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CHAPTER V.

[1] OF Cilicia without the Taurus one part is called Cilicia Tracheia, the rugged; the other, Cilicia Pedias, the flat or plain country.

The coast of the Tracheia is narrow, and either has no level ground or it rarely occurs; besides this, the Taurus overhangs it, which is badly inhabited as far even as the northern side, about Isaura and the Homonadeis as far as Pisidia. This tract has the name of Tracheiotis, and the inhabitants that of Tracheiotae. The flat or plain country extends from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus, and the parts above, where the Cappadocians are situated on the northern side of the Taurus. This tract consists chiefly of fertile plains.

I have already spoken of the parts within the Taurus; I shall now describe those without the Taurus, beginning with the Tracheiotae.

[2] The first place is Coracesium,¹ a fortress of the Cilicians, situated upon an abrupt rock. Diodotus surnamed Tryphon used it as a rendezvous at the time that he caused Syria to revolt from her kings, and carried on war against them with various success. Antiochus, the son of Demetrius, obliged him to shut himself up in one of the fortresses, and there he killed himself.

Tryphon was the cause of originating among the Cilicians a piratical confederacy. They were induced also to do this by the imbecility of the kings who succeeded each other on the thrones of Syria and Cilicia. In consequence of his introduction of political changes, others imitated his example, and the dissensions among brothers exposed the country to the attacks of invaders.

The exportation of slaves was the chief cause of inducing them to commit criminal acts, for this traffic was attended with very great profit, and the slaves were easily taken. Delos was at no great distance, a large and rich mart, capable of receiving and transporting, when sold, the same day, ten thousand slaves; so that hence arose a proverbial saying,

Merchant, come into port, discharge your freight—everything is sold.

The Romans, having acquired wealth after the destruction of Carthage and Corinth, employed great numbers of domestic slaves, and were the cause of this traffic. The pirates, observing the facility with which slaves could be procured, issued forth in numbers from all quarters, committing robbery and dealing in slaves.

The kings of Cyprus and of Egypt, who were enemies of the Syrians, favoured their marauding enterprises; the Rhodians were no less hostile to the Syrians, and therefore afforded the latter no protection. The pirates, therefore, under the pretence of trading in slaves, continued without intermission their invasions and robbery.

The Romans paid little attention to the places situated without the Taurus; they sent, however, Scipio Aemilianus. and afterwards some others, to examine the people and the cities. They discovered that the evils arose from negligence on the part of the sovereigns, but they were reluctant to deprive the family of Seleucus Nicator of the succession, in which he had been confirmed by themselves.

For the same reason the Parthians, who occupied the parts beyond the Euphrates, became masters of the country; and lastly the Armenians, who also gained possession of the country without the Taurus as far as Phoenicia. They used their utmost to extirpate the power of the kings and all their descendants, but surrendered the command of the sea to the Cilicians.

The Romans were subsequently compelled to reduce the Cilicians, after their aggrandizement, by war and expeditions, whose progress, however, and advancement they had not obstructed; yet it would be improper to accuse the Romans of neglect, because, being engaged with concerns nearer at hand, they were unable to direct their attention to more distant objects.

I thought proper to make these remarks in a short digression from my subject.

[3] Next to the Coracesium is the city Syedra;² then Hamaxia,³ a small town upon a hill, with a harbour, to which is brought down timber for ship-building; the greatest part of it consists of cedar. This country seems to produce this tree in abundance. It was on this account that Antony assigned it to Cleopatra, as being capable of furnishing materials for the construction of her fleet.

Then follows Laertes a fortress, situated upon the crest of a hill, of a pap-like form; a port belongs to it; next, the city Selinus,⁴ then Cragus, a precipitous rock on the sea-coast; then Charadrus⁵ a fortress, which has a port (above it is the mountain Andriclus⁶) and a rocky shore, called Platanistus, next Anemurium⁷ a promontory, where the continent approaches nearest to Cyprus, towards the promontory Crommyum,⁸ the passage across being 350 stadia.

From the boundaries of Pamphylia to Anemurium, the voyage along the Cilician coast is 820 stadia; the remainder of it as far as Soli⁹ is about 500 stadia ( 1500?). On this coast, after Anemurium, the first city is Nagidus, then Arsinoë,¹⁰ with a small port; then a place called Melania,¹¹ and Celenderis¹² a city, with a harbour.

Some writers,¹³ among whom is Artemidorus, consider this place as the commencement of Cilicia, and not Coracesium. He says, that from the Pelusiac mouth to Orthosia are 3900 stadia, and to the river Orontes¹⁴ 1130 stadia; then to the gates of Cilicia 525 stadia, and to the borders of Cilicia 1260 stadia.¹⁵

[4] Next is Holmi,¹⁶ formerly inhabited by the present Seleucians; but when Seleucia on the Calycadnus was built, they removed there. On doubling the coast, which forms a promontory called Sarpedon,¹⁷ we immediately come to the mouth of the Calycadnus.¹⁸ Zephyrium¹⁹ a promontory is near the Calycadnus. The river may be ascended as far as Seleucia, a city well peopled, and the manners of whose inhabitants are very different from those of the people of Cilicia and Pamphylia.

In our time there flourished at that place remarkable persons of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenaeus and 5enarchus. The former was engaged in the administration of the affairs of state in his own country, and for some time espoused the party of the people; he afterwards contracted a friendship with Murena, with whom he fled, and with whom he was captured, on the discovery of the conspiracy against Augustus Caesar; but he established his innocence, and was set at liberty by Caesar. When he returned from Rome, he addressed the first persons who saluted him, and made their inquiries, in the words of Euripides—

I come from the coverts of the dead, and the gates of darkness.²⁰

He survived his return but a short time, being killed by the fall, during the night, of the house in which he lived.

5enarchus, whose lectures I myself attended, did not long remain at home, but taught philosophy at Alexandreia, Athens, and Rome. He enjoyed the friendship of Areius, and afterwards of Augustus Caesar; he lived to old age, honoured and respected. Shortly before his death he lost his sight, and died a natural death.

[5] After the Calycadnus, is the rock called Poecile,²¹ which has steps, like those of a ladder, cut in the rock, on the road to Seleucia. Then follows the promontory Anemurium,²² of the same name with the former, Crambusa an island, and Corycus²³ a promontory, above which, at the distance of 20 stadia, is the Corycian cave, where grows the best saffron. It is a large valley of a circular form, surrounded by a ridge of rock, of considerable height all round. Upon descending into it, the bottom is irregular, and a great part of it rocky, but abounding with shrubs of the evergreen and cultivated kind. There are interspersed spots which produce the saffron. There is also a cave in which rises a river of pure and transparent water. Immediately at its source the river buries itself in the ground, and continues its subterraneous course till it discharges itself into the sea. The name of (Pikron Hydor) bitter water is given to it.

[6] After Corycus, is the island Elaeussa,²⁴ lying very near the continent. Here Archelaus resided, and built a palace, after having become master of the whole of Cilicia Tracheiotis, except Seleucia, as Augustus had been before, and as at a still earlier period it was held by Cleopatra. For as the country was well adapted by nature for robbery both by sea and land, (by land, on account of the extent of the mountains, and the nations situated beyond them, who occupy plains, and large tracts of cultivated country easy to be overrun; by sea, on account of the supply of timber for ship-building, the harbours, fortresses, and places of retreat,) for all these reasons the Romans thought it preferable that the country should be under the government of kings, than be subject to Roman governors sent to administer justice, but who would not always be on the spot, nor attended by an army. In this manner Archelaus obtained possession of Cilicia Tracheia, in addition to Cappadocia. Its boundaries between Soli and Elaeussa are the river Lamus,²⁵ and a village of the same name.²⁶

[7] At the extremity of the Taurus is Olympus a mountain,²⁷ the piratical hold of Zenicetus, and a fortress of the same name. It commands a view of the whole of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia. When the mountain was taken by (Servilius) Isauricus, Zenicetus burnt himself, with all his household. To this robber belonged Corycus, Phaselis, and many strongholds in Pamphylia, all of which were taken by (Servilius) Isauricus.

[8] Next to Lamus is Soli,²⁸ a considerable city, where the other Cilicia, that about Issus, commences. It was founded by Achaeans, and by Rhodians from Lindus. Pompey the Great transferred to this city, which had a scanty population, the survivors of the pirates, whom he thought most entitled to protection and clemency, and changed its name to Pompeiopolis.

Chrysippus the Stoic philosopher, the son of an inhabitant of Tarsus, who left it to live at Soli; Philemon the comic poet; and Aratus, who composed a poem called the Phaenomena, were among the illustrious natives of this place.

[9] Next follows Zephyrium,²⁹ of the same name as that near Calycadnus; then Anchiale, a little above the sea, built by Sardanapalus, according to Aristobulus. (According to the same author) the tomb of Sardanapalus is here, and a stone figure representing him with the fingers of his right hand brought together as in the act of snapping them, and the following inscription in Assyrian letters: SARDANAPALUS, THE SON OF ANACYNDARA5ES, BUILT ANCHIALE AND TARSUS IN ONE DAY. EAT, DRINK, BE MERRY; EVERYTHING ELSE IS NOT WORTH³⁰ THAT—the snapping of the fingers.

Choerilus mentions this inscription, and the following lines are everywhere known:

Meat and drink, wanton jests, and the delights of love, these I have enjoyed; but my great wealth I have left behind.$$4

[10] Above Anchiale is situated Cyinda a fortress, where the Macedonian kings formerly kept their treasure. Eumenes, when he revolted from Antigonus, took it away. Further above this place and Soli, is a mountainous tract, where is situated Olbe a city, which has a temple of Jupiter, founded by Ajax, son of Teucer. The priest of this temple was master of the Tracheiotis. Subsequently many tyrants seized upon the country, and it became the retreat of robbers. After their extermination, the country was called, even to our times, the dominion of Teucer; and the priesthood, the priesthood of Teucer; indeed, most of the priests had the name of Teucer, or of Ajax. Aba, the daughter of 5enophanes, one of the tyrants, entered into this family by marriage, and obtained possession of the government. Her father had previously administered it as guardian, but Antony and Cleopatra afterwards conferred it upon Aba, as a favour, being ultimately prevailed upon to do so by her entreaties and attentions. She was afterwards dispossessed, but the government remained in the hands of the descendants of her family.

Next to Anchiale are the mouths of the Cydnus³¹ at the Rhegma, (the Rent,) as it is called. It is a place like a lake, and has ancient dockyards; here the Cydnus discharges itself, after flowing through the middle of Tarsus. It rises in the Taurus, which overhangs the city. The lake is a naval arsenal of Tarsus.

[11] The whole of the sea-coast, beginning from the part opposite to Rhodes, extends to this place in the direction from the western to the eastern point of the equinoctial. It then turns towards the winter solstice, as far as Issus, and thence immediately makes a bend to the south to Phoenicia. The remainder towards the west terminates at the pillars (of Hercules).³²

The actual isthmus of the peninsula, which we have described, is that which extends from Tarsus and the mouth of the Cydnus as far as Amisus, for this is the shortest distance from Amisus to the boundaries of Cilicia; from these to Tarsus are 120 stadia, and not more from Tarsus to the mouth of the Cydnus. To Issus, and the sea near it, there is no shorter road from Amisus than that leading through Tarsus, nor from Tarsus to Issus is there any nearer than that leading to Cydnus; so that it is clear, that, in reality, this is the isthmus. Yet it is pretended that the isthmus extending as far as the Bay of Issus is the true isthmus, on account of its presenting remarkable points.

Hence, not aiming at exactness, we say that the line drawn from the country opposite to Rhodes, which we protracted as far as Cydnus, is the same as that extending as far as Issus, and that the Taurus extends in a straight direction with this line as far as India.

[12] Tarsus is situated in a plain. It was founded by Argives, who accompanied Triptolemus in his search after Io. The Cydnus flows through the middle of it, close by the gymnasium of the young men. As the source is not far distant, and the stream passing through a deep valley, then flows immediately into the city, the water is cold and rapid in its course; hence it is of advantage to men and beasts affected with swellings of the sinews, fluxions, and gout.³³

[13] The inhabitants of this city apply to the study of philosophy and to the whole encyclical compass of learning with so much ardour, that they surpass Athens, Alexandreia, and every other place which can be named where there are schools and lectures of philosophers.

It differs however so far from other places, that the studious are all natives, and strangers are not inclined to resort thither. Even the natives themselves do not remain, but travel abroad to complete their studies, and having completed them reside in foreign countries. Few of them return.

The contrary is the case in the other cities which I have mentioned, except Alexandreia; for multitudes repair to them, and reside there with pleasure; but you would observe that few of the natives travel abroad from a love of learning, or show much zeal in the pursuit of it on the spot. But both these things are to be seen at Alexandreia, a large number of strangers is received, (into their schools,) and not a few of their own countrymen are sent out to foreign countries (to study). They have schools of all kinds, for instruction in the liberal arts. In other respects Tarsus is well peopled, extremely powerful, and has the character of being the capital.³⁴

[14] The Stoic philosophers Antipater, Archedemus, and Nestor were natives of Tarsus: and besides these, the two Athenodori, one of whom, Cordylion, lived with Marcus Cato, and died at his house; the other, the son of Sandon, called Cananites, from some village, was the preceptor of Caesar,³⁵ who conferred on him great honours. In his old age he returned to his native country, where he dissolved the form of government existing there, which was unjustly administered by various persons, and among them by Boëthus, a bad poet and a bad citizen, who had acquired great power by courting the favour of the people. Antony contributed to increase his importance by having in the first instance commended a poem which he had composed on the victory at Philippi; his influence was still augmented by the facility which he possessed (and it is very general among the inhabitants of Tarsus) of discoursing at great length, and without preparation, upon any given subject. Antony also had promised the people of Tarsus to establish a gymnasium; he appointed Boëthus chief director of it, and intrusted to him the expenditure of the funds. He was detected in secreting, among other things, even the oil, and when charged with this offence by his accusers in the presence of Antony, he deprecated his anger by this, among other remarks in his speech, that as Homer had sung the praises of Achilles, Agamemnon, and Ulysses, so have I sung yours. I therefore ought not to be brought before you on such a charge. The accuser answered, Homer did not steal oil from Agamemnon³⁶ nor Achilles; but you have stolen it from the gymnasium, and therefore you shall be punished. Yet he contrived to avert the displeasure of Antony by courteous offices, and continued to plunder the city until the death of his protector.

