲ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας διαίρουσιν εὐθύπλοια μᾶλλόν ἐστιν ἐπὶ τὸ Βρεντέσιον, καὶ δὴ καὶ δεῦρο πάντες καταίρουσιν οἷς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρόκειται ὁδός. δύο δέ εἰσι, μία μὲν ἡμιονικὴ διὰ Πευκετίων, οὓς Ποιδίκλους καλοῦσι, καὶ Δαυνίων καὶ Σαυνιτῶν μέχρι Βενεουεντοῦ, ἐφʼ ᾗ ὁδῷ Ἐγνατία πόλις, εἶτα Καιλία καὶ Νήτιον καὶ Κανύσιον καὶ Ἑρδωνία· ἡ δὲ διὰ Τάραντος μικρὸν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ὅσον δὴ μιᾶς ἡμέρας περίοδον κυκλεύσαντι, ἡ Ἀππία λεγομένη, ἁμαξήλατος μᾶλλον· ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ πόλις Οὐρία τε καὶ Ὀυενουσία, ἡ μὲν μεταξὺ Τάραντος καὶ Βρεντεσίου, ἡ δʼ ἐν μεθορίοις Σαυνιτῶν καὶ Λευκανῶν. συμβάλλουσι δὲ ἄμφω κατὰ Βενεουεντὸν καὶ τὴν Καμπανίαν ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου. τοὐντεῦθεν δʼ ἤδη μέχρι τῆς Ῥώμης Ἀππία καλεῖται, διὰ Καυδίου καὶ Καλατίας καὶ Καπύης καὶ Κασιλίνου μέχρι Σινοέσσης· τὰ δʼ ἐνθένδε εἴρηται. ἡ δὲ πᾶσά ἐστιν ἐκ Ῥώμης εἰς Βρεντέσιον μίλια τριακόσια ἑξήκοντα. τρίτη δʼ ἐστὶν ἐκ Ῥηγίου διὰ Βρεττίων καὶ Λευκανῶν καὶ τῆς Σαυνίτιδος εἰς τὴν Καμπανίαν, συνάπτουσα εἰς τὴν Ἀππίαν, μακροτέρα τῆς ἐκ Βρεντεσίου τρισὶν ἢ τέτταρσιν ἡμέραις διὰ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν.

[8] ὁ δʼ εἰς τὴν περαίαν ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου πλοῦς ἐστὶν ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰ Κεραύνια καὶ τὴν ἑξῆς παραλίαν τῆς τε Ἠπείρου καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὁ δʼ εἰς Ἐπίδαμνον μείζων τοῦ προτέρου· χιλίων γάρ ἐστι καὶ ὀκτακοσίων σταδίων· τέτριπται δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τὸ τὴν πόλιν εὐφυῶς κεῖσθαι πρός τε τὰ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἔθνη καὶ τὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων. παραπλέοντι δʼ ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου τὴν Ἀδριατικὴν παραλίαν πόλις ἐστὶν ἡ Ἐγνατία, οὖσα κοινὴ καταγωγὴ πλέοντί τε καὶ πεζεύοντι εἰς Βάριον· ὁ δὲ πλοῦς νότῳ. μέχρι δεῦρο μὲν Πευκέτιοι κατὰ θάλατταν, ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ δὲ μέχρι Σιλουίου· πᾶσα δὲ τραχεῖα καὶ ὀρεινή, πολὺ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν κοινωνοῦσα· ἀποίκους δʼ Ἀρκάδας δέξασθαι δοκεῖ. εἰσὶ δʼ ἐκ Βρεντεσίου εἰς Βάριον ἑπτακόσιοί που στάδιοι· σχεδὸν δʼ ἴσον ἑκατέρας Τάρας διέχει· τὴν δὲ συνεχῆ Δαύνιοι νέμονται, εἶτα Ἄπουλοι μέχρι Φρεντανῶν. ἀνάγκη δέ, Πευκετίων καὶ Δαυνίων μηδʼ ὅλως λεγομένων ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων πλὴν εἰ τὸ παλαιόν, ἁπάσης δὲ ταύτης τῆς χώρας Ἀπουλίας λεγομένης νυνί, μηδὲ τοὺς ὅρους ἐπʼ ἀκριβὲς λέγεσθαι τῶν ἐθνῶν τούτων· διόπερ οὐδʼ ἡμῖν διισχυριστέον περὶ αὐτῶν.

