Strabo Geography 6.1

Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator)

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Geography. Strabo. Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator). London. 1854-1857.

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Current edition Perseus

Geography (English) (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 1-3. Hamilton, Hans Claude, translator; Falconer, William, translator. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854-1857.)

Editions (1)
Γεωγραφικά Perseus (Strabo. Strabonis Geographica, Vols. 1-3. Meineke, August, editor. Leipzig: Teubner. 1877.) — 6.1 focus
Translations (1)
Geography (Books 6-14) Perseus (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 3-6. Jones, Horace Leonard, translator. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1924-1929 (printing).) — 6.1 focus

Notes on the current edition

Geography

1. The ancient Silaris.
2. Pesti.
3. It is now called Licosa, and sometimes Isola piana; several vestiges of buildings were discovered on the island in 1696. Antonin. della Lucan. p. ii. disc. 8.
4. Capo della Licosa.
5. Punta della Campanella.
6. Golfo di Salerno.
7. Strabo here cites the historian Antiochus, but it is surprising that he does not rather cite the writer from whom Antiochus seems to have borrowed this account, we mean Herodotus, who relates it (lib. i. § 164). But Strabo, probably, looking upon Herodotus as a collector of fables, chose rather to yield to the authority of Antiochus, who had written very accurate memoirs upon Italy, and who was, likewise, himself a very ancient author, (Dion. Halicarn. Antiq. Rom. lib. i. § 12,) and flourished about 420 years before the Christian era.
8. Or Velia, founded 532 B.C., mentioned by Horace, Epist. I. xv. l, Quae sit hyems Veliae, quod coelum, Vala, Salerni.
9. The modern Alento.
10. Now unknown.
11. Pliny affirms that these two islands were called, the one Pontia, the other Ischia; Contra Veliam Pontia et Ischia. Utraequc uno nomine Oenotrides, argumentum possesses ab Oenotriis Italiae. Hist. Nat. lib. iii. § 13. If this reading be not faulty, Pliny will have placed in the latitude, of which our author is now giving a description, a small island bearing the same name, Pontia, as the island lying off Cape Misenum.
12. The Buxentum of the Latins.
13. 471 years before the Christian era.
14. Gulf of Policastro.
15. Now the river Laino.
16. Called Laino in the time of Cluverius. Lib. iv. cap. 14.
17. Upon this coast.
18. Founded about the year 510 B. C.
19. About the year 390 before the Christian era.
20. i. e. the Gulf of Tarentum.
21. Strabo seems here to distinguish the Chones from the Oenotri, and the CEnotri from the Greeks. According to Cluvier (Ital. Antiq. cap. 16, p. 1323) here was a double error: not only (says he) Aristotle, but Antiochus, according to Strabo’s own testimony, positively affirmed that the Chones and Oenotri were one and the same nation, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Antiq. Roman. lib. i. § 11) makes no doubt that the Oenotri were of Greek origin. But Mazochi justifies the distinction between the Chones and the Oenotri, and shows cause to doubt that the Oenotri were of Greek origin.
22. ἐκβεβαοͅβαοͅῶσθαι. We think with Mazochi (Prodrom. ad Heracl. pseph. diatrib. 2, cap. 7, sect. 2) that, by the above word, Strabo probably expressed that, at the time when he wrote, Tarentum, Rheggio, and Naples were the only cities founded by the Greeks in Italy, which, although become Roman, retained the language, laws, and usages of their mother country.
23. It has been well observed by Cramer in his Ancient Italy, that Strabo confused this Petilia of the Leucani with another better known of the Bruttii, the foundation of which was attributed to Philoctetes. It is observed by Antonini that Strabo contradicts himself, by ascribing to Philoctetes the origin of a town in Leucania, for he states a few lines further on that that hero occupied a part of the coast near Crotona, which was in the territory of the Bruttii. Strabo’s account, however, of the existence of a Leucanian Petilia is confirmed by many inscriptions of early date. The ruins of the town remain on the Monte della Stella. Antonin. della Lucan. p. i. disc. 8. Romanelli, tom. i. p. 350.