Athenodorus found the city in this state, and for some time attempted to control Boëthus and his accomplices by argument; but finding that they continued to commit all kinds of injustice, he exerted the power given to him by Caesar, condemned them to banishment, and expelled them. They had previously caused to be written upon the walls, Action for the young, counsel for the middle-aged, discharging wind for the old; but Athenodorus, accepting it as a jest, gave orders to inscribe by the side of it, Thunder for the old. Some one, however, in contempt for his good manners, having a lax state of body, bespattered the gate and wall of his house as he passed by it at night. Athenodorus, in an assembly of the people, accusing persons of being factiously disposed, said, We may perceive the sickly condition of the city, and its bad habit of body, from many circumstances, but particularly from its discharges.

These men were Stoics, but Nestor, of our time, the tutor of Marcellus, son of Octavia, the sister of Caesar, was of the Academic sect. He was also at the head of the government, having succeeded Athenodorus, and continued to be honoured both by the Roman governors and by the citizens.

[15] Among the other philosophers,

Those whom I know, and could in order name,³⁷

were Plutiades and Diogenes, who went about from city to city, instituting schools of philosophy as the opportunity occurred. Diogenes, as if inspired by Apollo, composed and rehearsed poems, chiefly of the tragic kind, upon any subject that was proposed. The grammarians of Tarsus, whose writings we have, were Artemidorus and Diodorus. But the best writer of tragedy, among those enumerated in The Pleiad, was Dionysides. Rome is best able to inform us what number of learned men this city has produced, for it is filled with persons from Tarsus and Alexandreia.

Such then is Tarsus.

[16] After the Cydnus follows the Pyramus,³⁸ which flows from Cataonia. We have spoken of it before. Artemidorus says, that from thence to Soli is a voyage in a straight line of 500 stadia. Near the Pyramus is Mallus,³⁹ situated upon a height; it was founded by Amphilochus, and Mopsus, the son of Apollo, and Mantus, about whom many fables are related. I have mentioned them in speaking of Calchas, and of the contest between Calchas and Mopsus respecting their skill in divination. Some persons, as Sophocles, transfer the scene of this contest to Sicily, which, after the custom of tragic poets, they call Pamphylia, as they call Lycia, Caria, and Troy and Lydia, Phrygia. Sophocles, among other writers, says that Calchas died there. According to the fable, the contest did not relate to skill in divination only, but also to sovereignty. For it is said, that Mopsus and Amphilochus, on their return from Troy, founded Mallus; that Amphilochus afterwards went to Argos, and being dissatisfied with the state of affairs there, returned to Mallus, where, being excluded from a share in the government, he engaged with Mopsus in single combat. Both were killed, but their sepulchres are not in sight of each other. They are shown at present at Magarsa, near the Pyramus.

Crates the grammarian was a native of this place, and Panaetius is said to have been his disciple.

[17] Above this coast is situated the Aleian plain, over which Philotas conducted Alexander’s cavalry, he himself leading the phalanx from Soli along the sea-coast and the territory of Mallus to Issus, against the forces of Darius. It is said that Alexander performed sacrifices in honour of Amphilochus, on account of their common affinity to Argos. Hesiod says that Amphilochus was killed by Apollo at Soli; according to others, at the Aleian plain; and others again say, in Syria, upon his quitting the Aleian plain on account of the quarrel.

[18] Mallus is followed by Aegaeae, a small town⁴⁰ with a shelter for vessels; then the Amanides Gates, (Gates of Amanus,⁴¹) with a shelter for vessels. At these gates terminates the mountain Amanus,⁴² which extends from the Taurus, and lies above Cilicia towards the east. It was successively in the possession of several tyrants, who had strongholds; but, in our time, Tarcondimotus, who was a man of merit, became master of all; for his good conduct and bravery, he received from the Romans the title of King, and transmitted the succession to his posterity.

[19] Next to Aegaeae is Issus, a small town with a shelter for vessels, and a river, the Pinarus.⁴³ At Issus the battle was fought between Alexander and Darius. The bay is called the Issic Bay. The city Rhosus⁴⁴ is situated upon it, as also the city Myriandrus, Alexandreia,⁴⁵ Nicopolis, Mopsuestia,⁴⁶ and the Gates,⁴⁷ as they are called, which are the boundary between Cilicia and Syria.

In Cilicia are the temple of the Sarpedonian Artemis and an oracle. Persons possessed with divine inspiration deliver the oracles.

[20] After Cilicia, the first Syrian city is Seleucia-in-Pieria;⁴⁸ near it the river Orontes⁴⁹ empties itself. From Seleucia to Soli is a voyage in a straight line of nearly 1000 stadia.

[21] Since the Cilicians of the Troad, whom Homer mentions, are situated at a great distance from the Cilicians without the Taurus, some writers declare that the leaders of the latter colony were Cilicians of the Troad, and point to Thebe and Lyrnessus in Pamphylia, places bearing the same name as those in the Troad; other authors are of a contrary opinion, and (considering the Cilicians of the Troad as descendants of those from beyond the Taurus) point to an Aleian plain (in support of their hypothesis).

[22] Having described the parts of the before-mentioned Chersonesus without the Taurus, I must add these particulars.

Apollodorus, in his work on the catalogue of the ships mentioned in Homer, relates, that all the allies of the Trojans, who came from Asia, inhabited, according to the poet, the peninsula of which at its narrowest part is the isthmus between the innermost recess of the bay at Sinope and Issus. The exterior sides (of this peninsula), which is of a triangular shape, are unequal. Of these, one extends from Cilicia to Chelidoniae, (islands,) another thence to the mouth of the Euxine, and the third from the mouth of the Euxine to Sinope.

The assertion that the allies were only those who occupied the peninsula may be proved to be erroneous by the same arguments by which we before showed that those who lived within the Halys were not the only allies. For the places about Pharnacia, where we said the Halizoni lived, are situated without the Halys, and also without the isthmus, for they are without the line drawn from Sinope to Issus;⁵⁰ and not only without this line, but also without the true line of the isthmus drawn from Amisus to Issus; for Apollodorus incorrectly describes the isthmus and the line of its direction, substituting one line for another (the line drawn from Sinope to Issus for the line drawn from Amisus to Issus).

But the greatest absurdity is this, that after having said that the peninsula was of a triangular shape, he speaks of three exterior sides. For in speaking of exterior sides, he seems to except the line of the isthmus itself, considering it still a side, although not an exterior side, from its not being upon the sea. But if this line were so shortened that the extremities of the ( exterior) sides falling upon Issus and Sinope nearly coincided, the peninsula might in that case be said to be of a triangular shape; but as his own line (from Sinope to Issus) is 3000 stadia in length, it would be ignorance, and not a knowledge of chorography, to call such a four-sided figure a triangle. Yet he published a work on Chorography, in the metre of comedy, (Iambic metre,) entitled The Circuit of the Earth.

He is still liable to the same charge of ignorance, even if we should suppose the isthmus to be contracted to its least dimensions, and follow writers who erroneously estimate the distance at one-half of the sum, namely 1500 stadia, to which it is reduced by Artemidorus; but even this would not by any means reduce the thus contracted space to the figure of a triangle.

Besides, Artemidorus has not correctly described the exterior sides; one side, he says, extends from Issus to the Chelidoniae islands, although the whole Lycian coast, and the country opposite to Rhodes as far as Physcus, lies in a straight line with, and is a continuation of it; the continent then makes a bend at Physcus, and forms the commencement of the second or western side, extending to the Propontis and Byzantium.

[23] Ephorus had said that this peninsula was inhabited by sixteen tribes, three of which were Grecian, and the rest barbarous, with the exception of the mixed nations; he placed on the sea-coast Cilicians, Pamphylians, Lycians, Bithynians, Paphlagonians, Mariandyni, Troes, and Carians; and in the interior, Pisidians, Mysians, Chalybes, Phrygians, and Milyae.⁵¹ Apollodorus, when discussing this position, says there is a seventeenth tribe, the Galatians, who are more recent than the time of Ephorus; that of the sixteen tribes mentioned, the Greeks were not settled (in the peninsula) at the period of the Trojan war, and that time has produced great intermixture and confusion among the barbarous nations. Homer, he continues, recites in his Catalogue the Troes, and those now called Paphlagonians, Mysians, Phrygians, Carians, Lycians, Meionians, instead of Lydians and other unknown people, as Halizoni and Caucones; nations besides not mentioned in the Catalogue but elsewhere, as Ceteii, Solymi, the Cilicians from the plain of Thebe, and Leleges. But the Pamphylians, Bithynians, Mariandyni, Pisidians, and Chalybes, Milyae, and Cappadocians are nowhere mentioned by the poet; some because they did not then inhabit these places, and some because they were surrounded by other tribes, as Idrieis and Termilae by Carians, Doliones and Bebryces by Phrygians.

[24] But Apollodorus does not seem to have carefully examined the statements of Ephorus, for he confounds and misrepresents the words of Homer. He ought first to have inquired of Ephorus why he placed the Chalybes within the peninsula, who were situated at a great distance from Sinope, and Amisus towards the east. Those who describe the isthmus of this peninsula to be on the line drawn from Issus to the Euxine, lay down this line as a sort of meridian line, which some suppose to pass through Sinope, others through Amisus; but no one through the Chalybes, for such a line would be altogether an oblique line. For the meridian passing through the Chalybes, drawn through the Lesser Armenia, and the Euphrates, would comprise (on the east) the whole of Cappadocia, Commagene, Mount Amanus, and the Bay of Issus. But if we should grant (to Ephorus) that this oblique line is the direction of the isthmus, most of these places, Cappadocia in particular, would be included, and (the kingdom of) Pontus, properly so called, which is a part of Cappadocia on the Euxine; so that if we were to admit the Chalybes to be a part of the peninsula, with more reason we ought to admit the Cataonians, the two nations of Cappadocians, and the Lycaonians, whom even he himself has omitted. But why has he placed in the interior the Chalybes, whom the poet, as we have shown, calls Halizoni? It would have been better to divide them, and to place one portion of them on the sea-coast, and another in the inland parts. The same division ought to be made of the Cappadocians and Cilicians. But Ephorus does not even mention the former, and speaks only of the Cilicians on the sea-coast. The subjects, then, of Antipater of Derbe, the Homonadeis, and many other tribes contiguous to the Pisidians,

men, who know not the sea, nor have ever eaten food seasoned with salt,⁵²

where are they to be placed? Nor does he say whether the Lydians and the Meonians are two nations or the same nation, or whether they live separately by themselves or are comprehended in another tribe. For it was impossible for Ephorus to be ignorant of so celebrated a nation, and does he not, by passing it over in silence, appear to omit a most important fact?

[25] But who are the mixed nations? For we cannot say that he either named or omitted others, besides those already mentioned, whom we should call mixed nations. Nor, indeed, should we say that they were a part of those nations whom he has either mentioned or omitted. For if they were a mixed people, still the majority constituted them either Greeks or Barbarians. We know nothing of a third mixed people.

[26] But how (according to Ephorus) are there three tribes of Greeks who inhabit the peninsula? Is it because anciently the Athenians and Ionians were the same people? In that case the Dorians and the Aeolians should be considered as the same nation, and then there would be (only) two tribes (and not three, inhabiting the peninsula). But if, following modern practice, we are to distinguish nations according to dialects, there will be four nations, as there are four dialects. But this peninsula is inhabited, especially if we adopt the division by Ephorus, not only by Ionians, but also by Athenians, as we have shown in the account of each particular place.

It was worth while to controvert the positions of Ephorus, Apollodorus however disregards all this, and adds a seventeenth to the sixteen nations, namely, the Galatians; although it is well to mention this, yet it is not required in a discussion of what Ephorus relates or omits; Apollodorus has assigned as the reason of the omission, that all these nations settled in the peninsula subsequently to the time of Ephorus.

[27] Passing then to Homer, Apollodorus is correct in saying that there was a great intermixture and confusion among the barbarous nations, from the Trojan war to the present time, on account of the changes which had taken place; for some nations had an accession of others, some were extinct or dispersed, or had coalesced together.

But he is mistaken in assigning two reasons why the poet does not mention some nations, namely, either because the place was not then occupied by the particular people, or because they were comprehended in another tribe. Neither of these reasons could induce him to be silent respecting Cappadocia or Cataonia, or Lycaonia itself, for we have nothing of the kind in history relating to these countries. It is ridiculous to be anxious to find excuses why Homer has omitted to speak of Cappadocia [Cataonia] and Lycaonia, and not to inform us why Ephorus omitted them, particularly as the proposed object of Apollodorus was to examine and discuss the opinions of Ephorus; and to tell us why Homer mentions Maeonians instead of Lydians, and also not to remark that Ephorus has not omitted to mention either Lydians or Maeonians.⁵³

[28] Apollodorus remarks, that Homer mentions certain unknown nations, and he is right in specifying Caucones, Solymi, Ceteii, Leleges, and the Cilicians from the plain of Thebe; but the Halizones are a fiction of his own, or rather of those who, not knowing who the Halizones were, frequently altered the mode of writing the name, and invented the existence of mines of silver and of many other mines, all of which are abandoned.

With this vain intention they collected the stories related by the Scepsian, (Demetrius,) and taken from Callisthenes and other writers, who did not clear them from false notions respecting the Halizones; for example, the wealth of Tantalus and of the Pelopidae was derived, it is said, from the mines about Phrygia and Sipylus; that of Cadmus from the mines about Thrace and Mount Pangaeum; that of Priam from the gold mines at Astyra, near Abydos (of which at present there are small remains, yet there is a large quantity of matter ejected, and the excavations are proofs of former workings); that of Midas from the mines about Mount Bermium; that of Gyges, Alyattes, and Croesus, from the mines in Lydia and the small deserted city between Atarneus and Pergamum, where are the sites of exhausted mines.⁵⁴

[29] We may impute another fault to Apollodorus, that although he frequently censures modern writers for introducing new readings at variance with the meaning of Homer, yet in this instance he not only neglects his own advice, but actually unites together places which are not so represented (by Homer).