[9] ἐκ δὲ Βαρίου πρὸς τὸν ποταμὸν Αὔφιδον, ἐφʼ ᾧ τὸ ἐμπόριον τῶν Κανυσιτῶν, τετρακόσιοι· ὁ δʼ ἀνάπλους ἐπὶ τὸ ἐμπόριον ἐνενήκοντα. πλησίον δὲ καὶ Σαλαπία τὸ τῶν Ἀργυριππίνων ἐπίνειον. οὐ πολὺ γὰρ δὴ τῆς θαλάττης ὑπέρκεινται δύο πόλεις ἔν γε τῷ πεδίῳ, μέγισται τῶν Ἰταλιωτίδων γεγονυῖαι πρότερον, ὡς ἐκ τῶν περιβόλων δῆλον, τό τε Κανύσιον καὶ ἡ Ἀργυρίππα, ἀλλὰ νῦν ἐλάττων ἐστίν. ἐκαλεῖτο δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ἄργος ἵππιον, εἶτʼ Ἀργυρίππα, εἶτα νῦν Ἄρποι. λέγονται δʼ ἀμφότεραι Διομήδους κτίσματα· καὶ τὸ πεδίον καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ δείκνυται τῆς Διομήδους ἐν τούτοις τοῖς τόποις δυναστείας σημεῖα, ἐν μὲν τῷ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερῷ τῆς ἐν Λουκερίᾳ παλαιὰ ἀναθήματα (καὶ αὕτη δʼ ὑπῆρξε πόλις ἀρχαία Δαυνίων, νῦν δὲ τεταπείνωται), ἐν δὲ τῇ πλησίον θαλάττῃ δύο νῆσοι Διομήδειαι προσαγορευόμεναι, ὧν ἡ μὲν οἰκεῖται, τὴν δʼ ἐρήμην φασὶν εἶναι· ἐν ᾗ καὶ τὸν Διομήδη μυθεύουσιν ἀφανισθῆναί τινες καὶ τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀπορνιθωθῆναι, καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν διαμένειν ἡμέρους καὶ βίον τινὰ ζῆν ἀνθρώπινον τάξει τε διαίτης καὶ τῇ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἡμερότητι τοὺς ἐπιεικεῖς, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν κακούργων καὶ μιαρῶν φυγῇ. εἴρηται δὲ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς Ἑνετοῖς διατεθρυλημένα περὶ τοῦ ἥρωος τούτου καὶ αἱ νομισθεῖσαι τιμαί. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ Σιποῦς Διομήδους εἶναι κτίσμα διέχων τῆς Σαλαπίας ὅσον τετταράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους, καὶ ὠνομάζετό γε Σηπιοῦς Ἑλληνικῶς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκκυματιζομένων σηπιῶν. μεταξὺ δὲ τῆς Σαλαπίας καὶ τοῦ Σιποῦντος ποταμός τε πλωτὸς καὶ στομαλίμνη μεγάλη· διʼ ἀμφοῖν δὲ τὰ ἐκ Σιποῦντος κατάγεται καὶ μάλιστα ὁ σῖτος. δείκνυται δὲ τῆς Δαυνίας περὶ λόφον ᾧ ὄνομα Δρίον ἡρῷα, τὸ μὲν Κάλχαντος ἐπʼ ἄκρᾳ τῇ κορυφῇ (ἐναγίζουσι δʼ αὐτῷ μέλανα κριὸν οἱ μαντευόμενοι, ἐγκοιμώμενοι ἐν τῷ δέρματι), τὸ δὲ Ποδαλειρίου κάτω πρὸς τῇ ῥίζῃ διέχον τῆς θαλάττης ὅσον σταδίους ἑκατόν· ῥεῖ δʼ ἐξ αὐτοῦ ποτάμιον πάνακες πρὸς τὰς τῶν θρεμμάτων νόσους. πρόκειται δὲ τοῦ κόλπου τούτου πελάγιον ἀκρωτήριον ἐπὶ τριακοσίους ἀνατεῖνον σταδίους πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολὰς τὸ Γάργανον, κάμπτοντι δὲ τὴν ἄκραν πολισμάτιον Οὔριον καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἄκρας αἱ Διομήδειαι νῆσοι. ἔστι δὲ πᾶσα ἡ χώρα αὕτη πάμφορός τε καὶ πολυφόρος, ἵπποις δὲ καὶ προβάτοις ἀρίστη· ἡ δʼ ἐρέα μαλακωτέρα μὲν τῆς Ταραντίνης ἐστί, λαμπρὰ δὲ ἧττον. ἡ δὲ χώρα εὐδινὴ διὰ τὴν κοιλότητα τῶν πεδίων. οἱ δὲ καὶ διώρυγα τεμεῖν ἐπιχειρῆσαί φασι τὸν Διομήδη μέχρι τῆς θαλάττης, καταλιπεῖν δʼ ἡμιτελῆ καὶ ταύτην καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πράξεις μετάπεμπτον οἴκαδε γενόμενον, κἀκεῖ καταστρέψαι τὸν βίον. εἷς μὲν οὗτος ὁ λόγος περὶ αὐτοῦ, δεύτερος δʼ ὡς αὐτόθι μείνειε μέχρι καταστροφῆς τοῦ βίου, τρίτος δʼ ὁ μυθώδης ὃν προεῖπον τὸν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ λέγων ἀφανισμόν, τέταρτον δὲ θείη τις ἂν τὸν τῶν Ἑνετῶν· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι παρὰ σφίσι πως τὴν καταστροφὴν αὐτοῦ μυθεύουσιν, ἣν ἀποθέωσιν καλοῦσι.

[10] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν κατʼ Ἀρτεμίδωρον κεῖται τὰ διαστήματα. φησὶ δʼ ὁ χωρογράφος τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου μέχρι Γαργάνου μιλίων ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα πέντε, πλεονάζει δὲ αὐτὰ Ἀρτεμίδωρος· ἐντεῦθεν δʼ εἰς Ἀγκῶνα διακόσια πεντήκοντα τέτταρα μίλιά φησιν ἐκεῖνος, ὁ δʼ Ἀρτεμίδωρος εἰς Αἶσιν πλησίον ὄντα τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος σταδίους εἴρηκε χιλίους διακοσίους πεντήκοντα, πολὺ ἐνδεέστερον ἐκείνου· Πολύβιος δʼ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰαπυγίας μεμιλιᾶσθαί φησι καὶ εἶναι μίλια πεντακόσια ἑξήκοντα δύο εἰς Σήναν πόλιν, ἐντεῦθεν δʼ εἰς Ἀκυληίαν ἑκατὸν ἑβδομήκοντα ὀκτώ. οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες τῷ φερομένῳ διαστήματι τῆς Ἰλλυρικῆς παραλίας ἀπὸ τῶν Κεραυνίων ὀρῶν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀδρίου μυχόν, ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίων τοῦτον τὸν παράπλουν ἀποφαίνοντες καὶ μείζω καθιστάντες ἐκείνου πολὺ ἐλάττονα ὄντα. καὶ πάντες δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας μάλιστα περὶ τῶν διαστημάτων οὐχ ὁμολογοῦσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὡς πολλάκις ἐλέγομεν. ἡμεῖς δʼ ὅπου μὲν ἐπικρίνειν δυνατόν, ἐκφέρομεν τὸ δοκοῦν ἡμῖν, ὅπου δὲ μή, τὰ ἐκείνων εἰς μέσον οἰόμεθα δεῖν τιθέναι. ἐὰν δὲ μηδὲν παρʼ ἐκείνων ἔχωμεν, οὐδὲν θαυμαστὸν οὐδʼ εἰ παρελείψαμέν τι καὶ ἡμεῖς, ἐν τοιαύτῃ καὶ ταῦθʼ ὑποθέσει· τῶν μὲν γὰρ μεγάλων οὐδὲν ἂν παραλίποιμεν, τὰ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ γνωρισθέντα μικρὸν ὤνησε καὶ παραπεμφθέντα ἔλαθε καὶ οὐδὲν ἢ οὐ πολὺ τοῦ παντελοῦς ἔργου παρέλυσε.