24. According to some judicious antiquaries, the site of Chone is located at Casabuona, near Strongoli.
25. Trapani del Monte.
26. The ruins of this city, which was anciently called also Egesta, Acesta, and Segesta, may be seen at Barbara, in the valley of Mazzara.
27. Kramer, following the suggestion of Xylander, has printed γοͅουμεντὸν. I am inclined, however, to think that πουμεντὸν, the reading of Manuscripts, is correct. According to Barrio, it occupied the situation of Gerenza, on the right bank of the Nieto.
28. Verzine on the Nieto. (Barr. lib. iv. cap. 18. Maraf. lib. iii. c. 18.)
29. Calasarna is supposed by the Calabrian topographers to accord with the site of Campania.
30. Venosa, situated about 15 miles south of the Aufidus. It was a colony of importance before the war against Pyrrhus. After the disaster at Cannae, it afforded a retreat to Varro and the few who escaped that signal overthrow. Horace was born there in the year of the city 688. About six miles from Venosa, on the site named Palazzo, was the Fons Bandusiae. (Chaupy, Des c. de la maison de Camp. d’ Horace, tom. iii. p. 538.)
31. Cluvier thought that we should read θουριανὴ instead of ταυριανὴ.
32. Laos, now Lao.
33. Torre di Mare.
34. Golfo di S. Eufemia.
35. Golfo di Squillace. Scylletium was once a Greek city of note, communicating its name to the gulf. Servius observes that the Athenians who founded the colony were returning from Africa. There was a Greek inscription found in 1791 relative to the λαμπαδηδοͅομία, which seems to confirm the tradition of the Athenian origin of Scylletium. It was the birth-place of Cassiodorus.
36. σιλαοͅις. The Silaro, which divides Lucania from Campania, takes its rise in the Apennines, in a district which formerly belonged to the Hirpini; and after receiving the Tanager, now Negro, and the Calor, now Calore, falls into the Gulf of Salerno. Silius Italicus (viii. 582) states that this river possessed the property of incrusting twigs with a calcareous deposit:
Nunc Silarus quos nutrit aquis, quo gurgite tradunt
Duritiem lapidum mersis inolescere ramis.
At its mouth was a haven named Portus Albernus.
37. Torre di Mare.
38. Cirella.
39. This measure, upon our charts, is 330 Olympic stadia. Gosselin.
40. Golfo di Squillace.
41. The Golfo di S. Eufemia. ποͅὸς ἅπαντας. Lit. He stirred up every body against every body. It is conceived that the hostilities of the Bruttii were fomented by Dion in order to prevent the tyrant Dionysius from deriving any aid from his Leucanian allies. The advancement of the Bruttii to independence is computed by Diodorus Siculus to have taken place about 397 years after the foundation of Rome, that is, 356 before the Christian era.
42. ἐξετάραξ.
43. The situation of Temesa has not yet been fully determined. Cluverius fixes it about ten miles south of Amantea, near Torre Loppa. Romanelli observes, however, that Cluverius has not allowed for the difference between the ancient and modern computation of distance. To rectify this oversight, he makes choice of Torre del piano del Casale, nearly two miles north of Torre Loppa, as the locality of this ancient site. The silver coins of Temesa are scarce. They have the Greek epigraph, TEM.
44. After the second Punic war it was colonized by the Romans, who called it Tempsa, B. C. 195.
45. We concur with Kramer in approving the proposition of Groskurd to understand the words ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὺ͂ν διά πολλοῦ as having been originally written in the text immediately before ἐπικεῖσθαι αὐτοῖς.