(For example), 5anthus the Lydian says, that after the Trojan times the Phrygians came from Europe (into Asia) and the left (western) side of the Euxine, and that their leader Scamandrius conducted them from the Berecynti and Ascania. Apollodorus adds, that Homer mentions the same Ascania as 5anthus,

Phorcys and the divine Ascanius led the Phrygians from the distant Ascania.⁵⁵

If this be so, the migration (from Europe to Asia) must be later than the Trojan war; but in the Trojan war the auxiliaries mentioned by the poet came from the opposite continent, from the Berecynti and Ascania. Who then were the Phrygians,

who were then encamped on the banks of the Sangarius,

when Priam says,

And I joined them with these troops as an auxiliary?⁵⁶

And how came Priam to send for the Phrygians from among the Berecynti, between whom and himself no compact existed, and pass over the people who were contiguous to him, and whose ally he formerly had been?

Apollodorus, after having spoken of the Phrygians in this manner, introduces an account concerning the Mysians which contradicts this. He says that there is a village of Mysia called Ascania, near a lake of the same name,⁵⁷ out of which issues the river Ascanius, mentioned by Euphorion:⁵⁸

near the waters of the Mysian Ascanius;

and by Alexander of Aetolia:

they who dwell on the stream of Ascanius, on the brink of the Ascanian lake, where lived Dolion, the son of Silenus and Melia.

The district, he says, about Cyzicus, on the road to Miletopolis, is called Dolionis and Mysia.

If this is the case, and if it is confirmed by existing places and by the poets, what prevented Homer, when he mentioned this Ascania, from mentioning the Ascania also of which 5anthus speaks?

I have already spoken of these places in the description of Mysia and Phrygia, and shall here conclude the discussion.

Geography. Strabo. Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator). London. 1854-1857.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Tufts University.

Current edition Perseus

Geography (English) (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 1-3. Hamilton, Hans Claude, translator; Falconer, William, translator. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854-1857.)

Editions (1)

Γεωγραφικά Perseus (Strabo. Strabonis Geographica, Vols. 1-3. Meineke, August, editor. Leipzig: Teubner. 1877.) — 14.5 focus

[1] τῆς Κιλικίας δὲ τῆς ἔξω τοῦ Ταύρου ἡ μὲν λέγεται τραχεῖα ἡ δὲ πεδιάς· τραχεῖα μέν, ἧς ἡ παραλία στενή ἐστι καὶ οὐδὲν ἢ σπανίως ἔχει τι χωρίον ἐπίπεδον, καὶ ἔτι ἧς ὑπέρκειται ὁ Ταῦρος οἰκούμενος κακῶς μέχρι καὶ τῶν προσβόρρων πλευρῶν τῶν περὶ Ἴσαυρα καὶ τοὺς Ὁμοναδέας μέχρι τῆς Πισιδίας· καλεῖται δʼ ἡ αὐτὴ καὶ Τραχειῶτις καὶ οἱ ἐνοικοῦντες Τραχειῶται· πεδιὰς δʼ ἡ ἀπὸ Σόλων καὶ Ταρσοῦ μέχρι Ἰσσοῦ, καὶ ἔτι ἧς ὑπέρκεινται κατὰ τὸ πρόσβορρον τοῦ Ταύρου πλευρὸν Καππάδοκες· αὕτη γὰρ ἡ χώρα τὸ πλέον πεδίων εὐπορεῖ καὶ χώρας ἀγαθῆς. ἐπεὶ δὲ τούτων τὰ μέν ἐστιν ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου τὰ δʼ ἐκτός, περὶ μὲν τῶν ἐντὸς εἴρηται, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἐκτὸς λέγωμεν ἀπὸ τῶν Τραχειωτῶν ἀρξάμενοι.

[2] πρῶτον τοίνυν ἐστὶ τῶν Κιλίκων φρούριον τὸ Κορακήσιον ἱδρυμένον ἐπὶ πέτρας ἀπορρῶγος, ᾧ ἐχρήσατο Διόδοτος ὁ Τρύφων προσαγορευθεὶς ὁρμητηρίῳ καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἀπέστησε τὴν Συρίαν τῶν βασιλέων καὶ διεπολέμει πρὸς ἐκείνους, τοτὲ μὲν κατορθῶν τοτὲ δὲ πταίων. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν Ἀντίοχος ὁ Δημητρίου κατακλείσας εἴς τι χωρίον ἠνάγκασε διεργάσασθαι τὸ σῶμα· τοῖς δὲ Κίλιξιν ἀρχὴν τοῦ τὰ πειρατικὰ συνίστασθαι Τρύφων αἴτιος κατέστη καὶ ἡ τῶν βασιλέων οὐδένεια τῶν τότε ἐκ διαδοχῆς ἐπιστατούντων τῆς Συρίας ἅμα καὶ τῆς Κιλικίας· τῷ γὰρ ἐκείνου νεωτερισμῷ συνενεωτέρισαν καὶ ἄλλοι, διχοστατοῦντές τε ἀδελφοὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑποχείριον ἐποίουν τὴν χώραν τοῖς ἐπιτιθεμένοις. ἡ δὲ τῶν ἀνδραπόδων ἐξαγωγὴ προὐκαλεῖτο μάλιστα εἰς τὰς κακουργίας ἐπικερδεστάτη γενομένη· καὶ γὰρ ἡλίσκοντο ῥᾳδίως, καὶ τὸ ἐμπόριον οὐ παντελῶς ἄπωθεν ἦν μέγα καὶ πολυχρήματον, ἡ Δῆλος, δυναμένη μυριάδας ἀνδραπόδων αὐθημερὸν καὶ δέξασθαι καὶ ἀποπέμψαι, ὥστε καὶ παροιμίαν γενέσθαι διὰ τοῦτο ἔμπορε, κατάπλευσον, ἐξελοῦ, πάντα πέπραται. αἴτιον δʼ ὅτι πλούσιοι γενόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι μετὰ τὴν Καρχηδόνος καὶ Κορίνθου κατασκαφὴν οἰκετείαις ἐχρῶντο πολλαῖς· ὁρῶντες δὲ τὴν εὐπέτειαν οἱ λῃσταὶ ταύτην ἐξήνθησαν ἀθρόως, αὐτοὶ καὶ λῃζόμενοι καὶ σωματεμποροῦντες. συνήργουν δʼ εἰς ταῦτα καὶ οἱ τῆς Κύπρου καὶ οἱ τῆς Αἰγύπτου βασιλεῖς ἐχθροὶ τοῖς Σύροις ὄντες· οὐδʼ οἱ Ῥόδιοι δὲ φίλοι ἦσαν αὐτοῖς ὥστʼ οὐδὲν ἐβοήθουν· ἅμα δὲ καὶ οἱ λῃσταὶ προσποιούμενοι σωματεμπορεῖν ἄλυτον τὴν κακουργίαν εἶχον. ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ Ῥωμαῖοί πω τοσοῦτον ἐφρόντιζον τῶν ἔξω τοῦ Ταύρου, ἀλλʼ ἔπεμψαν μὲν καὶ Σκιπίωνα τὸν Αἰμιλιανὸν ἐπισκεψόμενον τὰ ἔθνη καὶ τὰς πόλεις καὶ πάλιν ἄλλους τινάς, ἔγνωσαν δὲ κακίᾳ τῶν ἀρχόντων συμβαῖνον τοῦτο, εἰ καὶ τὴν κατὰ γένος διαδοχὴν τὴν ἀπὸ Σελεύκου τοῦ Νικάτορος αὐτοὶ κεκυρωκότες ᾐδοῦντο ἀφαιρεῖσθαι. τοῦτο δὲ συμβὰν τῆς μὲν χώρας ἐποίησε κυρίους Παρθυαίους, οἳ τὰ πέραν τοῦ Εὐφράτου κατέσχον, τὸ τελευταῖον δὲ καὶ Ἀρμενίους, οἳ καὶ τὴν ἐκτὸς τοῦ Ταύρου προσέλαβον μέχρι καὶ Φοινίκης, καὶ τοὺς βασιλέας κατέλυσαν εἰς δύναμιν καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν σύμπαν, τὴν δὲ θάλατταν τοῖς Κίλιξι παρέδωκαν. εἶτʼ αὐξηθέντας ἠναγκάσθησαν καταλύειν Ῥωμαῖοι πολέμῳ καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς οὓς αὐξομένους οὐκ ἐκώλυσαν. ὀλιγωρίαν μὲν οὖν αὐτῶν χαλεπὸν καταγνῶναι· πρὸς ἑτέροις δὲ ὄντες τοῖς ἐγγυτέρω καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα μᾶλλον οὐχ οἷοί τε ἦσαν τὰ ἀπωτέρω σκοπεῖν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν ἐν παρεκβάσει διὰ βραχέων εἰπεῖν.

[3] μετὰ δὲ τὸ Κορακήσιον Ἀρσινόη πόλις, εἶθʼ Ἁμαξία ἐπὶ βουνοῦ κατοικία τις ὕφορμον ἔχουσα, ὅπου κατάγεται ἡ ναυπηγήσιμος ὕλη. κέδρος δʼ ἐστὶν ἡ πλείστη, καὶ δοκεῖ ταῦτα τὰ μέρη πλεονεκτεῖν τῇ τοιαύτῃ ξυλείᾳ· καὶ διὰ τοῦτʼ Ἀντώνιος Κλεοπάτρᾳ τὰ χωρία ταῦτα προσένειμεν ἐπιτήδεια ὄντα πρὸς τὰς τῶν στόλων κατασκευάς. εἶτα Λαέρτης φρούριον ἐπὶ λόφου μαστοειδοῦς ὕφορμον ἔχον· εἶτα Σελινοῦς πόλις· εἶτα Κράγος πέτρα περίκρημνος πρὸς θαλάττῃ· εἶτα Χαραδροῦς ἔρυμα καὶ αὐτὸ ὕφορμον ἔχον (ὑπέρκειται δʼ ὄρος Ἄνδρικλος) καὶ παράπλους τραχὺς Πλατανιστῆς καλούμενος· εἶτʼ Ἀνεμούριον ἄκρα καθʼ ἣν ἡ ἤπειρος ἐγγυτάτω τῆς Κυπρίας ἐστὶν ἐπὶ Κρομμύου ἄκραν ἐν διάρματι σταδίων τριακοσίων πεντήκοντα. εἰς μὲν οὖν τὸ Ἀνεμούριον ἀπὸ τῶν ὅρων τῆς Παμφυλίας ὁ Κιλίκιος παράπλους σταδίων ἐστὶν ὀκτακοσίων εἴκοσι, λοιπὸς δʼ ἐστὶ μέχρι Σόλων ὅσον πεντακοσίων παράπλους σταδίων. τούτου δʼ ἐστὶ Νάγιδος πρώτη μετὰ τὸ Ἀνεμούριον πόλις· εἶτʼ Ἀρσινόη πρόσορμον ἔχουσα· εἶτα τόπος Μελανία καὶ Κελένδερις πόλις λιμένα ἔχουσα. τινὲς δὲ ταύτην ἀρχὴν τίθενται τῆς Κιλικίας, οὐ τὸ Κορακήσιον, ὧν ἐστι καὶ ὁ Ἀρτεμίδωρος· καί φησιν ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ Πηλουσιακοῦ στόματος εἶναι τρισχιλίους ἑξακοσίους σταδίους εἰς Ὀρθωσίαν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν Ὀρόντην ποταμὸν χίλια ἑκατὸν τριάκοντα, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς πύλας ἑξῆς πεντακόσια εἰκοσιπέντε, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ὅρους τῶν Κιλίκων χίλια ἐνακόσια εἴκοσιν.

[4] εἶθʼ Ὅλμοι, ὅπου πρότερον ᾤκουν οἱ νῦν Σελευκεῖς, κτισθείσης δʼ ἐπὶ τῷ Καλυκάδνῳ τῆς Σελευκείας ἐκεῖ μετῳκίσθησαν. εὐθὺς γάρ ἐστιν ἡ τοῦ Καλυκάδνου ἐκβολὴ κάμψαντι ᾐόνα ποιοῦσαν ἄκραν ἣ καλεῖται Σαρπηδών. πλησίον δʼ ἐστὶ τοῦ Καλυκάδνου καὶ τὸ Ζεφύριον καὶ αὕτη ἄκρα· ἔχει δὲ ὁ ποταμὸς ἀνάπλουν εἰς τὴν Σελεύκειαν πόλιν εὖ συνοικουμένην καὶ πολὺ ἀφεστῶσαν τοῦ Κιλικίου καὶ Παμφυλίου τρόπου. ἐνταῦθα ἐγένοντο καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἄνδρες ἀξιόλογοι τῶν ἐκ τοῦ περιπάτου φιλοσόφων Ἀθήναιός τε καὶ Ξέναρχος, ὧν ὁ μὲν Ἀθήναιος καὶ ἐπολιτεύσατο καὶ ἐδημαγώγησε χρόνον τινὰ ἐν τῇ πατρίδι, εἶτʼ ἐμπεσὼν εἰς τὴν Μουρήνα φιλίαν ἐκείνῳ συνεάλω φεύγων φωραθείσης τῆς κατὰ Καίσαρος τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ συσταθείσης ἐπιβουλῆς· ἀναίτιος δὲ φανεὶς ἀφείθη ὑπὸ Καίσαρος. ὡς δʼ ἐπανιόντα εἰς Ῥώμην ἠσπάζοντο καὶ ἐπυνθάνοντο οἱ πρῶτοι ἐντυγχάνοντες, τὸ Εὐριπίδου ἔφη

ἥκω νεκρῶν κευθμῶνα καὶ σκότου πύλας λιπών.

¹ ὀλίγον δʼ ἐπιβιοὺς χρόνον ἐν συμπτώσει τῆς οἰκίας ἐν ᾗ ᾤκει διεφθάρη νύκτωρ γενομένῃ, Ξέναρχος δέ, οὗ ἠκροασάμεθα ἡμεῖς, ἐν οἴκῳ μὲν οὐ πολὺ διέτριψεν, ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ δὲ καὶ Ἀθήνησι καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον ἐν Ῥώμῃ, τὸν παιδευτικὸν βίον ἑλόμενος· χρησάμενος δὲ καὶ τῇ Ἀρείου φιλίᾳ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τῇ Καίσαρος τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ διετέλεσε μέχρι γήρως ἐν τιμῇ ἀγόμενος· μικρὸν δὲ πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς πηρωθεὶς τὴν ὄψιν κατέστρεψε νόσῳ τὸν βίον.