[11] μεταξὺ δʼ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Γαργάνου κόλπος ὑποδέχεται βαθύς· οἱ δὲ περιοικοῦντες ἰδίως Ἄπουλοι προσαγορεύονται, εἰσὶ δὲ ὁμόγλωττοι μὲν τοῖς Δαυνίοις καὶ Πευκετίοις· οὐδὲ τἆλλα δὲ διαφέρουσιν ἐκείνων τό γε νῦν, τὸ δὲ πάλαι διαφέρειν εἰκός, ὅθενπερ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα ἐναντία πάντων ἐπικρατεῖν. πρότερον μὲν οὖν ηὐτύχει αὕτη πᾶσα ἡ γῆ, Ἀννίβας δὲ καὶ οἱ ὕστερον πόλεμοι ἠρήμωσαν αὐτήν· ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ Κάννας συνέβη, ὅπου πλεῖστος ὄλεθρος σωμάτων Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐγένετο. ἐν δὲ τῷ κόλπῳ λίμνη ἐστίν, ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς λίμνης ἐν μεσογαίᾳ τὸ Ἄπουλον Τέανον, ὁμώνυμον τῷ Σιδικίνῳ· καθʼ ὃ δοκεῖ συνάγεσθαι τὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας πλάτος ἐφʼ ἱκανὸν πρὸς τοὺς περὶ Δικαιάρχειαν τόπους, ἐλαττόνων ἢ χιλίων σταδίων ἀπὸ θαλάττης ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἰσθμὸν καταλεῖπον. μετὰ δὲ τὴν λίμνην ἐπὶ τοὺς Φρεντανοὺς καὶ τὴν Βοῦκαν παράπλους ἐστί· διακόσιοι δʼ εἰσὶν ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα στάδιοι τῆς λίμνης ἐπί τε τὴν Βοῦκαν καὶ τὸ Γάργανον. τὰ δʼ ἑξῆς τοῖς περὶ Βοῦκαν εἴρηται πρότερον.

Translations (1)

Geography (Books 6-14) Perseus (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 3-6. Jones, Horace Leonard, translator. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1924-1929 (printing).) — 6.3 focus

[1] Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy¹ as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape)² the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium³ as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither⁴ around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred⁵ stadia. The distance from Metapontium⁶ is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor,⁷ which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess,⁸ the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city—the part that is near the isthmus—has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remnants of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm.⁹ Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city.

[2] In speaking of the founding of Taras, Antiochus says: After the Messenian war¹⁰ broke out, those of the Lacedaemonians who did not take part in the expedition were adjudged slaves and were named Helots,¹¹ and all children who were born in the time of the expedition were called Partheniae¹² and judicially deprived of the rights of citizenship, but they would not tolerate this, and since they were numerous formed a plot against the free citizens; and when the latter learned of the plot they sent secretly certain men who, through a pretence of friendship, were to report what manner of plot it was; among these was Phalanthus, who was reputed to be their champion, but he was not pleased, in general, with those who had been named to take part in the council. It was agreed, however, that the attack should be made at the Hyacinthian festival in the Amyclaeum¹³ when the games were being celebrated, at the moment when Phalanthus should put on his leather cap (the free citizens were recognizable by their hair ¹⁴); but when Phalanthus and his men had secretly reported the agreement, and when the games were in progress, the herald came forward and forbade Phalanthus to put on a leather cap; and when the plotters perceived that the plot had been revealed, some of them began to run away and others to beg for mercy; but they were bidden to be of good cheer and were given over to custody; Phalanthus, however, was sent to the temple of the god¹⁵ to consult with reference to founding a colony; and the god responded, “I give to thee Satyrium, both to take up thine abode in the rich land of Taras and to become a bane to the Iapygians.” Accordingly, the Partheniae went thither with Phalanthus, and they were welcomed by both the barbarians and the Cretans who had previously taken possession of the place. These latter, it is said, are the people who sailed with Minos to Sicily , and, after his death, which occurred at the home of Cocalus in Camici ,¹⁶ set sail from Sicily ; but on the voyage back¹⁷ they were driven out of their course to Taras, although later some of them went afoot around the Adrias ¹⁸ as far as Macedonia and were called Bottiaeans. But all the people as far as Daunia, it is said, were called Iapyges, after Iapyx, who is said to have been the son of Daedalus by a Cretan woman and to have been the leader of the Cretans. The city of Taras, however, was named after some hero.