46. They had been compelled to sacrifice a virgin annually in order to appease his disturbed spirit.
47. Borgo di Tamasso.
48. These words in parenthesis seem to have been interpolated by the transcribers of our author. Both Temesa and Tamassus were rich in metal, but the spelling of the name in Homer is more in accordance with Temesa than Tamassus, and other poets have alluded to it, as Ovid. Met. xv. 706,
Evincitque fretum, Siculique angusta Pelori,
Hippotadaeque domos regis, Temesesque metalla.
Ovid. Met. xv. 706
And Fast. v. 441,
. . . . . Temesaeaque concrepat sera.
Fast. v. 441
And Statius, Silv. i. 42,
Et cui se toties Temese dedit hausta metallis.
Statius, Silv. i. 42
49. Odyssey i. 184.
50. Nocera.
51. Hannibal took refuge in Calabria about 209 years before the Christian era.
52. Cosenza, near the source of the Crathis, now Crati, represents Cosentia. It was taken by Hannibal after the surrender of Petilia, but towards the end of the war the Romans regained it.
53.
αἰακίδη, προφύλαξαξο μολεῖν?̓αχερούσιον ὕδωρ
πανδοσίην θʼ, ὅθι τοι θάνατος πεπρωμένος ἐστί.
Son of Aeacus, beware of approaching the Acherusian water and Pandosia, where death is destined for thee.
54. About B. C. 330.
55. Commentators generally agree that this is the Pandosia memorable for the defeat and death of Alexander, king of Epirus. The early Calabrian antiquaries have placed it at Castel Franco. D’Anville, in his map, lays it down near Lao and Cirella. Modern investigators have sought its ruins near Mendocino, between Cosenza and the sea, a hill with three summits having been remarked there, which answers to the fatal height pointed out by the oracle,
πανδοσία τρικόλωνε, πολύν ποτε λαὸν ὀλέσσεις·
together with a rivulet, Maresanto or Arconti; which last name recalls the Acheron denounced by another prediction, as so inauspicious to the Molossian king. Scylax, in his Periplus, seems to place Pandosia, together with Clampetia and Terina, near the western coast.
56. Afterwards Vibo Valentia, now Monte-Leone.
57. Surnamed the Epizephyrii. Heyne supposes this took place B. C. 388.
58. B. C. 193.
59. There was a temple erected to Proserpine in these meadows, and a building called Amalthea’s horn, raised by Gelon of Syracuse.
60. The present harbour of Bivona.
61. He reigned from B. C. 317 to B. C. 289.
62. Now Le Formicole. The promontory named Capo Vaticano seems to have been anciently known under the same appellation.
63. Medma, or Mesma, was situated on the right bank of the river Mesima, which seems to retain traces of the name of the ancient city. Antiquaries report that its ruins are seen between Nicotera and the river Mesima. The epigraph on the coins of this city is generally μεσμα, Or μεσμαιων, and in a single instance μεδαμα.
64. That is, the Epizephyrian Locrians.
65. Cluverius considers this to be the modern Bagnara.
66. The ancient river Metaurus is now also called Marro, and sometimes Petrace. It was noted for the excellence of the thunny fish caught at its mouth.
67. Metaurum. The site of this place is supposed to accord with that of the town of Gioja.
68. Homer, Odyssey, lib. x.
69. There have been many suggestions for the correction of this passage. Kramer thinks that Cluverius was happy in proposing ποταμὸς instead of μέτανοͅος, and that then the Cratais, now Solano, or Fiume de’ Pesci, would be the river which Strabo intended.
70. According to Pliny, these two promontories were separated by an interval of twelve stadia, or a mile and a half, which accords with the statement of Polybius. Thucydides, however, allows about two miles and a half, which he considers to be the utmost possible distance. Topographers are divided as to the exact point of the Italian coast which answers to Cape Caenys. The Calabrian geographers say the Punta del Pezzo, called also Coda del Volpe, in which opinion Cluverius and D’Anville coincide, but Holstenius contends for the Torre del Cavallo, which the French translators seem to favour. In fact, that may be the narrowest point, still it does not answer so well to Strabo’s description of the figure and bearing of Cape Caenys as the Punta del Pezzo.