[5] μετὰ δὲ τὸν Καλύκαδνον ἡ Ποικίλη λεγομένη πέτρα κλίμακα ἔχουσα λατομητὴν ἐπὶ Σελεύκειαν ἄγουσαν. εἶτʼ Ἀνεμούριον ἄκρα ὁμώνυμος τῇ προτέρᾳ, καὶ Κράμβουσα νῆσος καὶ Κώρυκος ἄκρα, ὑπὲρ ἧς ἐν εἴκοσι σταδίοις ἐστὶ τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον, ἐν ᾧ ἡ ἀρίστη κρόκος φύεται. ἔστι δὲ κοιλὰς μεγάλη κυκλοτερὴς ἔχουσα περικειμένην ὀφρὺν πετρώδη πανταχόθεν ἱκανῶς ὑψηλήν· καταβάντι δʼ εἰς αὐτὴν ἀνώμαλόν ἐστιν ἔδαφος καὶ τὸ πολὺ πετρῶδες, μεστὸν δὲ τῆς θαμνώδους ὕλης ἀειθαλοῦς τε καὶ ἡμέρου· παρέσπαρται δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐδάφη τὰ φέροντα τὴν κρόκον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄντρον αὐτόθι ἔχον πηγὴν μεγάλην ποταμὸν ἐξιεῖσαν καθαροῦ τε καὶ διαφανοῦς ὕδατος, εὐθὺς καταπίπτοντα ὑπὸ γῆς· ἐνεχθεὶς δʼ ἀφανὴς ἔξεισιν εἰς τὴν θάλατταν· καλοῦσι δὲ πικρὸν ὕδωρ.

[6] εἶθʼ ἡ Ἐλαιοῦσσα νῆσος μετὰ τὴν Κώρυκον, προσκειμένη τῇ ἠπείρῳ, ἣν συνῴκισεν Ἀρχέλαος καὶ κατεσκευάσατο βασίλειον λαβὼν τὴν Τραχειῶτιν Κιλικίαν ὅλην πλὴν Σελευκείας, καθʼ ὃν τρόπον καὶ Ἀμύντας πρότερον εἶχε καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Κλεοπάτρα. εὐφυοῦς γὰρ ὄντος τοῦ τόπου πρὸς τὰ λῃστήρια καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν (κατὰ γῆν μὲν διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ὀρῶν καὶ τῶν ὑπερκειμένων ἐθνῶν, πεδία καὶ γεώργια ἐχόντων μεγάλα καὶ εὐκατατρόχαστα, κατὰ θάλατταν δὲ διὰ τὴν εὐπορίαν τῆς τε ναυπηγησίμου ὕλης καὶ τῶν λιμένων καὶ ἐρυμάτων καὶ ὑποδυτηρίων), ἐδόκει πρὸς ἅπαν τὸ τοιοῦτο βασιλεύεσθαι μᾶλλον τοὺς τόπους ἢ ὑπὸ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἡγεμόσιν εἶναι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς κρίσεις πεμπομένοις, οἳ μήτʼ ἀεὶ παρεῖναι ἔμελλον μήτε μεθʼ ὅπλων. οὕτω μὲν Ἀρχέλαος ἔλαβε πρὸς τῇ Καππαδοκίᾳ τὴν τραχεῖαν Κιλικίαν. εἰσὶ δʼ ὅροι ταύτης μεταξὺ Σόλων τε καὶ Ἐλαιούσσης ὁ Λάμος ποταμὸς καὶ κώμη ὁμώνυμος.

[7] κατὰ δὲ τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου τὸ Ζηνικέτου πειρατήριόν ἐστιν ὁ Ὄλυμπος ὄρος τε καὶ φρούριον ὁμώνυμον, ἀφʼ οὗ κατοπτεύεται πᾶσα Λυκία καὶ Παμφυλία καὶ Πισιδία καὶ Μιλυάς· ἁλόντος δὲ τοῦ ὄρους ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἰσαυρικοῦ, ἐνέπρησεν ἑαυτὸν πανοίκιον. τούτου δʼ ἦν καὶ ὁ Κώρυκος καὶ ἡ Φάσηλις καὶ πολλὰ τῶν Παμφύλων χωρία· πάντα δʼ εἷλεν ὁ Ἰσαυρικός.

[8] μετὰ δὲ Λάμον Σόλοι πόλις ἀξιόλογος, τῆς ἄλλης Κιλικίας ἀρχὴ τῆς περὶ τὸν Ἰσσόν, Ἀχαιῶν καὶ Ῥοδίων κτίσμα τῶν ἐκ Λίνδου· εἰς ταύτην λιπανδρήσασαν Πομπήιος Μάγνος κατῴκισε τοὺς περιγενομένους τῶν πειρατῶν, οὓς μάλιστα ἔγνω σωτηρίας καὶ προνοίας τινὸς ἀξίους, καὶ μετωνόμασε Πομπηιόπολιν. γεγόνασι δʼ ἄνδρες ἐνθένδε τῶν ὀνομαστῶν Χρύσιππός τε ὁ στωικὸς φιλόσοφος πατρὸς ὢν Ταρσέως ἐκεῖθεν μετοικήσαντος, καὶ Φιλήμων ὁ κωμικὸς ποιητής, καὶ Ἄρατος ὁ τὰ φαινόμενα συγγράψας ἐν ἔπεσιν.

[9] εἶτα Ζεφύριον ὁμώνυμον τῷ πρὸς Καλύδνῳ· εἶτʼ Ἀγχιάλη μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης, κτίσμα Σαρδαναπάλλου, φησὶν Ἀριστόβουλος· ἐνταῦθα δʼ εἶναι μνῆμα τοῦ Σαρδαναπάλλου καὶ τύπον λίθινον συμβάλλοντα τοὺς τῆς δεξιᾶς χειρὸς δακτύλους ὡς ἂν ἀποκροτοῦντα, καὶ ἐπιγραφὴν εἶναι Ἀσσυρίοις γράμμασι τοιάνδε Σαρδανάπαλλος ὁ Ἀνακυνδαράξεω παῖς Ἀγχιάλην καὶ Ταρσὸν ἔδειμεν ἡμέρῃ μιῇ. ἔσθιε πῖνε παῖζε, ὡς τἆλλα τούτου οὐκ ἄξια, τοῦ ἀποκροτήματος. μέμνηται δὲ καὶ Χοιρίλος τούτων· καὶ δὴ καὶ περιφέρεται τὰ ἔπη ταυτί

ταῦτʼ ἔχω, ὅσσʼ ἔφαγον καὶ ἀφύβρισα, καὶ μετʼ ἔρωτος

τέρπνʼ ἔπαθον, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια κεῖνα λέλειπται.

[10] ὑπέρκειται δὲ τὰ Κύινδα τῆς Ἀγχιάλης ἔρυμα, ᾧ ἐχρήσαντό ποτε οἱ Μακεδόνες γαζοφυλακίῳ· ἦρε δὲ τὰ χρήματα Εὐμένης ἀποστὰς Ἀντιγόνου. ἔτι δʼ ὕπερθεν τούτου τε καὶ τῶν Σόλων ὀρεινή ἐστιν, ἐν ᾗ Ὄλβη πόλις Διὸς ἱερὸν ἔχουσα, Αἴαντος ἵδρυμα τοῦ Τεύκρου· καὶ ὁ ἱερεὺς δυνάστης ἐγίνετο τῆς Τραχειώτιδος· εἶτʼ ἐπέθεντο τῇ χώρᾳ τύραννοι πολλοί, καὶ συνέστη τὰ λῃστήρια. μετὰ δὲ τὴν τούτων κατάλυσιν ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἤδη τὴν τοῦ Τεύκρου δυναστείαν ταύτην ἐκάλουν, τὴν δʼ αὐτὴν καὶ ἱερωσύνην· καὶ οἱ πλεῖστοί γε τῶν ἱερασαμένων ὠνομάζοντο Τεῦκροι ἢ Αἴαντες. εἰσιοῦσα δὲ Ἄβα κατʼ ἐπιγαμίαν εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦτον, ἡ Ζηνοφάνους θυγάτηρ ἑνὸς τῶν τυράννων, αὐτὴ κατέσχε τὴν ἀρχὴν προλαβόντος τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν ἐπιτρόπου σχήματι· ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Ἀντώνιος καὶ Κλεοπάτρα κατεχαρίσαντο ἐκείνῃ θεραπείαις ἐκλιπαρηθέντες· ἔπειθʼ ἡ μὲν κατελύθη τοῖς δʼ ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους διέμεινεν ἡ ἀρχή. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀγχιάλην αἱ τοῦ Κύδνου ἐκβολαὶ κατὰ τὸ Ῥῆγμα καλούμενον. ἔστι δὲ λιμνάζων τόπος ἔχων καὶ παλαιὰ νεώρια, εἰς ὃν ἐκπίπτει ὁ Κύδνος ὁ διαρρέων μέσην τὴν Ταρσὸν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔχων ἀπὸ τοῦ ὑπερκειμένου τῆς πόλεως Ταύρου· καὶ ἔστιν ἐπίνειον ἡ λίμνη τῆς Ταρσοῦ.

[11] μέχρι μὲν δὴ δεῦρο ἡ παραλία πᾶσα ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥοδίων περαίας ἀρξαμένη πρὸς ἰσημερινὰς ἀνατολὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμωνύμων ἐκτείνεται δύσεων, εἶτʼ ἐπὶ τὴν χειμερινὴν ἀνατολὴν ἐπιστρέφει μέχρι Ἰσσοῦ, κἀντεῦθεν ἤδη καμπὴν λαμβάνει πρὸς νότον μέχρι Φοινίκης, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πρὸς δύσιν μέχρι στηλῶν τελευτᾷ. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀληθὲς ὁ ἰσθμὸς τῆς περιωδευμένης χερρονήσου οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἀπὸ Ταρσοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐκβολῆς τοῦ Κύδνου μέχρι Ἀμισοῦ· τὸ γὰρ ἐλάχιστον ἐξ Ἀμισοῦ διάστημα ἐπὶ τοὺς Κιλίκων ὅρους τοῦτʼ ἔστιν· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἑκατὸν εἴκοσίν εἰσιν εἰς Ταρσὸν στάδιοι, κἀκεῖθεν οὐ πλείους ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Κύδνου. καὶ μὴν ἐπί γε Ἰσσὸν καὶ τὴν κατʼ αὐτὴν θάλατταν οὔτʼ ἄλλη ὁδὸς συντομωτέρα ἐστὶν ἐξ Ἀμισοῦ τῆς διὰ Ταρσοῦ, οὔτʼ ἐκ Ταρσοῦ ἐπὶ Ἰσσὸν ἐγγυτέρω ἐστὶν ἢ ἐπὶ Κύδνον, ὥστε δῆλον ὅτι ταῖς μὲν ἀληθείαις οὗτος ἂν εἴη ὁ ἰσθμός, λέγεται δʼ ὅμως ὁ μέχρι τοῦ Ἰσσικοῦ κόλπου, παρακλεπτόντων διὰ τὸ σημειῶδες. διὰ δὲ τοῦτʼ αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Ῥοδίας γραμμήν, ἣν μέχρι τοῦ Κύδνου κατηγάγομεν, τὴν αὐτὴν ἀποφαίνομεν τῇ μέχρι Ἰσσοῦ, οὐδὲν παρὰ τοῦτο ποιούμενοι, καὶ τὸν Ταῦρόν φαμεν διήκειν ἐπʼ εὐθείας τῇδε τῇ γραμμῇ μέχρι τῆς Ἰνδικῆς.

[12] ἡ δὲ Ταρσὸς κεῖται μὲν ἐν πεδίῳ κτίσμα δʼ ἐστὶ τῶν μετὰ Τριπτολέμου πλανηθέντων Ἀργείων κατὰ ζήτησιν Ἰοῦς· διαρρεῖ δʼ αὐτὴν μέσην ὁ Κύδνος παρʼ αὐτὸ τὸ γυμνάσιον τῶν νέων· ἅτε δὲ τῆς πηγῆς οὐ πολὺ ἄπωθεν οὔσης, καὶ τοῦ ῥείθρου διὰ φάραγγος βαθείας ἰόντος, εἶτʼ εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐκπίπτοντος, ψυχρόν τε καὶ τραχὺ τὸ ῥεῦμά ἐστιν, ὅθεν καὶ τοῖς παχυνευροῦσι ῥοϊζομένοις καὶ κτήνεσι καὶ ἀνθρώποις ἐπικουρεῖ.

[13] τοσαύτη δὲ τοῖς ἐνθάδε ἀνθρώποις σπουδὴ πρός τε φιλοσοφίαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην παιδείαν ἐγκύκλιον ἅπασαν γέγονεν ὥσθʼ ὑπερβέβληνται καὶ Ἀθήνας καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρειαν καὶ εἴ τινα ἄλλον τόπον δυνατὸν εἰπεῖν, ἐν ᾧ σχολαὶ καὶ διατριβαὶ φιλοσόφων γεγόνασι. διαφέρει δὲ τοσοῦτον ὅτι ἐνταῦθα μὲν οἱ φιλομαθοῦντες ἐπιχώριοι πάντες εἰσί, ξένοι δʼ οὐκ ἐπιδημοῦσι ῥᾳδίως· οὐδʼ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι μένουσιν αὐτόθι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελειοῦνται ἐκδημήσαντες καὶ τελειωθέντες ξενιτεύουσιν ἡδέως, κατέρχονται δʼ ὀλίγοι. ταῖς δʼ ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ἃς ἀρτίως εἶπον πλὴν Ἀλεξανδρείας συμβαίνει τἀναντία· φοιτῶσι γὰρ εἰς αὐτὰς πολλοὶ καὶ διατρίβουσιν αὐτόθι ἄσμενοι, τῶν δʼ ἐπιχωρίων οὐ πολλοὺς οὔτʼ ἂν ἔξω φοιτῶντας ἴδοις κατὰ φιλομάθειαν, οὔτʼ αὐτόθι περὶ τοῦτο σπουδάζοντας· Ἀλεξανδρεῦσι δʼ ἀμφότερα συμβαίνει· καὶ γὰρ δέχονται πολλοὺς τῶν ξένων καὶ ἐκπέμπουσι τῶν ἰδίων οὐκ ὀλίγους καὶ εἰσὶ σχολαὶ παρʼ αὐτοῖς παντοδαπαὶ τῶν περὶ λόγους τεχνῶν, καὶ τἆλλα δʼ εὐανδρεῖ καὶ πλεῖστον δύναται τὸν τῆς μητροπόλεως ἐπέχουσα λόγον.