[3] But Ephorus describes the founding of the city thus: The Lacedaemonians were at war with the Messenians because the latter had killed their king Teleclus when he went to Messene to offer sacrifice, and they swore that they would not return home again until they either destroyed Messene or were all killed; and when they set out on the expedition, they left behind the youngest and the oldest of the citizens to guard the city; but later on, in the tenth year of the war, the Lacedaemonian women met together and sent certain of their own number to make complaint to their husbands that they were carrying on the war with the Messenians on unequal terms, for the Messenians, staying in their own country, were begetting children, whereas they, having abandoned their wives to widowhood, were on an expedition in the country of the enemy, and they complained that the fatherland was in danger of being in want of men; and the Lacedaemonians, both keeping their oath and at the same time bearing in mind the argument of the women, sent the men who were most vigorous and at the same time youngest, for they knew that these had not taken part in the oaths, because they were still children when they went out to war along with the men who were of military age; and they ordered them to cohabit with the maidens, every man with every maiden, thinking that thus the maidens would bear many more children; and when this was done, the children were named Partheniae. But as for Messene , it was captured after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtaeus says: “About it they fought for nineteen years, relentlessly, with heart ever steadfast, did the fathers of our fathers, spearmen they; and in the twentieth the people forsook their fertile farms and fled from the great mountains of Ithome .” Now the Lacedaemonians divided up Messenia among themselves, but when they came on back home they would not honor the Partheniae with civic rights like the rest, on the ground that they had been born out of wedlock; and the Partheniae, leaguing with the Helots, formed a plot against the Lacedaemonians and agreed to raise a Laconian cap in the market-place as a signal for the attack. But though some of the Helots had revealed the plot, the Lacedaemonians decided that it would be difficult to make a counter-attack against them, for the Helots were not only numerous but were all of one mind, regarding themselves as virtually brothers of one another, and merely charged those who were about to raise the signal to go away from the marketplace. So the plotters, on learning that the undertaking had been betrayed, held back, and the Lacedaemonians persuaded them, through the influence of their fathers, to go forth and found a colony, and if the place they took possession of sufficed them, to stay there, but if not, to come on back and divide among themselves the fifth part of Messenia . And they, thus sent forth, found the Achaeans at war with the barbarians, took part in their perils, and founded Taras.

[4] At one time the Tarantini were exceedingly powerful, that is, when they enjoyed a democratic government; for they not only had acquired the largest fleet of all peoples in that part of the world but were wont to send forth an army of thirty thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry, and one thousand commanders of cavalry. Moreover, the Pythagorean philosophy was embraced by them, but especially by Archytas,¹⁹ who presided over the city for a considerable time. But later, because of their prosperity, luxury prevailed to such an extent that the public festivals celebrated among them every year were more in number than the days of the year; and in consequence of this they also were poorly governed. One evidence of their bad policies is the fact that they employed foreign generals; for they sent for Alexander²⁰ the Molossian to lead them in their war against the Messapians and Leucanians, and, still before that, for Archidamus,²¹ the son of Agesilaüs, and, later on, for Cleonymus,²² and Agathocles,²³ and then for Pyrrhus,²⁴ at the time when they formed a league with him against the Romans. And yet even to those whom they called in they could not yield a ready obedience, and would set them at enmity. At all events, it was out of enmity that Alexander tried to transfer to Thurian territory the general festival assembly of all Greek peoples in that part of the world—the assembly which was wont to meet at Heracleia in Tarantine territory, and that he began to urge that a place for the meetings be fortified on the Acalandrus River. Furthermore, it is said that the unhappy end which befell him²⁵ was the result of their ingratitude. Again, about the time of the wars with Hannibal, they were deprived of their freedom, although later they received a colony of Romans, and are now living at peace and better than before. In their war against the Messapians for the possession of Heracleia, they had the co-operation of the king of the Daunians and the king of the Peucetians.

[5] That part of the country of the Iapygians which comes next is fine, though in an unexpected way; for although on the surface it appears rough, it is found to be deep-soiled when ploughed, and although it is rather lacking in water, it is manifestly none the less good for pasturage and for trees. The whole of this district was once extremely populous; and it also had thirteen cities; but now, with the exception of Taras and Brentesium, all of them are so worn out by war that they are merely small towns. The Salentini are said to be a colony of the Cretans. The temple of Athene, once so rich, is in their territory, as also the look-out-rock called Cape Iapygia, a huge rock which extends out into the sea towards the winter sunrise,²⁶ though it bends approximately towards the Lacinium, which rises opposite to it on the west and with it bars the mouth of the Tarantine Gulf. And with it the Ceraunian Mountains, likewise, bar the mouth of the Ionian Gulf; the passage across from it both to the Ceraunian Mountains and to the Lacinium is about seven hundred stadia. But the distance by sea from Taras around to Brentesium is as follows: First, to the small town of Baris , six hundred stadia; Baris is called by the people of today Veretum , is situated at the edge of the Salentine territory, and the trip thither from Taras is for the most part easier to make on foot than by sailing. Thence to Leuca eighty stadia; this, too, is a small town, and in it is to be seen a fountain of malodorous water; the mythical story is told that those of the Giants who survived at the Campanian Phlegra²⁷ and are called the Leuternian Giants were driven out by Heracles, and on fleeing hither for refuge were shrouded by Mother Earth , and the fountain gets its malodorous stream from the ichor of their bodies; and for this reason, also, the seaboard here is called Leuternia. Again, from Leuca to Hydrus ,²⁸ a small town, one hundred and fifty stadia. Thence to Brentesium four hundred; and it is an equal distance to the island Sason ,²⁹ which is situated about midway of the distance across from Epeirus to Brentesium. And therefore those who cannot accomplish the straight voyage sail to the left of Sason and put in at Hydrus ; and then, watching for a favorable wind, they hold their course towards the harbors of the Brentesini, although if they disembark, they go afoot by a shorter route by way of Rodiae,³⁰ a Greek city, where the poet Ennius was born. So then, the district one sails around in going from Taras to Brentesium resembles a peninsula, and the overland journey from Brentesium to Taras, which is only a one day’s journey for a man well-girt, forms the isthmus of the aforesaid peninsula;³¹ and this peninsula most people call by one general name Messapia, or Iapygia, or Calabria , or Salentina, although some divide it up, as I have said before.³² So much, then, for the towns on the seacoast.