71. The temple or altar of Neptune.
72. The Columna Rhegina, as remarked by Cramer, (vol. ii. p. 427,) was probably a pillar set up to mark the consular road leading to the south of Italy. Strabo speaks of it as a small tower (book iii. c. v. § 5, p 265). In the Itinerary of Antoninus it is simply termed Columna, but In the inscription relative to the Via Aquilia, it is called Statua. The situation of this tower is generally identified with the site of La Catona.
73. Now Reggio, one of the most celebrated and flourishing cities of Magna Grecia, founded about 696 years B. C. Cato affirms that it was once in the possession of the Aurunci. The connexion which subsisted between Rhegium and the Chalcidian colonies in Sicily, induced its inhabitants to take part with the Athenians in their first hostilities against the Syracusans and Locrians. In the great Sicilian expedition, the Rhegians observed a strict neutrality. While the Athenian fleet was moored in their roads, they refused to admit the army within their walls, which therefore encamped near the temple of Diana outside the town. Rhegium subsequently pursued a similar policy, and suffered severely under tyrants, but the Roman senate at length freed the unfortunate citizens.
74. Strabo here alludes to the crime which was perpetrated in the reign of Teleclus, about 811 years before the Christian era. The division of the Messenians into two parties, the one wishing and the other refusing to give satisfaction, lasted about 150 years. See book vi. cap. iii. § .3.
75. It Was taken by the Lacedaemonians about B. C. 668.
76. It seems probable that Strabo here refers to Morgantium in Sicily, which had disappeared in his days, and which he mentions in b. vi. c. ii. § 4.
77. Sextus Pompeius, having received from the senate the command of the fleet, B. C. 43, in a short time made himself master of Sicily, which he held till 36.
78. This is a quotation from one of the missing works of Aeschylus.
79. Virgil speaks of this great catastrophe, Aen. iii. 414,
Haec loca, vi quondam et vasta convulsa ruina
(Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas,)
Dissiluisse ferunt: cum protinus utraque tell us
Una foret, venit medio vi pontus, et undis
Hesperium Sicuto latus abscidit: arvaque et urbes
Litore diductas angusto interluit aestu.
Aen. iii. 414
80. Procida.
81. It appears from the more ancient coins of Rhegium, that the original name was RECION. In these the epigraph is REC. RECI. RECINOS, in characters partaking more of the Oscan than the Greek form; those of more recent date are decidedly Greek, PHT. PHTINQN, being inscribed on them. A note in the French translation shows that the inhabitants of Rhegium did not participate in the rights of Roman citizens till about 90 years before the Christian era.
82. Among these were many followers of Pythagoras, also Theagenes Hippys, Lycus surnamed Butera, and Glaucus, who were historians; Ibicus, Cleomenes, and Lycus the adoptive father of Lycophron, who were poets; Clearchus and Pythagoras, who were sculptors.
83. The Rhegians firmly opposed the designs of this tyrant; and when, under pretence of courting their alliance, he sought a consort from their city, they replied with independent feeling that he might have their hangman’s daughter. (See Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 44.) Had the other states of Magna Grecia displayed the same energy, the ambitious views of this artful prince might have been frustrated; but after the defeat of their forces on the Elleporus, now Callipari, they succumbed, and Rhegium, after a gallant defence which lasted nearly a year, was compelled to yield, about the year 398 B. C. The insulting tyrant sentenced the heroic Phyton, who had commanded the town, to a cruel death, and removed the few inhabitants that remained to Sicily.
84. B. C. 360.
85. B. C. 280.
86. B.C. 91.
87. The defeat of Sextus Pompeins is referred to the year 36 B. C., but there is no precise date mentioned for the establishment of the veteran soldiers in Rhegium, which probably took place about the year 31 B. C.