[14] ἄνδρες δʼ ἐξ αὐτῆς γεγόνασι τῶν μὲν στωικῶν Ἀντίπατρός τε καὶ Ἀρχέδημος καὶ Νέστωρ, ἔτι δʼ Ἀθηνόδωροι δύο, ὧν ὁ μὲν Κορδυλίων καλούμενος συνεβίωσε Μάρκῳ Κάτωνι καὶ ἐτελεύτα παρʼ ἐκείνῳ, ὁ δὲ τοῦ Σάνδωνος, ὃν καὶ Κανανίτην φασὶν ἀπὸ κώμης τινός, Καίσαρος καθηγήσατο καὶ τιμῆς ἔτυχε μεγάλης, κατιών τε εἰς τὴν πατρίδα ἤδη γηραιὸς κατέλυσε τὴν καθεστῶσαν πολιτείαν κακῶς φερομένην ὑπό τε ἄλλων καὶ Βοήθου, κακοῦ μὲν ποιητοῦ κακοῦ δὲ πολίτου, δημοκοπίαις ἰσχύσαντος τὸ πλέον. ἐπῆρε δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ Ἀντώνιος κατʼ ἀρχὰς ἀποδεξάμενος τὸ γραφὲν εἰς τὴν ἐν Φιλίπποις νίκην ἔπος, καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἡ εὐχέρεια ἡ ἐπιπολάζουσα παρὰ τοῖς Ταρσεῦσιν ὥστʼ ἀπαύστως σχεδιάζειν παρὰ χρῆμα πρὸς τὴν δεδομένην ὑπόθεσιν· καὶ δὴ καὶ γυμνασιαρχίαν ὑποσχόμενος Ταρσεῦσι τοῦτον ἀντὶ γυμνασιάρχου κατέστησε, καὶ τὰ ἀναλώματα ἐπίστευσεν αὐτῷ. ἐφωράθη δὲ νοσφισάμενος τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τοὔλαιον· ἐλεγχόμενος δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν κατηγόρων ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου παρῃτεῖτο τὴν ὀργήν, σὺν ἄλλοις καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ὅτι ὥσπερ Ὅμηρος ἐξύμνησεν Ἀχιλλέα καὶ Ἀγαμέμνονα καὶ Ὀδυσσέα, οὕτως ἐγὼ σέ· οὐ δίκαιος οὖν εἰμι εἰς τοιαύτας ἄγεσθαι διαβολὰς ἐπὶ σοῦ. παραλαβὼν οὖν ὁ κατήγορος τὸν λόγον ἀλλʼ Ὅμηρος μέν ἔφη ἔλαιον Ἀγαμέμνονος οὐκ ἔκλεψεν, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ Ἀχιλλέως, σὺ δέ· ὥστε δώσεις δίκην. διακρουσάμενος δʼ οὖν θεραπείαις τισὶ τὴν ὀργὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον διετέλεσεν ἄγων καὶ φέρων τὴν πόλιν μέχρι τῆς καταστροφῆς τοῦ Ἀντωνίου. τοιαύτην δὲ τὴν πόλιν καταλαβὼν ὁ Ἀθηνόδωρος τέως μὲν ἐπεχείρει λόγῳ μετάγειν κἀκεῖνον καὶ τοὺς συστασιώτας· ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἀπείχοντο ὕβρεως οὐδεμιᾶς, ἐχρήσατο τῇ δοθείσῃ ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίᾳ καὶ ἐξέβαλεν αὐτοὺς καταγνοὺς φυγήν. οἱ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν κατετοιχογράφησαν αὐτοῦ τοιαῦτα

ἔργα νέων, βουλαὶ δὲ μέσων, πορδαὶ δὲ γερόντων.

ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκεῖνος ἐν παιδιᾶς μέρει δεξάμενος ἐκέλευσε παρεπιγράψαι βρονταὶ δὲ γερόντων, καταφρονήσας τις τοῦ ἐπιεικοῦς εὔλυτον τὸ κοιλίδιον ἔχων προσέρρανε πολὺ τῇ θύρᾳ καὶ τῷ τοίχῳ νύκτωρ παριὼν τὴν οἰκίαν· ὁ δὲ τῆς στάσεως κατηγορῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τὴν νόσον τῆς πόλεως ἔφη καὶ τὴν καχεξίαν πολλαχόθεν σκοπεῖν ἔξεστι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐκ τῶν διαχωρημάτων. οὗτοι μὲν στωικοὶ ἄνδρες· ἀκαδημαϊκὸς δὲ Νέστωρ ὁ καθʼ ἡμᾶς, ὁ Μαρκέλλου καθηγησάμενος τοῦ Ὀκταουίας παιδός, τῆς Καίσαρος ἀδελφῆς. καὶ οὗτος δὲ προέστη τῆς πολιτείας διαδεξάμενος τὸν Ἀθηνόδωρον, καὶ διετέλεσε τιμώμενος παρά τε τοῖς ἡγεμόσι καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει.

[15] τῶν δʼ ἄλλων φιλοσόφων

οὕς κεν ἐὺ γνοίην καί τʼ οὔνομα μυθησαίμην,

² Πλουτιάδης τε ἐγένετο καὶ Διογένης τῶν περιπολιζόντων καὶ σχολὰς διατιθεμένων εὐφυῶς· ὁ δὲ Διογένης καὶ ποιήματα ὥσπερ ἀπεφοίβαζε τεθείσης ὑποθέσεως, τραγικὰ ὡς ἐπὶ πολύ· γραμματικοὶ δὲ ὧν καὶ συγγράμματα ἔστιν, Ἀρτεμίδωρός τε καὶ Διόδωρος· ποιητὴς δὲ τραγῳδίας ἄριστος τῶν τῆς Πλειάδος καταριθμουμένων Διονυσίδης. μάλιστα δʼ ἡ Ῥώμη δύναται διδάσκειν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως φιλολόγων· Ταρσέων γὰρ καὶ Ἀλεξανδρέων ἐστὶ μεστή. τοιαύτη μὲν ἡ Ταρσός.

[16] μετὰ δὲ τὸν Κύδνον ὁ Πύραμος ἐκ τῆς Καταονίας ῥέων, οὗπερ καὶ πρότερον ἐμνήσθημεν· φησὶ δʼ Ἀρτεμίδωρος ἐντεῦθεν εἰς Σόλους εὐθυπλοίᾳ σταδίους εἶναι πεντακοσίους. πλησίον δὲ καὶ Μαλλὸς ἐφʼ ὕψους κειμένη, κτίσμα Ἀμφιλόχου καὶ Μόψου τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Μαντοῦς, περὶ ὧν πολλὰ μυθολογεῖται· καὶ δὴ καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐμνήσθημεν αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς περὶ Κάλχαντος λόγοις καὶ τῆς ἔριδος ἣν ἤρισαν περὶ τῆς μαντικῆς ὅ τε Κάλχας καὶ ὁ Μόψος· ταύτην τε γὰρ τὴν ἔριν μεταφέρουσιν ἔνιοι, καθάπερ καὶ Σοφοκλῆς, εἰς τὴν Κιλικίαν, καλέσας ἐκεῖνος αὐτὴν Παμφυλίαν τραγικῶς, καθάπερ καὶ τὴν Λυκίαν Καρίαν καὶ τὴν Τροίαν καὶ Λυδίαν Φρυγίαν· καὶ τὸν θάνατον δὲ τοῦ Κάλχαντος ἐνταῦθα παραδιδόασιν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Σοφοκλῆς. οὐ μόνον δὲ τὴν περὶ τῆς μαντικῆς ἔριν μεμυθεύκασιν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς. τὸν γὰρ Μόψον φασὶ καὶ τὸν Ἀμφίλοχον ἐκ Τροίας ἐλθόντας κτίσαι Μαλλόν· εἶτʼ Ἀμφίλοχον εἰς Ἄργος ἀπελθεῖν, δυσαρεστήσαντα δὲ τοῖς ἐκεῖ πάλιν ἀναστρέψαι δεῦρο, ἀποκλειόμενον δὲ τῆς κοινωνίας συμβαλεῖν εἰς μονομαχίαν πρὸς τὸν Μόψον, πεσόντας δʼ ἀμφοτέρους ταφῆναι μὴ ἐν ἐπόψει ἀλλήλοις· καὶ νῦν οἱ τάφοι δείκνυνται περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. ἐντεῦθεν δʼ ἦν Κράτης ὁ γραμματικός, οὗ φησι γενέσθαι μαθητὴς Παναίτιος.

[17] ὑπέρκειται δὲ τῆς παραλίας ταύτης Ἀλήιον πεδίον, διʼ οὗ Φιλωτᾶς διήγαγεν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὴν ἵππον, ἐκείνου τὴν φάλαγγα ἀγαγόντος ἐκ τῶν Σόλων διὰ τῆς παραλίας καὶ τῆς Μαλλώτιδος ἐπί τε Ἰσσὸν καὶ τὰς Δαρείου δυνάμεις. φασὶ δὲ καὶ ἐναγίσαι τῷ Ἀμφιλόχῳ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον διὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἄργους συγγένειαν. Ἡσίοδος δʼ ἐν Σόλοις ὑπὸ Ἀπόλλωνος ἀναιρεθῆναι τὸν Ἀμφίλοχόν φησιν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸ Ἀλήιον πεδίον, οἱ δʼ ἐν Συρίᾳ, ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀληίου ἀπιόντα διὰ τὴν ἔριν.

[18] μετὰ δὲ Μαλλὸν Αἰγαῖαι πολίχνιον ὕφορμον ἔχον· εἶτʼ Ἀμανίδες πύλαι ὕφορμον ἔχουσαι, εἰς ἃς τελευτᾷ τὸ Ἀμανὸν ὄρος ἀπὸ τοῦ Ταύρου καθῆκον, ὃ τῆς Κιλικίας ὑπέρκειται κατὰ τὸ πρὸς ἕω μέρος, ἀεὶ μὲν ὑπὸ πλειόνων δυναστευόμενον τυράννων ἐχόντων ἐρύματα· καθʼ ἡμᾶς δὲ κατέστη κύριος πάντων ἀνὴρ ἀξιόλογος καὶ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ὠνομάσθη διὰ τὰς ἀνδραγαθίας Ταρκονδίμοτος, καὶ τὴν διαδοχὴν τοῖς μετʼ αὐτὸν παρέδωκε.

[19] μετὰ δὲ Αἰγαίας Ἰσσὸς πολίχνιον ὕφορμον ἔχον καὶ ποταμὸς Πίναρος. ἐνταῦθα ὁ ἀγὼν συνέπεσεν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ καὶ Δαρείῳ· καὶ ὁ κόλπος εἴρηται Ἰσσικός· ἐν αὐτῷ δὲ πόλις Ῥωσὸς καὶ Μυρίανδρος πόλις καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρεια καὶ Νικόπολις καὶ Μοψουεστία καὶ αἱ πύλαι λεγόμεναι, ὅριον Κιλίκων τε καὶ Σύρων. ἐν δὲ τῇ Κιλικίᾳ ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ τῆς Σαρπηδονίας Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν καὶ μαντεῖον, τοὺς δὲ χρησμοὺς ἔνθεοι προθεσπίζουσιν.

[20] μετὰ δὲ τὴν Κιλικίαν πρώτη πόλις ἐστὶ τῶν Σύρων Σελεύκεια ἡ ἐν Πιερίᾳ, καὶ πλησίον Ὀρόντης ἐκδίδωσι ποταμός. ἔστι δʼ ἀπὸ Σελευκείας εἰς Σόλους ἐπʼ εὐθείας πλοῦς ὀλίγον ἀπολείπων τῶν χιλίων σταδίων.

[21] τῶν δʼ ἐν Τροίᾳ Κιλίκων ὧν Ὅμηρος μέμνηται πολὺ διεστώτων ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξω τοῦ Ταύρου Κιλίκων, οἱ μὲν ἀποφαίνουσιν ἀρχηγέτας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Τροίᾳ τούτων καὶ δεικνύουσί τινας τόπους κἀνταῦθα, ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ Παμφυλίᾳ Θήβην καὶ Λυρνησσόν, οἱ δʼ ἔμπαλιν καὶ Ἀλήιόν τι πεδίον κἀκεῖ δεικνύουσι. περιωδευμένων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἔξω τοῦ Ταύρου μερῶν τῆς προειρημένης χερρονήσου, προσθετέον ἐστὶ καὶ ταῦτα.