[6] In the interior are Rodiae and Lupiae , and, slightly above the sea, Aletia; and at the middle of the isthmus, Uria , in which is still to be seen the palace of one of the chieftains. When Herodotus³³ states that Hyria is in Iapygia and was founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos when on its way to Sicily ,³⁴ we must understand Hyria to be either Uria or Veretum . Brentesium, they say, was further colonized by the Cretans, whether by those who came over with Theseus from Cnossus or by those who set sail from Sicily with Iapyx (the story is told both ways), although they did not stay together there, it is said, but went off to Bottiaea.³⁵ Later on, however, when ruled by kings, the city lost much of its country to the Lacedaemonians who were under the leadership of Phalanthus; but still, when he was ejected from Taras, he was admitted by the Brentesini, and when he died was counted by them worthy of a splendid burial. Their country is better than that of the Tarantini, for, though the soil is thin, it produces good fruits, and its honey and wool are among those that are strongly commended. Brentesium is also better supplied with harbors; for here many harbors are closed in by one mouth; and they are sheltered from the waves, because bays are formed inside in such a way as to resemble in shape a stag’s horns;³⁶ and hence the name, for, along with the city, the place very much resembles a stag’s head, and in the Messapian language the head of the stag is called “brentesium.”³⁷ But the Tarantine harbor, because of its wide expanse, is not wholly sheltered from the waves; and besides there are some shallows in the innermost part of it.³⁸

[7] In the case of those who sail across from Greece or Asia , the more direct route is to Brentesium, and, in fact, all who propose to go to Rome by land put into port here. There are two roads³⁹ from here: one, a mule-road through the countries of the Peucetii (who are called Poedicli),⁴⁰ the Daunii, and the Samnitae as far as Beneventum ; on this road is the city of Egnatia ,⁴¹ and then, Celia,⁴² Netium,⁴³ Canusium , and Herdonia .⁴⁴ But the road by way of Taras, lying slightly to the left of the other, though as much as one day’s journey out of the way when one has made the circuit,⁴⁵ what is called the Appian Way , is better for carriages. On this road are the cities of Uria and Venusia , the former between Taras and Brentesium and the latter on the confines of the Samnitae and the Leucani. Both the roads from Brentesium meet near Beneventum and Campania . And the common road from here on, as far as Rome , is called the Appian Way , and passes through Caudium,⁴⁶ Calatia,⁴⁷ Capua ,⁴⁸ and Casilinum to Sinuessa .⁴⁹ And the places from there on I have already mentioned. The total length of the road from Rome to Brentesium is three hundred and sixty miles. But there is also a third road, which runs from Rhegium through the countries of the Brettii, the Leucani, and the Samnitae into Campania , where it joins the Appian Way ; it passes through the Apennine Mountains and it requires three or four days more than the road from Brentesium.

[8] The voyage from Brentesium to the opposite mainland is made either to the Ceraunian Mountains and those parts of the seaboard of Epeirus and of Greece which come next to them, or else to Epidamnus ; the latter is longer than the former, for it is one thousand eight hundred stadia.⁵⁰ And yet the latter is the usual route, because the city has a good position with reference both to the tribes of the Illyrians and to those of the Macedonians. As one sails from Brentesium along the Adriatic seaboard, one comes to the city of Egnatia , which is the common stopping-place for people who are travelling either by sea or land to Barium;⁵¹ and the voyage is made with the south wind. The country of the Peucetii extends only thus far⁵² on the sea, but in the interior as far as Silvium .⁵³ All of it is rugged and mountainous, since it embraces a large portion of the Apennine Mountains; and it is thought to have admitted Arcadians as colonists. From Brentesium to Barium is about seven hundred stadia, and Taras is about an equal distance from each. The adjacent country is inhabited by the Daunii; and then come the Apuli, whose country extends as far as that of the Frentani. But since the terms “Peucetii” and “Daunii” are not at all used by the native inhabitants, except in early times, and since this country as a whole is now called Apulia , necessarily the boundaries of these tribes cannot be told to a nicety either, and for this reason neither should I myself make positive assertions about them.

[9] From Barium to the Aufidus River, on which is the Emporium of the Canusitae⁵⁴ is four hundred stadia and the voyage inland to Emporium is ninety. Near by is also Salapia ,⁵⁵ the seaport of the Argyrippini. For not far above the sea (in the plain, at all events) are situated two cities, Canusium ⁵⁶ and Argyrippa ,⁵⁷ which in earlier times were the largest of the Italiote cities, as is clear from the circuits of their walls. Now, however, Argyrippa is smaller; it was called Argos Hippium at first, then Argyrippa , and then by the present name Arpi . Both are said to have been founded by Diomedes.⁵⁸ And as signs of the dominion of Diomedes in these regions are to be seen the Plain of Diomedes and many other things, among which are the old votive offerings in the temple of Athene at Luceria—a place which likewise was in ancient times a city of the Daunii, but is now reduced—and, in the sea near by, two islands that are called the Islands of Diomedes, of which one is inhabited, while the other, it is said, is desert; on the latter, according to certain narrators of myths, Diomedes was caused to disappear, and his companions were changed to birds, and to this day, in fact, remain tame and live a sort of human life, not only in their orderly ways but also in their tameness towards honorable men and in their flight from wicked and knavish men. But I have already mentioned the stories constantly told among the Heneti about this hero and the rites which are observed in his honor.⁵⁹ It is thought that Sipus⁶⁰ also was founded by Diomedes, which is about one hundred and forty stadia distant from Salapia ; at any rate it was named “Sepius” in Greek after the “sepia”⁶¹ that are cast ashore by the waves. Between Salapia and Sinus is a navigable river, and also a large lake that opens into the sea; and the merchandise from Sipus, particularly grain, is brought down on both. In Daunia, on a hill by the name of Drium, are to be seen two hero-temples: one, to Calchas, on the very summit, where those who consult the oracle sacrifice to his shade a black ram and sleep in the hide, and the other, to Podaleirius, down near the base of the hill, this temple being about one hundred stadia distant from the sea; and from it flows a stream which is a cure-all for diseases of animals. In front of this gulf is a promontory, Garganum, which extends towards the east for a distance of three hundred stadia into the high sea; doubling the headland, one comes to a small town, Urium , and off the headland are to be seen the Islands of Diomedes. This whole country produces everything in great quantity, and is excellent for horses and sheep; but though the wool is softer than the Tarantine, it is not so glossy. And the country is well sheltered, because the plains lie in hollows. According to some, Diomedes even tried to cut a canal as far as the sea, but left behind both this and the rest of his undertakings only half-finished, because he was summoned home and there ended his life. This is one account of him; but there is also a second, that he stayed here till the end of his life; and a third, the aforesaid mythical account, which tells of his disappearance in the island; and as a fourth one might set down the account of the Heneti, for they too tell a mythical story of how he in some way came to his end in their country, and they call it his apotheosis.