88. Pliny computes the distance from Rhegium to Cape Leucopetra at 12 miles; there is probably some error in the text, as there is no cape which corresponds with the distance of 50 stadia from Rhegium. A note in the French translation proposes to read 100 instead of 50 stadia. Topographers are not agreed in fixing the situation of the celebrated Leucopetra. D’Anville places it at Capo Pittaro, Grimaldi at the Punta della Saetta, and Cluverius, Holstenius, and Cellarius at the Capo dell’ Armi. This latter opinion seems more compatible with the statement of Pliny, and is also more generally accredited.
89. The Herculeum Promontorium is known in modern geography as Capo Spartivento.
90. The Promontorium Iapygium, or Sallentinum, as it was sometimes called, formed a remarkable feature in the figure of Italy, while the art of navigation was in its infancy. It was a conspicuous land-mark to mariners bound from the ports of Greece to Sicily. The fleets of Athens, after having circumnavigated the Peloponnesus, usually made for Corcyra, whence they steered straight across to the promontory, and then coasted along the south of Italy. It seems from Thucydides (vi. 44) that there was a haven here which afforded a shelter to vessels in tempestuous weather.
91. Now Capo di Bruzzano.
92. The one 710, the other 734 years B. C.
93. The opinion of Ephorus seems to be supported by many other writers, and is generally preferred by modern critics.
94. Monte Esope.
95. This wicked prince, having been expelled from Syracuse, had found refuge among the Locrians from the storm which threatened his existence, but, depraved as he was degraded, he repaid the kindness of the people, who treated him as their kinsman because his mother Doris had been the daughter of one of their principal citizens, with the basest treachery and ingratitude. He introduced into their city a number of miscreants and having overpowered the inhabitants, gave loose to all the vicious propenalties of his nature.
96. Horrid as is the vengeance which the Locri took on these unfortunate victims of a husband’s and a father’s crimes, it serves to confirm the accounts of the iniquity and barbarity of a prince, whose mean and imbecile conduct at other times sanctions the notion that his intellect was disordered.
97. We could almost wish to read this passage— rendered them more plausible, but impaired their utility.
98. The ancient Halex.
99. Although Strabo ascribes Mamertium to the Bruttii, it is more probable that it was a colony of Campanian mercenaries, deriving their name from Mamers, the Oscan Mars, who served under Agathocles, and other princes of Sicily. The Mamertini were employed by the Romans against Pyrrhus, whom they attacked in the woods and defiles about Rhegium. Barrio (lib. ii. c. 10) and Maraf. (lib. iii. c. 25, f. 222) have identified the site of this ancient town with Martorano, but it seems too distant from Locri and Rhegium to accord with Strabo’s description. Cluverius, D’Anville, and Romanelli place it at Oppido, a bishop’s see above Reggio, and Gerace, where old coins are said to have been discovered. Cramer (vol. ii. p. 439) thinks that the Melae mentioned by Thucydides may have been identical with Mamertium. Several remains of antiquity exist on the site called Mela, in the vicinity of Oppido.
100. The pix Bruttia is noticed by Pliny, Columella, Dioscorides, and other authorities mentioned by Bochart, Canaan, p. 595. Bochart looks upon the Bruttii as a people known to the Phoenicians at a very remote period.
101. Geographers differ much as to the modern river which corresponda to this stream. Romanelli and Swinburne consider it to be the Alam.
102. During the war against Pyrrhus, whose cause was espoused by Caulonia, the city was pillaged by the Mamertini, the allies of the Romans. The town was subsequently occupied by the Bruttii, who defended it against the Romans in the second Punic war. Barrio and other Calabrian topographers have fixed its site at Castro Vetere, but Strabo placed it on the left bank of the Sagras, which is inconsistent with their supposition, and it is still a subject of inquiry.