[22] ὁ γὰρ Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τοῖς περὶ νεῶν ἔτι καὶ τοιαῦτα λέγει· τοὺς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπικούρους τῶν Τρώων ἅπαντας καταριθμεῖσθαί φησιν ὑπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ τῆς χερρονήσου κατοίκους ὄντας, ἧς ὁ στενώτατος ἰσθμός ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ κατὰ Σινώπην μυχοῦ καὶ Ἰσσοῦ· αἱ δʼ ἐκτὸς πλευραί φησί τριγωνοειδοῦς οὔσης, εἰσὶ μὲν ἄνισοι, παρήκουσι δὲ ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ Κιλικίας ἐπὶ Χελιδονίας, ἡ δʼ ἐνθένδε ἐπὶ τὸ στόμα τοῦ Εὐξείνου, ἡ δʼ ἐπὶ Σινώπην πάλιν ἐνθένδε. τὸ μὲν οὖν μόνους τοὺς ἐν τῇ χερρονήσῳ διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλέγχοιτʼ ἂν ψεῦδος ὂν διʼ ὧν ἠλέγξαμεν πρότερον μὴ μόνους τοὺς ἐντὸς Ἅλυος. οἱ γὰρ περὶ Φαρνακίαν τόποι ἐν οἷς τοὺς Ἁλιζώνους ἔφαμεν, ὥσπερ ἔξω τοῦ Ἅλυός εἰσιν, οὕτω καὶ ἔξω τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ, εἴπερ καὶ τῶν στενῶν τῶν μεταξὺ Σινώπης καὶ Ἰσσοῦ, καὶ οὐ τούτων γε μόνων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν κατʼ ἀλήθειαν στενῶν τῶν μεταξὺ Ἀμισοῦ τε καὶ Ἰσσοῦ· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὀρθῶς ἀφώρισται τὸν ἰσθμὸν καὶ τὰ κατʼ αὐτὸν στενά, ἐκεῖνα ἀντὶ τούτων τιθείς. πάντων δʼ εὐηθέστατον τὸ τὴν χερρόνησον τριγωνοειδῆ φήσαντα τρεῖς ἀποφήνασθαι τὰς ἔξω πλευράς· ὁ γὰρ τὰς ἔξω λέγων πλευρὰς ἔοικεν ὑπεξαιρουμένῳ τὴν κατὰ τὰ στενά, ὡς καὶ ταύτην οὖσαν πλευράν, οὐκ ἔξω δὲ οὐδʼ ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ. εἰ μὲν τοίνυν τὰ στενὰ ταῦτα οὕτως ἦν συνηγμένα ὥστε μικρὸν ἀπολείπειν τοῦ συνάπτειν ἐπʼ ἀλλήλαις τήν τε ἐπὶ Ἰσσὸν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Σινώπην πίπτουσαν πλευράν, συνεχώρει ἂν τριγωνοειδῆ λέγεσθαι τὴν χερρόνησον· νῦν δέ γε τρισχιλίους σταδίους ἀπολειπόντων μεταξὺ τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ λεγομένων στενῶν, ἀμαθία τὸ λέγειν τριγωνοειδὲς τὸ τοιοῦτον τετράπλευρον, οὐδὲ χωρογραφικόν. ὁ δὲ καὶ χωρογραφίαν ἐξέδωκεν ἐν κωμικῷ μέτρῳ γῆς περίοδον ἐπιγράψας. μένει δʼ ἡ αὐτὴ ἀμαθία κἂν εἰς τοὐλάχιστον καταγάγῃ διάστημά τις τὸν ἰσθμόν, ὅσον εἰρήκασιν οἱ πλεῖστον ψευσάμενοι τὸ ἥμισυ τοῦ παντός, ὅσον εἴρηκε καὶ Ἀρτεμίδωρος, χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους σταδίους· οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῦτο συναγωγήν πω τριγωνοειδοῦς ποιεῖ σχήματος. ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τὰς πλευρὰς ὀρθῶς διῄρηται τὰς ἔξω τὴν ἀπὸ Ἰσσοῦ μέχρι Χελιδονίων εἰπών· λοιπὴ γάρ ἐστιν ὅλη ἐπʼ εὐθείας ἡ Λυκιακὴ παραλία ταύτῃ, καὶ ἡ τῶν Ῥοδίων περαία μέχρι Φύσκου· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καμπὴν λαβοῦσα ἡ ἤπειρος ἄρχεται τὴν δευτέραν καὶ δυσμικὴν ποιεῖν πλευρὰν ἄχρι Προποντίδος καὶ Βυζαντίου.

[23] φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Ἐφόρου διότι τὴν χερρόνησον κατοικεῖ ταύτην ἑκκαίδεκα γένη, τρία μὲν Ἑλληνικὰ τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ βάρβαρα χωρὶς τῶν μιγάδων, ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ μὲν Κίλικες καὶ Πάμφυλοι καὶ Λύκιοι καὶ Βιθυνοὶ καὶ Παφλαγόνες καὶ Μαριανδυνοὶ καὶ Τρῶες καὶ Κᾶρες, Πισίδαι δὲ καὶ Μυσοὶ καὶ Χάλυβες καὶ Φρύγες καὶ Μιλύαι ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ, διαιτῶν ταῦτα ὁ Ἀπολλόδωρος ἑπτακαιδέκατόν φησιν εἶναι τὸ τῶν Γαλατῶν, ὃ νεώτερόν ἐστι τοῦ Ἐφόρου, τῶν δʼ εἰρημένων τὰ μὲν Ἑλληνικὰ μήπω κατὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ κατῳκίσθαι, τὰ δὲ βάρβαρα πολλὴν ἔχειν σύγχυσιν διὰ τὸν χρόνον· καταλέγεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ τό τε τῶν Τρώων καὶ τῶν νῦν ὀνομαζομένων Παφλαγόνων καὶ Μυσῶν καὶ Φρυγῶν καὶ Καρῶν καὶ Λυκίων, Μῄονάς τε ἀντὶ Λυδῶν καὶ ἄλλους ἀγνῶτας, οἷον Ἁλιζῶνας καὶ Καύκωνας· ἐκτὸς δὲ τοῦ καταλόγου Κητείους τε καὶ Σολύμους καὶ Κίλικας τοὺς ἐκ Θήβης πεδίου καὶ Λέλεγας· Παμφύλους δὲ καὶ Βιθυνοὺς καὶ Μαριανδυνοὺς καὶ Πισίδας καὶ Χάλυβας καὶ Μιλύας καὶ Καππάδοκας μηδʼ ὠνομάσθαι, τοὺς μὲν διὰ τὸ μηδέπω τοὺς τόπους κατῳκηκέναι τούτους, τοὺς δὲ διὰ τὸ ἑτέροις γένεσι περιέχεσθαι, ὡς Ἰδριεῖς μὲν καὶ Τερμίλαι Καρσί, Δολίονες δὲ καὶ Βέβρυκες Φρυξί.

[24] φαίνεται δʼ οὔτε τοῦ Ἐφόρου τὴν ἀπόφασιν διαιτῶν ἱκανῶς τά τε τοῦ ποιητοῦ ταράττων καὶ καταψευδόμενος. Ἐφόρου τε γὰρ τοῦτο πρῶτον ἀπαιτεῖν ἐχρῆν, τί δὴ τοὺς Χάλυβας τίθησιν ἐντὸς τῆς χερρονήσου τοσοῦτον ἀφεστῶτας καὶ Σινώπης καὶ Ἀμισοῦ πρὸς ἕω; οἱ γὰρ λέγοντες τὸν ἰσθμὸν τῆς χερρονήσου ταύτης τὴν ἀπὸ Ἰσσοῦ γραμμὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον, ὡς ἂν μεσημβρινήν τινα τιθέασι ταύτην, ἣν οἱ μὲν εἶναι νομίζουσι τὴν ἐπὶ Σινώπης οἱ δὲ τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀμισοῦ, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν Χαλύβων οὐδείς· λοξὴ γάρ ἐστι τελέως. ὁ γὰρ δὴ διὰ Χαλύβων μεσημβρινὸς διὰ τῆς μικρᾶς Ἀρμενίας γράφοιτʼ ἂν καὶ τοῦ Εὐφράτου τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὅλην ἐντὸς ἀπολαμβάνων καὶ τὴν Κομμαγηνὴν καὶ τὸν Ἀμανὸν καὶ τὸν Ἰσσικὸν κόλπον. εἰ δʼ οὖν καὶ τὴν λοξὴν γραμμὴν ὁρίζειν τὸν ἰσθμὸν συγχωρήσαιμεν, τὰ πλεῖστά γε τούτων καὶ μάλιστα ἡ Καππαδοκία ἐντὸς ἀπολαμβάνοιτʼ ἂν καὶ ὁ νῦν ἰδίως λεγόμενος Πόντος τῆς Καππαδοκίας μέρος ὢν τὸ πρὸς τῷ Εὐξείνῳ, ὥστʼ εἰ τοὺς Χάλυβας τῆς χερρονήσου θετέον μέρος, πολὺ μᾶλλον τοὺς Κατάονας καὶ Καππάδοκας ἀμφοτέρους καὶ Λυκάονας δέ, οὓς καὶ αὐτοὺς παρῆκε. διὰ τί δʼ ἐν τοῖς μεσογαίοις ἔταξε τοὺς Χάλυβας, οὓς ὁ ποιητὴς Ἁλιζῶνας ἐκάλεσεν, ὥσπερ καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀπεδείξαμεν; ἄμεινον γὰρ ἦν διελεῖν καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ φάναι τοὺς δὲ ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ· ὅπερ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς Καππαδοκίας ποιητέον καὶ τῆς Κιλικίας. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν οὐδʼ ὠνόμακε, τοὺς Κίλικας δὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ μόνον εἴρηκεν. οἱ οὖν ἐπʼ Ἀντιπάτρῳ τῷ Δερβήτῃ καὶ οἱ Ὁμοναδεῖς καὶ ἄλλοι πλείους οἱ συνάπτοντες τοῖς Πισίδαις,

οἳ οὐκ ἴσασι θάλατταν

ἀνέρες, οὐδέ θʼ ἅλεσσι μεμιγμένον εἶδαρ ἔδουσι

³ τίνα λάβωσι τάξιν; ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ Λυδοὺς οὐδὲ Μῄονας εἴρηκεν, εἴτε δύο εἴθʼ οἱ αὐτοί εἰσι, καὶ εἴτε καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς εἴτʼ ἐν ἑτέρῳ γένει περιεχομένους. οὕτω γὰρ ἐπίσημον ἔθνος οὐκ ἀποκρύψαι δυνατόν, ὅ τε μὴ λέγων περὶ αὐτοῦ μηδὲν οὐκ ἂν δόξειε παραλιπεῖν τι τῶν κυριωτάτων;

[25] τίνες δʼ εἰσὶν οἱ μιγάδες; οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἔχοιμεν εἰπεῖν παρὰ τοὺς λεχθέντας τόπους ἢ ὠνομάσθαι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ ἢ παραλελεῖφθαι ἄλλους οὓς ἀποδώσομεν τοῖς μιγάσιν, οὐδέ γε αὐτῶν τινας τούτων ὧν ἢ εἶπεν ἢ παρέλιπε. καὶ γὰρ εἰ κατεμίχθησαν, ἀλλʼ ἡ ἐπικράτεια πεποίηκεν ἢ Ἕλληνας ἢ βαρβάρους· τρίτον δὲ γένος οὐδὲν ἴσμεν τὸ μικτόν.

[26] πῶς δὲ τρία γένη τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐστὶ τὰ τὴν χερρόνησον οἰκοῦντα; εἰ γάρ, ὅτι τὸ παλαιὸν οἱ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν Ἴωνες καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι. λεγέσθωσαν καὶ οἱ Δωριεῖς καὶ οἱ Αἰολεῖς οἱ αὐτοί, ὥστε δύο ἔθνη γίνοιτʼ ἄν· εἰ δὲ διαιρετέον κατὰ τὰ ὕστερα ἔθη, καθάπερ καὶ τὰς διαλέκτους, τέτταρα ἂν εἴη καὶ τὰ ἔθνη, καθάπερ καὶ αἱ διάλεκτοι. οἰκοῦσι δὲ τὴν χερρόνησον ταύτην, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ τὸν τοῦ Ἐφόρου διορισμόν, οὐκ Ἴωνες μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς καθʼ ἕκαστα δεδήλωται. τοιαῦτα μὲν δὴ πρὸς τὸν Ἔφορον διαπορεῖν ἄξιον· Ἀπολλόδωρος δὲ τούτων μὲν ἐφρόντισεν οὐδέν, τοῖς δὲ ἑκκαίδεκα ἔθνεσι προστίθησιν ἑπτακαιδέκατον, τὸ τῶν Γαλατῶν, ἄλλως μὲν χρήσιμον λεχθῆναι, πρὸς δὲ τὴν δίαιταν τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἐφόρου λεγομένων ἢ παραλειπομένων οὐ δέον· εἴρηκε δὲ τὴν αἰτίαν αὐτός, ὅτι ταῦτα πάντα νεώτερα τῆς ἐκείνου ἡλικίας.

[27] μεταβὰς δʼ ἐπὶ τὸν ποιητὴν τοῦτο μὲν ὀρθῶς λέγει, διότι πολλὴ σύγχυσις γεγένηται τῶν βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν ἀπὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν εἰς τὰ νῦν διὰ τὰς μεταπτώσεις· καὶ γὰρ προσγέγονέ τινα καὶ ἐλλέλοιπε καὶ διέσπασται καὶ συνῆκται εἰς ἕν. οὐκ εὖ δὲ τὴν αἰτίαν διττὴν ἀποφαίνει διʼ ἣν οὐ μέμνηταί τινων ὁ ποιητής· ἢ τῷ μήπω τότʼ οἰκεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους τούτου, ἢ τῷ ἐν ἑτέρῳ γένει περιέχεσθαι. τὴν γὰρ Καππαδοκίαν οὐκ εἴρηκεν, οὐδὲ τὴν Καταονίαν, ὡς δʼ αὕτως τὴν Λυκαονίαν, διʼ οὐδέτερον τούτων· οὐ γὰρ ἔχομεν τοιαύτην ἱστορίαν ἐπʼ αὐτῶν οὐδεμίαν. γελοῖόν τε τὸ τοὺς Καππάδοκας καὶ Λυκάονας διὰ τί μὲν Ὅμηρος παρέλιπε φροντίσαι καὶ ἀπολογήσασθαι, διὰ τί δʼ Ἔφορος παρῆλθε παρελθεῖν καὶ αὐτόν, καὶ ταῦτα παραθέμενον πρὸς αὐτὸ τοῦτο τὴν ἀπόφασιν τἀνδρός, πρὸς τὸ ἐξετάσαι καὶ διαιτῆσαι· καὶ διότι μὲν Μῄονας ἀντὶ Λυδῶν Ὅμηρος εἶπε διδάξαι, ὅτι δʼ οὔτε Λυδοὺς οὔτε Μῄονας εἴρηκεν Ἔφορος μὴ ἐπισημήνασθαι.