[10] Now the above distances are put down in accordance with the data of Artemidorus;⁶² but according to the Chorographer,⁶³ the distances from Brentesium as far as Garganum⁶⁴ amount to one hundred and sixty-five miles, whereas according to Artemidorus they amount to more; and thence to Ancona two hundred and fifty-four miles according to the former, whereas according to Artemidorus the distance to the Aesis River, which is near Ancona , is one thousand two hundred and fifty stadia, a much shorter distance. Polybius states that the distance from Iapygia has been marked out by miles, and that the distance to the city of Sena ⁶⁵ is five hundred and sixty-two miles, and thence to Aquileia one hundred and seventy-eight. And they do not agree with the commonly accepted distance along the Illyrian coastline, from the Ceraunian Mountains to the recess of the Adrias ,⁶⁶ since they represent this latter coasting voyage as over six thousand stadia,⁶⁷ thus making it even longer than the former, although it is much shorter. However, every writer does not agree with every other, particularly about the distances, as I often say.⁶⁸ As for myself, where it is possible to reach a decision, I set forth my opinion, but where it is not, I think that I should make known the opinions of others. And when I have no opinion of theirs, there is no occasion for surprise if I too have passed something by, especially when one considers the character of my subject; for I would not pass by anything important, while as for little things, not only do they profit one but slightly if known, but their omission escapes unnoticed, and detracts not at all, or else not much, from the completeness of the work.⁶⁹

[11] The intervening space, immediately after Cape Garganum, is taken up by a deep gulf; the people who live around it are called by the special name of Apuli, although they speak the same language as the Daunii and the Peucetii, and do not differ from them in any other respect either, at the present time at least, although it is reasonable to suppose that in early times they differed and that this is the source of the three diverse names for them that are now prevalent. In earlier times this whole country was prosperous, but it was laid waste by Hannibal and the later wars. And here too occurred the battle of Cannae , in which the Romans and their allies suffered a very great loss of life. On the gulf is a lake; and above the lake, in the interior, is Teanum Apulum ,⁷⁰ which has the same name as Teanum Sidicinum . At this point the breadth of Italy seems to be considerably contracted, since from here to the region of Dicaearcheia⁷¹ an isthmus is left of less than one thousand stadia from sea to sea. After the lake comes the voyage along the coast to the country of the Frentani and to Buca;⁷² and the distance from the lake either to Buca or to Cape Garganum is two hundred stadia. As for the places that come next after Buca, I have already mentioned them.⁷³

Notes on the current edition

Geography

1. A note in the French translation observes, that the Iapygia of Strabo was confined to the peninsula of Tarentum.

2. The Sallentini, or Salentini, cannot be distinguished with accuracy from the Calabri, as the name is used by several writers in a very ex tensive sense, and applied to the greater part of Iapygia.

3. Capo di Leuca.

4. The district occupied by the Calabri seems to have been that maritime part of the Iapygian peninsula extending from the ancient Brundusium to the city of Hydruntum, answering nearly to what is now called Terra di Lecce.

5. Dionysius of Halicarnassus derives the name of this people from Peucetius, son of Lycaon, king of Arcadia, but they are generally spoken of in history as barbarians, differing in no essential respect from the Daunii, Iapyges, and other neighbouring nations.

6. A note in the French translation remarks, that Strabo would have done well to add, and also the Apuli properly so called. If we follow Strabo’s testimony solely, we may almost describe the bounds of the Peucetii by four lines, viz. 1. From Tarentum to Brindisi. 2. Along the sea-shore from Brindisi to Bari. 3. From Bari to Garagnone or Gorgoglione, the ancient Sylvium, if not even still nearer to Venosa. 4. From Garagnone to Tarentum, constituting what is called in modern geography Terra di Bari.–The following are the limits of the Dannii. 1. From Garagnone to Bari. 2. From Bari to Peschici or to Rodi. 3. Thence to Lucera; and, 4 from Lucera to Garagnone. Thus they occupied a great part of La Puglia, with a portion of the Terra di Bari. With regard to those who, according to Strabo, were properly Apuli, they extended from the neighbourhood of Lucera to Rodi or Peschici, thence to the mouth of the river Fortore, thence to Civitate, (the ancient Teanum Apulum,) which was included, and from Civitate to Lucera; this district would answer to the northern portion of La Puglia, which the Fortore separates from La Capitanata.

7. The name of Poediculi was given to the inhabitants of that portion of Peucetia which was more particularly situated on the coast between the Aufidus and the confines of the Calabri. Pliny (iii. 11) states that this particular tribe derived their origin from Illyria.