103. Cluvier (Sicil. ant. lib. ii.) reckons this place was situated between Caltanis and Pietrapreccia.
104. Now Squillace.
105. Servius observes that these Athenians were returning from Africa, Serv. Aen. iii. 552.
106. Saumaise (Exercit. Plin. p. 47, 57) thinks the true reading should be Scylaceium, or Virgil could not have made the penultimate long.
107. About B. C. 389.
108. Book vi. cap. i. § 4.
109. Pliny seems to attribute to Dionysius the elder the project of cutting not walling off the isthmus: Itaque Dionysius major intercisam eo loco adjicere Siciliae voluit. Hist. Nat. lib. iii. § 15. Grimaldi also is of opinion that the circumstance mentioned by Strabo should be referred to the first years of Dionysius the younger, about B. C. 366–359.
110. By those who dwelt without, Strabo doubtless intended the Crotoniatae, and their allies.
111. These three capes are now called Capo delle Castella, Capo Rizzuto, and Capo della Nave.
112. Lacinium was about six miles from Crotona. The celebrated temple of Juno derived its name from the promontory. According to Diodorus Siculus, some ascribe its origin to Hercules. (Diod. Sic. iv. 24.) Its ruins are in the early Doric style, with fluted pillars broader at the base than at the capital. It measured about 132 yards in length, and 66 in breadth. Its principal entrance opened to the west.
113. Gosselin follows the opinion that Polybius wrote 1300 stadia.
114. The Strait of Sicily.
115. The modern names of Cape Lacinium, viz. Capo delle Colonne and Capo Nao, are derived from the remains of the temple, which is still visible on its summit.
116. The text is here evidently deficient. Groskurd says that Strabo most probably wrote as follows, As the chorographer says, Artemidorus reckons that [the journey would take 12 days for one travelling on foot], with his girdle on; [but, to one sailing, the distance is 2000 stadia:] leaving at the same time as many [for the mouth, as Polybius has given] for the breadth of the mouth of the gulf. The French translators, however, have attempted to read the text as follows, The chorographer makes it 240 miles, and Artemidorus says that it is 380 for a light traveller; a computation in which the breadth of the mouth is not included; but comment on it in several extensive notes.
117. South-east.
118. The ancient Aesar.
119. Groskurd observes, Im Texte καὶ λιμὴν. Besser also, liest man mit Cluv. λιμνη, and translates it a salt-marsh; but Cramer, in his description of ancient Italy, observes that the mouth of the river Esaro formed a haven, which, however incommodious compared with those of Tarentum and Brundusium, was long a source of great wealth to Crotona, as we are assured by Polybius, Frag. x. 1.
120. Neaethus. This river was said to derive its name from the circumstance of the captive Trojan women having there set fire to the Grecian fleet.
121. νέαιθος, from νῆας and αἰθεῖν, to burn the ships.
122. There is much obscurity in this oracular response. The various manuscripts offer many readings.
123. A note in the French translation observes that the establishment of Myscellus at Crotona took place about 709 or 703 years B. C., and that Syracuse was founded as early as 735 years B. C.
124. According to some traditions, Crotona was very ancient, and derived its name from the hero Cro’o. Thus Ovid:
Vixque pererratis quae spectant littora terris,
Invenit Aesarei fatalia fluminis ora:
Nec procul hinc tumulum, sub quo sacrata Crotonis
Ossa tegebat humus. Jussaque ibi moenia terra
Condidit; et nomen tumulati traxit in urbem.
Ovid. Metam. xv. 53.
125. Milo is said to have carried off the prize for wrestling from the 62nd Olympiad, B. C. 532, and also to have commanded the 100,000 Crotoniatae who engaged the hostile armies of Sybaris and destroyed their city, about B. C. 509. Diod. Sic. xii. 9, etc.