[28] φήσας δὲ ἀγνώτων τινῶν μεμνῆσθαι τὸν ποιητήν, Καύκωνας μὲν ὀρθῶς λέγει καὶ Σολύμους καὶ Κητείους καὶ Λέλεγας καὶ Κίλικας τοὺς ἐκ Θήβης πεδίου, τοὺς δʼ Ἁλιζῶνας αὐτὸς πλάττει, μᾶλλον δʼ οἱ πρῶτοι τοὺς Ἁλιζῶνας ἀγνοήσαντες τίνες εἰσί, καὶ μεταγράφοντες πλεοναχῶς καὶ πλάττοντες τὴν τοῦ ἀργύρου γενέθλην καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ μέταλλα, ἐκλελειμμένα ἅπαντα. πρὸς ταύτην δὲ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν κἀκείνας συνήγαγον τὰς ἱστορίας, ἃς ὁ Σκήψιος τίθησι παρὰ Καλλισθένους λαβὼν καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν, οὐ καθαρευόντων τῆς περὶ τῶν Ἁλιζώνων ψευδοδοξίας· ὡς ὁ μὲν Ταντάλου πλοῦτος καὶ τῶν Πελοπιδῶν ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ Φρυγίαν καὶ Σίπυλον μετάλλων ἐγένετο· ὁ δὲ Κάδμου ἐκ τῶν περὶ Θρᾴκην καὶ τὸ Παγγαῖον ὄρος· ὁ δὲ Πριάμου ἐκ τῶν ἐν Ἀστύροις περὶ Ἄβυδον χρυσείων, ὧν καὶ νῦν ἔτι μικρὰ λείπεται· πολλὴ δʼ ἡ ἐκβολὴ καὶ τὰ ὀρύγματα σημεῖα τῆς πάλαι μεταλλείας· ὁ δὲ Μίδου ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸ Βέρμιον ὄρος· ὁ δὲ Γύγου καὶ Ἀλυάττου καὶ Κροίσου ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Λυδίᾳ καὶ τῆς μεταξὺ Ἀταρνέως τε καὶ Περγάμου πολίχνη ἐρήμη ἐκμεμεταλλευμένα ἔχουσα τὰ χωρία.

[29] ἔτι καὶ ταῦτα μέμψαιτο ἄν τις τοῦ Ἀπολλοδώρου, ὅτι τῶν νεωτέρων καινοτομούντων πολλὰ παρὰ τὰς Ὁμηρικὰς ἀποφάσεις, εἰωθὼς ταῦτʼ ἐλέγχειν ἐπὶ πλέον, ἐνταῦθα οὐκ ὠλιγώρηκε μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τἀναντία εἰς ἓν συνάγει τὰ μὴ ὡσαύτως λεγόμενα. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ξάνθος ὁ Λυδὸς μετὰ τὰ Τρωικά φησιν ἐλθεῖν τοὺς Φρύγας ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης καὶ τῶν ἀριστερῶν τοῦ Πόντου, ἀγαγεῖν δʼ αὐτοὺς Σκαμάνδριον ἐκ Βερεκύντων καὶ Ἀσκανίας. ἐπιλέγει δὲ τούτοις ὁ Ἀπολλόδωρος, ὅτι τῆς Ἀσκανίας ταύτης μνημονεύει καὶ Ὅμηρος ἧς ὁ Ξάνθος

Φόρκυς δὲ Φρύγας ἦγε καὶ Ἀσκάνιος θεοειδὴς

τῆλʼ ἐξ Ἀσκανίης.

⁴ ἀλλʼ εἰ οὕτως ἔχει, ἡ μὲν μετανάστασις ὕστερον ἂν εἴη τῶν Τρωικῶν γεγονυῖα, ἐν δὲ τοῖς Τρωικοῖς τὸ λεγόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ ἐπικουρικὸν ἧκεν ἐκ τῆς περαίας ἐκ τῶν Βερεκύντων καὶ τῆς Ἀσκανίας. τίνες οὖν Φρύγες ἦσαν

οἵ ῥα τότʼ ἐστρατόωντο παρʼ ὄχθας Σαγγαρίοιο,

⁵ ὅτε ὁ Πρίαμος

ἐπίκουρος ἐὼν μετὰ τοῖσιν ἐλέγμην

⁶ φησί; πῶς δὲ ἐκ μὲν Βερεκύντων μετεπέμπετο Φρύγας ὁ Πρίαμος, πρὸς οὓς οὐδὲν ἦν αὐτῷ συμβόλαιον, τοὺς δʼ ὁμόρους καὶ οἷς αὐτὸς πρότερον ἐπεκούρησε παρέλιπεν; οὕτω δὲ περὶ τῶν Φρυγῶν εἰπὼν ἐπιφέρει καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν Μυσῶν οὐχ ὁμολογούμενα τούτοις· λέγεσθαι γάρ φησι καὶ τῆς Μυσίας κώμην Ἀσκανίαν περὶ λίμνην ὁμώνυμον, ἐξ ἧς καὶ τὸν Ἀσκάνιον ποταμὸν ῥεῖν, οὗ μνημονεύει καὶ Εὐφορίων

Μυσοῖος παρʼ ὕδασιν Ἀσκανίοιο.

καὶ ὁ Αἰτωλὸς Ἀλέξανδρος

οἳ καὶ ἐπʼ Ἀσκανίῳ δώματʼ ἔχουσι ῥόῳ,

λίμνης Ἀσκανίης ἐπὶ χείλεσιν· ἔνθα Δολίων

υἱὸς Σιληνοῦ νάσσατο καὶ Μελίης.

καλοῦσι δέ, φησί, Δολιονίδα καὶ Μυσίαν τὴν περὶ Κύζικον ἰόντι εἰς Μιλητούπολιν. εἰ οὖν οὕτως ἔχει ταῦτα, καὶ ἐκμαρτυρεῖται ὑπὸ τῶν δεικνυμένων νῦν καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ποιητῶν, τί ἐκώλυε τὸν Ὅμηρον ταύτης μεμνῆσθαι τῆς Ἀσκανίας, ἀλλὰ μὴ τῆς ὑπὸ Ξάνθου λεγομένης; εἴρηται δὲ καὶ πρότερον περὶ τούτων ἐν τῷ περὶ Μυσῶν καὶ Φρυγῶν λόγῳ, ὥστε ἐχέτω πέρας.

Translations (1)

Geography (Books 6-14) Perseus (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 3-6. Jones, Horace Leonard, translator. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1924-1929 (printing).) — 14.5 focus

[1] As for Cilicia outside the Taurus, one part of it is called Tracheia¹ and the other Pedias.² As for Tracheia, its coast is narrow and has no level ground, or scarcely any; and, besides that, it lies at the foot of the Taurus, which affords a poor livelihood as far as its northern side in the region of Isaura and of the Homonadeis as far as Pisidia; and the same country is also called Tracheiotis, and its inhabitants Tracheiotae. But Cilicia Pedias extends from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus, and also to those parts beyond which, on the northern side of the Taurus, Cappadocians are situated; for this country consists for the most part of plains and fertile land. Since some parts of this country are inside the Taurus and others outside it, and since I have already spoken of those inside it, let me now speak of those outside it, beginning with the Tracheiotae.

[2] The first place in Cilicia, then, to which one comes, is a stronghold, Coracesium, situated on an abrupt rock, which was used by Diodotus, called Tryphon, as a base of operations at the time when he caused Syria to revolt from the kings and was fighting it out with them, being successful at one time and failing at another. Now Tryphon was hemmed up in a certain place by Antiochus, son of Demetrius, and forced to kill himself; and it was Tryphon, together with the worthlessness of the kings who by succession were then reigning over Syria and at the same time over Cilicia, who caused the Cilicians to organize their gangs of pirates; for on account of his revolutionary attempts others made like attempts at the same time, and thus the dissensions of brethren with one another put the country at the mercy of any who might attack it. The exportation of slaves induced them most of all to engage in their evil business, since it proved most profitable; for not only were they easily captured, but the market, which was large and rich in property, was not extremely far away, I mean Delos, which could both admit and send away ten thousand slaves on the same day; whence arose the proverb, “Merchant, sail in, unload your ship, everything has been sold. The cause of this was the fact that the Romans, having become rich after the destruction of Carthage and Corinth, used many slaves; and the pirates, seeing the easy profit therein, bloomed forth in great numbers, themselves not only going in quest of booty but also trafficking in slaves. The kings both of Cyprus and of Egypt cooperated with them in this, being enemies to the Syrians. Neither were the Rhodians friendly to the Syrians, and they therefore afforded them no assistance. And at the same time the pirates, pretending to be slave-dealers, carried on their evil business unchecked. Neither were the Romans concerning themselves as yet so much about the peoples outside the Taurus; but they sent Scipio Aemilianus, and again certain others, to inspect the tribes and the cities; and they decided that the above mentioned piracy was due to the incompetence of the rulers, although they were ashamed, since they themselves had ratified the hereditary succession from Seleucus Nicator, to deprive them of it. And this is what made the Parthians masters of the country, who got possession of the region on the far side of the Euphrates; and at last made also the Armenians masters, who not only seized the country outside the Taurus even as far as Phoenicia, but also, so far as they could, overthrew the kings and the whole royal stock; the sea, however, they gave over to the Cilicians. Then, after these people had grown in power, the Romans were forced to destroy them by war and with an army, although they had not hindered their growing power. Now it is hard to condemn the Romans of negligence, since, being engaged with matters that were nearer and more urgent, they were unable to watch those that were farther away. So much I have decided to say by way of a brief digression from my geographical description.

[3] After Coracesium, one comes to Arsinoe,³ a city; then to Hamaxia, a settlement on a hill, with a harbor, where ship-building timber is brought down. Most of this timber is cedar; and it appears that this region beyond others abounds in cedar-wood for ships; and it was on this account that Antony assigned this region to Cleopatra, since it was suited to the building of her fleets. Then one comes to Laertes, a stronghold on a breast-shaped hill, with a mooring-place. Then to Selinus, a city and river. Then to Cragus, a rock which is precipitous all round and near the sea. Then to Charadrus, a fortress, which also has a mooring-place (above it lies Mt. Andriclus); and the coast alongside it, called Platanistes, is rugged. Then to Anemurium, a promontory, where the mainland approaches closest to Cyprus, in the direction of the promontory of Crommyus,⁴ the passage across being three hundred and fifty stadia. Now the coasting-voyage along Cilicia from the borders of Pamphylia to Anemurium is eight hundred and twenty stadia, whereas the rest, as far as Soli, is about five hundred stadia. On this latter one comes to Nagidus, the first city after Anemurium; then to Arsinoe, which has a landing-place; then to a place called Melania,⁵ and to Celenderis, a city with a harbor. Some writers, among whom is Artemidorus, make Celenderis, not Coracesium, the beginning of Cilicia. And he says that the distance from the Pelusian mouth⁶ to Orthosia is three thousand nine hundred stadia; to the Orontes River, one thousand one hundred and thirty; to the Gates⁷ next thereafter, five hundred and twenty-five; and to the borders⁸ of the Cilicians, one thousand two hundred and sixty.⁹

[4] Then one comes to Holmi, where the present Seleuceians formerly lived; but when Seleuceia on the Calycadnus was founded, they migrated there; for immediately on doubling the shore, which forms a promontory called Sarpedon, one comes to the outlet of the Calycadnus. Near the Calycadnus is ,also Zephyrium, likewise a promontory. The river affords a voyage inland to Seleuceia, a city which is well-peopled and stands far aloof from the Cilician and Pamphylian usages. Here were born in my time noteworthy men of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenaeus and Xenarchus. Of these, Athenaeus engaged also in affairs of state and was for a time leader of the people in his native land; and then, having fallen into a friendship with Murena, he was captured along with Murena when in flight with him, after the plot against Augustus Caesar had been detected, but, being clearly proven guiltless, he was released by Caesar. And when, on his return to¹⁰ Rome, the first men who met him were greeting him and questioning him, he repeated the following from Euripides:

I am come, having left the vaults of the dead¹¹ and the gates of darkness.

¹²But he survived his return only a short time, having been killed in the collapse, which took place in the night, of the house in which he lived. Xenarchus, however, of whom I was a pupil, did not tarry long at home, but resided at Alexandria and at Athens and finally at Rome, having chosen the life of a teacher; and having enjoyed the friendship both of Areius and of Caesar Augustus, he continued to be held in honor down to old age; but shortly before the end he lost his sight, and then died of a disease.

[5] After the Calycadnus one comes to the rock Poecile,¹³ as it is called, which has steps hewn in it that lead to Seleuceia; then to Anemurium, a promontory, bearing the same name as the former,¹⁴ and to Crambusa, an island, and to Corycus, a promontory, above which, at a distance of twenty stadia, is the Corycian cave, in which the best crocus¹⁵ grows. It is a great circular hollow, with a rocky brow situated all round it that is everywhere quite high. Going down into it, one comes to a floor that is uneven and mostly rocky, but full of trees of the shrub kind, both the evergreen and those that are cultivated. And among these trees are dispersed also the plots of ground which produce the crocus. There is also a cave here, with a great spring, which sends forth a river of pure and transparent water; the river forthwith empties beneath the earth, and then, alter running invisible underground, issues forth into the sea. It is called Picrum Hydor.¹⁶

[6] Then, after Corycus, one comes to Elaeussa, an island lying close to the mainland, which Archelaüs settled, making it a royal residence,¹⁷ after he had received¹⁸ the whole of Cilicia Tracheia except Seleuceia—the same way in which it was obtained formerly by Amyntas¹⁹ and still earlier by Cleopatra;²⁰ for since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea—by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which have plains and farm-lands that are large and easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbors and fortresses and secret recesses—with all this in view, I say, the Romans thought that it was better for the region to be ruled by kings than to be under the Roman prefects sent to administer justice, who were not likely always to be present or to have armed forces with them. Thus Archelaüs received, in addition to Cappadocia, Cilicia Tracheia; and the boundary²¹ of the latter, the river Lamus and the village of the same name, lies between Soli and Elaeussa.

[7] Near the mountain ridges of the Taurus²² lies the piratical stronghold of Zenicetus—I mean Olympus, both mountain and fortress, whence are visible all Lycia and Pamphylia and Pisidia and Milyas; but when the mountain was captured by Isauricus,²³ Zenicetus burnt himself up with his whole house. To him belonged also Corycus and Phaselis and many places in Pamphylia; but all were taken by Isauricus.

[8] After Lamus one comes to Soli, a noteworthy city, the beginning of the other Cilicia, that which is round Issus; it was founded by Achaeans and Rhodians from Lindus. Since this city was of scant population, Pompey the Great settled in it those survivors of the pirates whom he judged most worthy of being saved and provided for;²⁴ and he changed its name to Pompëiopolis. Among the famous natives of Soli were: Chrysippus the Stoic philosopher, whose father had moved there from Tarsus; Philemon, the comic poet; and Aratus, who wrote the work entitled The Phaenomena, in verse.