8. Brindisi.

9. Capo di Leuca.

10. We have followed Groskurd’s example in introducing this thousand. The French translators thought it too hardy to venture, and Kramer was fearful to insert it in his text, but he approves of it in his notes.

11. Manuscripts here have blanks.

12. Ruins near Torre a Mare.

13. Manuscripts here have blanks.

14. Mare-piccolo.

15. Or twelve miles and a half. This computation does not agree with modern measurements, which reckon the circuit at sixteen miles. See Swinburne’s Travels, torn. i. sect. 32. Gagliardi, Topogr. di Taranto.

16. In the year 213 or 212 B. C.

17. B. C. 209.

18. It is said the pictures and statues taken on this occasion were nearly as numerous as those found at Syracuse.

19. That which commenced about 743 B. C.

20. I have here translated τοῖς τοῦ δήμου and οἱ τοῦ δήμου by free citizens. Several notes have been written on the exact meaning of the words, but I am not satisfied that we understand it properly. It might perhaps mean those appointed to the chief rule of the state by the constitution.

21. There is little doubt that this passage is corrupt.

22. κυνέη, a leathern cap or hat, a helmet, etc. See also page 426.

23. I have here translated τοῖς τοῦ δήμου and οἱ τοῦ δήμου by free citizens. Several notes have been written on the exact meaning of the words, but I am not satisfied that we understand it properly. It might perhaps mean those appointed to the chief rule of the state by the constitution.

24. About eight miles to the east or south-east of Taranto, upon the coast, we find a place named Saturo. In this place the country open to the south presents the most agreeable aspect. Sheltered from the north wind, and watered by numerous running streams, it produces the choicest fruits, oranges, citrons, lemons, pomegranates, figs, and all manner of garden produce, with which Taranto is abundantly supplied. Ant. de Ferrar. Galat. de sit. Iapyg. edit. nell. Raccolt. d’ Opusc. sc. et philol. tom. vii. p. 80.

25. Mazoch. Prod. ad Heracl. pseph. diatr. ii. cap. 4, sect. 4, page 96, not. 51, considers that we should not make a distinction between these barbarians and Cretans, but that they were identical.

26. According to Sicilian topographers, Camici was the same as the citadel of Acragas [Girgenti].—Cluvier, Sic. Ant. lib. ii. cap. 15, p. 207, is of opinion that Camici occupied the site of Siculiana, on the Fiume delle Canne. D’Anville, Géogr. Anc. tom. i. p. 219, and tom. iii. p. 146, seems to locate Camici at Platanella, on the Fiume di Platani.

27. There are various readings of this name.

28. There is a tradition that Taras was born to Neptune by Satyraea, daughter of Minos.

29. About 745 B. C.

30. Statius, lib. 4, Theb., thus mentions Ithome,

Planaque Messena, montanaque nutrit Ithome.

Statius, lib. 4, Theb.

31. πῖλος λακωνικός.

32. See Heyne, Opusc. Acad. tom. ii. p. 223, not. h.

33. He is said to have entertained Plato during his sojourn here. Archytas flourished about the commencement of the fourth century B. C., and was still living in the year 349 B. C.

34. About 332 or 339 B. C. See Heyn. Opusc. Acad. tom. ii. p. 141.

35. About 338 B. C.

36. About 303 B. C.

37. About 330 B. C.

38. About 281 B. C.

39. Cramer, in his Ancient Italy, has very justly remarked that the name of the small river Calandro, which discharges itself into the sea a little below Capo di Roseto, bears some affinity to the river Acalandrus mentioned by Strabo. However, some have thought it identical with the Salandrella and the Fiume di Roseto, while Cluverius was of opinion that we should here read κυλίσταρνος instead of ̓ακάλανδρος, and identify it with the modern Racanello.

40. 326 B. C.

41. 209 B. C.

42. 124 B. C.

43. Some suspect this last sentence to be an interpolation; certain it is that there is great difficulty in finding a time to correspond with all the circumstances contained in it. According to M. Heyne, this war must have taken place 474 B. C., but then Heraclea was not founded till 436 B. C. It seems too that the people of Iapygia had kings as late as 480 B. C.

44. Brundusium, now Brindisi.

45. Castro. This temple is now changed into the church of Sancta Maria in finibus terra. See Capmart. de Chaupy, tom. iii. page 529.

46. Capo di Leuca. Pliny, lib. iii. cap. 11, says, Inde promontorium quod Acran Iapygian vocant, quo longissime in maria procurrit Italia. The Promontorium Iapygium, or Sallentinum, presented a conspicuous landmark to mariners sailing from Greece to Sicily. The fleets of Athens, after passing the Peloponnesus, are represented on this passage as usually making for Corcyra, from whence they steered straight across to the promontory, and then coasted along the south of Italy for the remainder of the voyage.

47. The south-east.

48. The Acra Iapygia.

49. See notes to page 393 of this translation.

50. Cramer remarks that Veretum is still represented by the old church of S. Maria di Vereto.

51. That is, on land.

52. Scylax, Peripl. p. 5, speaks of the Leuterni as a really existing people.

53. Now Otranto. Lucan, book v. verse 374, speaking of the little river Idro which runs close to Otranto, says,

Et cunctas revocare rates, quas avius Hydrûs,

Antiquusque Taras, secretaque litora Leucae.

Quas recipit Salapina palus, et subdita Sipus

Montibus.

Lucan, v.374 And Cicero, writing of the town to Tyro, book xvi. epistle 9, says of his voyage from Cassiope, Inde Austro lenissimo, coelo sereno, nocte illa et die postero in Italiam ad Hydruntem ludibundi pervenimus. This place was called Hydruntum by Pliny and other authors.