126. Sybaris was said to have been founded by the people of Troezene not long after the siege of Troy. Aristot. Politic. lib. v. cap. 3. Solin. viii. But those were subsequently joined by a more numerous colony of Achmaeans, about B. C. 720. Euseb. Chron. ii.
127. ὁ κοͅᾶθις. There was a stream of the same name in Achaia, from whence the Italian Crathis, now Crati, derived its name. The Crathis and Sybaris now join about 14 miles from the sea.
128. Now Cochile.
129. Koray objected to the old reading, ὸ?̓ισελικεν̀ς, and proposed instead οἰς. . . . ̔ελικεὺς; Groskurd thought it better to translate it Ihr Erbauer war Is .....aus He like; and Kramer has adopted this latter view, which we have followed.
130. Helice was mentioned, book i. chap. iii. § 18. Ovid, Metam. xv. 293, also speaks of this city,
Si quaeras Helicen et Buram Achaïdas urbes,
Invenies sub aquis...
Ovid, Metam. xv. 293
131. The Epitome gives nine days.
132. The events which led to this catastrophe are thus related by Diodorns Siculus: A democratical party, at the head of which was Telys, having gained the ascendency, expelled 500 of the principal citizens, who sought refuge at Crotona. This city, upon receiving a summons to give up the fugitives, or prepare for war, by the advice of Pythagoras chose the latter. The armies met near the river Triunti, in the territory of Crotona, where the brave citizens gained a complete victory.
133. At the instigation of Pericles, the Athenians sent out a colony under the command of Lampon and Xenocritus, which arrived about 55 years after the overthrow of Sybaris. Two celebrated characters are named among those who joined this expedition, which was collected from different parts of Greece. These were Herodotus, and Lysias the orator.
134. “Compare Aelian. Hist. Anim. ii. 36.
135. From B. C. 390 to 290.
136. About B. C. 194.
137. Caesar however calls it Thurii, and designates it a municipal town. Civ. Bell. iii. 22.
138. Now La Nucara.
139. It is not ascertained whether this leader were the architect of the Horse of Troy.
140. Antiquaries seem agreed in fixing the site of this town at Policoro, about three miles from the mouth of the Agri, where considerable remains are still visible. The city is famous as the seat of the general council of the Greek states, and the celebrated bronze tables on which the learned Mazzocchi bestowed so much labour were discovered near its site. Its coins represent Hercules contending with the lion, and bear the epigraph ηρα or ηρακληιων.
141. ̓ακιοͅις.
142. σῖοͅις
143. This accords very well with the distance given in the Itinerary of Antoninus.
144. About B. C. 580.
145. Kramer reads χώνων in the text. We have followed the opinion of the French translators, who have rendered it possédée par des Troyens. MSS. give various readings.
146. Kramer reads ἐπὶ τεύθοͅαντος, but thinks with Groskurd that ἐπὶ τοῦ τοͅάεντος, the Traens or modern Trionto, is the true reading.
147. About B. C. 444.
148. About B. C. 433.
149. In the time of Pausanias, this city was a heap of ruins, and nothing remained standing but the walls and theatre. Considerable vestiges, situated near the station called Torre di Mare, indicate the site it anciently adorned.
150. θερος χρυσοῦν. Xylander and others have thought this was a statue representing Summer; others have reckoned that golden sheaves were intended. The coins of Metapontium, which are greatly admired as works of art, have a head of Ceres, and on the reverse an ear of corn. A large sum of these might be justly called a golden harvest.
151. Neleus had twelve sons, eleven of whom were slain by Hercules, while Nestor alone escaped; we must therefore infer from this passage, that rites were celebrated at Metapontium in honour of his brothers.
152. The Greek words might either mean that Metapontium was destroyed or that the sacrifices were abolished. From the succeeding sentence it would be most natural to suppose that Strabo meant to say the city was overthrown.
153. These words are not in the Greek text, but seem to have been accidentally omitted by the transcriber.
154. A city of Phocis, now Krisso.