54. Now Saseno, distant 35 minutes from Otranto.

55. B. C. 239.

56. We have followed Kramer’s text in calling this place Aletia, several MSS. read Salepia. Cramer, in his description of Ancient Italy, vol ii. p. 316, says, Aletium is naturally supposed to have occupied the site of the church of S. Maria della Lizza.—It was called ̓αλήτιον by Ptolemy.

57. We have followed Kramer’s reading; some MSS. have θυοͅέαι, some θυοͅαῖαι, etc.

58. lit. of a certain one of the nobles.

59. ούοͅαῖαι, MSS., but a note in the French translation explains that Strabo was quoting Herodotus from memory. We follow Kramer.

60. B. C. 1353.

61. Brindisi.

62. About B. C. 1323.

63. Great changes have taken place in this locality since Strabo’s description was drawn.

64. Torre d’ Agnazzo.

65. Ceglie, south of Bari.

66. Now Noja; but the identity of this place has been much canvassed.

67. Canosa.

68. Now Ordona, about twelve miles to the east of Aeca, now Troja.

69. Oria.

70. Venosa.

71. Paolisi.

72. Le Galazze

73. S. Maria di Capoa.

74. Capoa Nova.

75. Monte Dragone, or Mondragone.

76. At Capua, now S. Maria di Capua.

77. Eustathius explains that those mountains were called Ceraunian from the frequent falling of thunderbolts upon them. τά κεοͅαύνια ὄοͅη, οὕτω καλούμενα διὰ τὸ συχνοὺς ἐκεῖ πίπτειν κεοͅαυνούς.

78. Durazzo.

79. It seems as if some words had been skipped in this place, for we should expect to have the distance of the other passage to the Ceraunian Mountains, but Strabo no where mentions it.

80. M. Gossellin seems to think we should here read 800 and not 1800 stadia; but Kramer reckons it improbable. Groskurd concurs essentially with the opinion of M. Gossellin, and translates it something as follows for it is 1000, while the former is 800 stadia across.

81. Now Torre d’ Agnazzo.

82. Bari.

83. Silvium was situated on the Appian Way. Holstenius and Pratilli agree in fixing its position at Garagnone, about 15 miles to the south-west of Venosa. Holsten. Adnot. p. 281. Pratilli, Via Appia, 1. iv. c. 7.

84. About 310 stadia.

85. The Aufidus, celebrated by Horace, Od. iv. 9,

Ne forte credas interitura, quae

Longe sonantem natus ad Aufidum,

Non ante vulgatas per artes

Verba loquor socianda chordis.

86. M. Gossellin considers this rather too much, and supposes 315 stadia would be nearer the truth.

87. Ruins now called Salpi.

88. Now Lucera.

89. See book v. c. 1, § 9, p. 320. Ptolemy makes these five which is the number of the isles of Tremiti at present, if we include in the group three barren rocks, which scarce deserve the name of islands. One was called Diomedea by Pliny, and Tremitus by Tacitus, who states that Augustus appointed it as the prison of his grand-daughter Julia; the second was called Teutria. The largest is at present called Isola San Domino, the other Isola San Nicolo.

90. Book v. c. i. § 9, p. 320.

91. Siponto, a place in ruins near Manfredonia.

92. Sestini describes a gold coin belonging to this city, on which the emblem of a cuttle fish in Greek, σηπία, is apparent. The legend is σιπο. Sestini descrizione d’ una Med. p. 16.

93. Lycophron calls this stream by the name of Althaenus.

94. Groskurd is of opinion that some words to the following effect have been accidentally lost from this place, viz. The coast of Daunia forms an extensive bay about these parts.

95. Now Punta di Viesti. Strabo seems to have considered the whole of the extensive neck of land lying between the bay of Rodi and that of Manfredonia, as the Garganum Promontorium. Lucan, v. 380, thus describes its prominence,

Apulus Hadriacas exit Garganus in undas.

96. About 37 miles towards the east.

97. Rodi.

98. See Book v. c. I. § 9, p. 320.

99. Brindisi.

100. M. Gossellin gives a long note to show that the chorographer and Artemidorus were both correct in the distances they gave, but asserts that Strabo was mistaken as to the length of the stadium used by Artemidorus, and consequently thought he saw a discrepancy between their accounts.

101. The ancient Aesis.

102. We think, with Kramer, that Sena Gallica, now Sinigaglia, was the city Strabo intends.

103. From the Capo della Linguetta, on the coast of Albania.

104. The town of Aquileia.

105. M. Gossellin suggests that Strabo omitted the coast of Istria in his calculations, when he made this observation on the length of the Illyrian shore, and refers to what Strabo will himself state in book vii. chap. v. sections 3, 4, and 9, and to his estimate of 6150 stadia from the Ceraunian Mountains to Iapygia in book ii. chap. iv. § 3, p. 159.

106. Doubtless the bight between the, shore, adjacent to Peschioi, to the north of Viesti, and the Punta d’ Asinella.

107. A note in the French translation observes that the Apuli, properly so called, could but have occupied the shore of half this bay, for the Fortore falls into it just about the centre, which river was a common boundary between the Apuli and Frentani.

108. B. C. 216.

109. Cramer says, the lake which Strabo speaks of as being near Teanum, but without mentioning its name, is called by Pliny Lacus Pontanus, (iii. 11,) now Lago di Lesina.

110. The city of Teanum stood on the right bank of the Fortore, the ancient Frento; its ruins are stated to exist on the site of Civitate, about a mile from the right bank of the Fortore, and ten miles from the sea. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 273.

111. Now Teano, six miles from Sessa, and fifteen from Capua.

112. Pozzuolo.

113. M. Gossellin observes that from the head of the bay of Naples to the shores bordering the ancient Teanum, there are 80 minutes, or 933 stadia of 700.

114. Romanelli is of opinion that the ruins of Buca exist at the present Penna.

115. Book v. chap. iv. § 2, p. 359.

Strabo Geography 6.3

Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator)

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