[9] Then to Zephyrium, which bears the same name as the place near Calycadnus.²⁵ Then, a little above the sea, to Anchiale, which, according to Aristobulus, was founded by Sardanapallus. Here, he says, is the tomb of Sardanapallus, and a stone figure which represents the fingers of the right hand as snapping together, and the following inscription in Assyrian letters: “Sardanapallus, the son of Anacyndaraxes, built Anchiale and Tarsus in one day. Eat, drink, be merry, because all things else are not worth this,” meaning the snapping of the fingers. Choerilus also mentions this inscription; and indeed the following verses are everywhere known:

Mine are all that I have eaten, and the delights of love that I have enjoyed; but those numerous blessings have been left behind.

²⁶

[10] Above Anchiale lies Cyinda, a fortress, which at one time was used as a treasury by the Macedonians. But the treasures were taken away by Eumenes, when he revolted from Antigonus. And still above this and Soli is a mountainous country, in which is a city Olbe, with a temple of Zeus, founded by Ajax the son of Teucer. The priest of this temple became dynast of Cilicia Tracheia; and then the country was beset by numerous tyrants, and the gangs of pirates were organized. And after the overthrow of these they called this country the domain of Teucer, and called the same also the priesthood of Teucer; and most of the priests were named Teucer or Ajax. But Aba, the daughter of Xenophanes, one of the tyrants, came into this family by marriage and herself took possession of the empire, her father having previously received it in the guise of guardian. But later both Antony and Cleopatra conferred it upon her as a favor, being moved by her courteous entreaties. And then she was overthrown, but the empire remained with her descendants. After Anchiale one comes to the outlets of the Cydnus, near the Rhegma, as it is called. It is a place that forms into a lake, having also ancient arsenals; and into it empties the Cydnus River, which flows through the middle of Tarsus and has its sources in the city Taurus, which lies above Tarsus. The lake is also the naval station of Tarsus.

[11] Now thus far the seaboard as a whole, beginning at the Peraea of the Rhodians, extends towards the equinoctial east from the equinoctial west,²⁷ and then bends in the direction of winter sunrise²⁸ as far as Issus, and then forthwith takes a bend towards the south as far as Phoenicia; and the remainder extends towards the west as far as the Pillars²⁹ and there ends. Now the truth is that the actual isthmus of the peninsula which I have described is that which extends from Tarsus and the outlet of the Cydnus to Amisus, for this is the shortest distance from Amisus to the boundaries of Cilicia; and the distance thence to Tarsus is one hundred and twenty stadia, and the distance from there to the outlet of the Cydnus is no more than that. And in fact to Issus, and the sea near it, there is no other road from Amisus which is shorter than that through Tarsus, and Tarsus is not nearer to Issus than to the Cydnus;³⁰ and therefore it is clear that in reality this would be the isthmus; but still people call that which extends as far as the Gulf of Issus the true isthmus, thus betraying the facts because of the significance of the gulf. And it is because of this very thing that I, without making any accurate distinctions, represent the line from Rhodes, which I have prolonged to the Cydnus, to be the same as the line extending as far as Issus, and also assert that the Taurus extends in a straight line with that line as far as India.

[12] As for Tarsus, it lies in a plain; and it was founded by the Argives who wandered with Triptolemus in quest of Io; and it is intersected in the middle by the Cydnus River, which flows past the very gymnasium of the young men. Now inasmuch as the source of the river is not very far away and its stream passes through a deep ravine and then empties immediately into the city, its discharge is both cold and swift; and hence it is helpful both to men and to cattle that are suffering from swollen sinews, if they immerse themselves in its waters.

[13] The people at Tarsus have devoted themselves so eagerly, not only to philosophy, but also to the whole round of education in general, that they have surpassed Athens, Alexandria, or any other place that can be named where there have been schools and lectures of philosophers. But it is so different from other cities that there the men who are fond of learning, are all natives, and foreigners are not inclined to sojourn there; neither do these natives stay there, but they complete their education abroad; and when they have completed it they are pleased to live abroad, and but few go back home. But the opposite is the case with the other cities which I have just mentioned except Alexandria; for many resort to them and pass time there with pleasure, but you would not see many of the natives either resorting to places outside their country through love of learning or eager about pursuing learning at home. With the Alexandrians, however, both things take place, for they admit³¹ many foreigners and also send not a few of their own citizens abroad. Further, the city of Tarsus has all kinds of schools of rhetoric; and in general it not only has a flourishing population but also is most powerful, thus keeping up the reputation of the mother-city.³²

[14] The following men were natives of Tarsus: among the Stoics, Antipater and Archedemus and Nestor; and also the two Athenodoruses, one of whom, called Cordylion, lived with Marcus Cato and died at his house; and the other, the son of Sandon, called Cananites after some village, was Caesar’s teacher and was greatly honored by him; and when he returned to his native land, now an old man, he broke up the government there established, which was being badly conducted by Boethus, among others, who was a bad poet and a bad citizen, having prevailed there by currying the favour of the people. He had been raised to prominence by Antony, who at the outset received favorably the poem which he had written upon the victory at Philippi, but still more by that facility prevalent among the Tarsians whereby he could instantly speak offhand and unceasingly on any given subject. Furthermore, Antony promised the Tarsians an office of gymnasiarch, but appointed Boethus instead of a gymnasiarch, and entrusted to him the expenditures. But Boethus was caught secreting, among other things, the olive-oil; and when he was being proven guilty by his accusers in the presence of Antony he deprecated Antony’s wrath, saying, among other things, that “Just as Homer had hymned the praises of Achilles and Agamemnon and Odysseus, so I have hymned thine. It is not right, therefore, that I should be brought before you on such slanderous charges.” When, however, the accuser caught the statement, he said, “Yes, but Homer did not steal Agamemnon’s oil, nor yet that of Achilles, but you did; and therefore you shall be punished.” However, he broke the wrath of Antony by courteous attentions, and no less than before kept on plundering the city until the overthrow of Antony. Finding the city in this plight, Athenodorus for a time tried to induce both Boethus and his partisans to change their course; but since they would abstain from no act of insolence, he used the authority given him by Caesar, condemned them to exile, and expelled them. These at first indicted him with the following inscription on the walls:

Work for young men, counsels for the middle-aged, and flatulence for old men;

and when he, taking the inscription as a joke, ordered the following words to be inscribed beside it, “thunder for old men,” someone, contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with looseness of the bowels, profusely bespattered the door and wall of Athenodorus’ house as he was passing by it at night. Athenodorus, while bringing accusations in the assembly against the faction, said: “One may see the sickly plight and the disaffection of the city in many ways, and in particular from its excrements.” These men were Stoics; but the Nestor of my time, the teacher of Marcellus, son of Octavia the sister of Caesar, was an Academician. He too was at the head of the government of Tarsus, having succeeded Athenodorus; and he continued to be held in honor both by the prefects and in the city.

[15] Among the other philosophers from Tarsus,

whom I could well note and tell their names,

³³are Plutiades and Diogenes, who were among those philosophers that went round from city to city and conducted schools in an able manner. Diogenes also composed poems, as if by inspiration, when a subject was given him—for the most part tragic poems; and as for grammarians whose writings are extant, there are Artemidorus and Diodorus; and the best tragic poet among those enumerated in the “Pleias”³⁴ was Dionysides. But it is Rome that is best able to tell us the number of learned men from this city; for it is full of Tarsians and Alexandrians. Such is Tarsus.

[16] After the Cydnus River one comes to the Pyramus River, which flows from Cataonia, a river which I have mentioned before.³⁵ According to Artemidorus, the distance thence to Soli in a straight voyage is five hundred stadia. Near by, also, is Mallus, situated on a height, founded by Amphilochus and Mopsus, the latter the son of Apollo and Manto, concerning whom many myths are told. And indeed I, too, have mentioned them in my account of Calchas³⁶ and of the quarrel between Calchas and Mopsus about their powers of divination. For some writers transfer this quarrel, Sophocles, for example, to Cilicia, which he, following the custom of tragic poets, calls Pamphylia,just as he calls Lycia “Caria”³⁷ and Troy and Lydia “Phrygia.” And Sophocles, among others, tells us that Calchas died there. But, according to the myth, the contest concerned, not only the power of divination, but also the sovereignty; for they say that Mopsus and Amphilochus went from Troy and founded Mallus, and that Amphilochus then went away to Argos, and, being dissatisfied with affairs there, returned to Mallus, but that, being excluded from a share in the government there, he fought a duel with Mopsus, and that both fell in the duel and were buried in places that were not in sight of one another. And today their tombs are to be seen in the neighborhood of Magarsa near the Pyramus River. This³⁸ was the birthplace of Crates the grammarian, of whom Panaetius is said to have been a pupil.

[17] Above this coast lies the Aleïan Plain, through which Philotas led the cavalry for Alexander, when Alexander led his phalanx from Soli along the coast and the territory of Mallus against Issus and the forces of Dareius. It is said that Alexander performed sacrifices to Amphilochus because of his kinship with the Argives. Hesiod says that Amphilochus was slain by Apollo at Soli; but others say that he was slain in the neighborhood of the Aleïan Plain, and others in Syria, when he was quitting the Aleïan Plain because of the quarrel.

[18] After Mallus one comes to Aegaeae, a small town, with a mooring-place; and then to the Amanides Gates, with a mooring-place, where ends the mountain Amanus, which extends down from the Taurus and lies above Cilicia towards the east. It was always ruled by several powerful tyrants, who possessed strongholds; but in my time a notable man established himself as lord of all, and was named king by the Romans because of his manly virtues—I refer to Tarcondimotus, who bequeathed the succession to his posterity.

[19] After Aegaeae, one comes to Issus, a small town with a mooring-place, and to the Pinarus River. It was here that the struggle between Alexander and Dareius occurred; and the gulf is called the Issic Gulf. On this gulf are situated the city Rhosus, the city Myriandrus, Alexandreia, Nicopolis, Mopsuestia, and Pylae, as it is called, which is the boundary between the Cilicians and the Syrians. In Cilicia is also the temple and oracle of the Sarpedonian Artemis; and the oracles are delivered by persons who are divinely inspired.

[20] After Cilicia the first Syrian city is Seleuceiain-Pieria, near which the Orontes River empties. The voyage from Seleuceia to Soli, on a straight course, is but little short of one thousand stadia.

[21] Since the Cilicians in the Troad whom Homer mentions are far distant from the Cilicians outside the Taurus, some represent those in Troy as original colonizers of the latter, and point out certain places of the same name there, as, for example, Thebe and Lyrnessus in Pamphylia, whereas others of contrary opinion point out also an Aleïan Plain in the former.

Now that the parts of the aforesaid peninsula outside the Taurus have been described, I must add what follows.

[22] Apollodorus, in his work On the Catalogue of Ships, goes on to say to this effect, that all the allies of the Trojans from Asia were enumerated by the poet as being inhabitants of the peninsula, of which the narrowest isthmus is that between the innermost recess at Sinope and Issus. And the exterior sides of this peninsula, he says, which is triangular in shape, are unequal in length, one of them extending from Cilicia to the Chelidonian Islands, another from the Chelidonian Islands to the mouth of the Euxine, and the third thence back to Sinope. Now the assertion that the allies were alone those who lived in the peninsula can be proved wrong by the same arguments by which I have previously shown that the allies were not alone those who lived this side the Halys River.³⁹ For just as the places round Pharnacia, in which, as I said, the Halizoni lived, are outside the Halys River, so also they are outside the isthmus, if indeed they are outside the narrows between Sinope and Issus; and not outside these alone, but also outside the true narrows between Amisus and Issus, for he too incorrectly defines the isthmus and its narrows, since he substitutes the former for the latter. But the greatest absurdity is this, that, after calling the peninsula triangular in shape, he represents the “exterior sides” as three in number; for when he speaks of the “exterior sides” he seems privily to exclude the side along the narrows, as though this too were a side, but not “exterior” or on the sea. If, then, these narrows were so shortened that the exterior side ending at Issus and that ending at Sinope lacked but little of joining one another, one might concede that the peninsula should be called triangular; but, as it is, since the narrows mentioned by him leave a distance of three thousand stadia between Issus and Sinope, it is ignorance and not knowledge of chorography to call such a four-sided figure triangular. Yet he published in the metre of comedy⁴⁰ a work on chorography entitled A Description of the Earth. The same ignorance still remains even though one should reduce the isthmus to the minimum distance, I mean, to one-half of the whole distance, as given by those who have most belied the facts, among whom is also Artemidorus, that is, fifteen hundred stadia; for even this does contract the side along the narrows enough to make the peninsula a triangular figure. Neither does Artemidorus correctly distinguish the exterior sides when he speaks of “the side that extends from Issus as far as the Chelidonian Islands,” for there still remains to this side the whole of the Lycian coast, which lies in a straight line with the side he mentions, as does also the Peraea of the Rhodians as far as Physcus. And thence the mainland bends and begins to form the second, or westerly, side extending as far as the Propontis and Byzantium.

[23] But though Ephorus said that this peninsula was inhabited by sixteen tribes, of which three were Hellenic and the rest barbarian, except those that were mixed, adding that the Cilicians, Pamphylians, Lycians, Bithynians, Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, Trojans, and Carians lived on the sea, but the Pisidians, Mysians, Chalybians, Phrygians, and Milyans in the interior, Apollodorus, who passes judgment upon this matter, says that the tribe of the Galatians, which is more recent than the time of Ephorus, is a seventeenth, and that, of the aforesaid tribes, the Hellenic had not yet, in the time of the Trojan War, settled there, and that the barbarian tribes are much confused because of the lapse of time; and that the poet names in his Catalogue the tribes of the Trojans and of the Paphlagonians, as they are now named, and of the Mysians and Phrygians and Carians and Lycians, as also the Meïonians, instead of the Lydians, and other unknown peoples, as, for example, the Halizones and Caucones; and, outside the Catalogue, the Ceteians and the Solymi and the Cilicians from the plain of Thebe and the Leleges, but nowhere names the Pamphylians, Bithynians, Mariandynians, Pisidians, Chalybians, Milyans, or Cappadocians—some because they had not yet settled in this region, and others because they were included among other tribes, as, for example, the Hidrieis and the Termilae among the Carians, and the Doliones and Bebryces among the Phrygians.

[24] But obviously Apollodorus does not pass a fair judgment upon the statement of Ephorus, and also confuses and falsifies the words of the poet; for he ought first to have asked Ephorus this question: Why he placed the Chalybians inside the peninsula when they were so far distant towards the east from both Sinope and Amisus? For those who say that the isthmus of this peninsula is the line from Issus to the Euxine make this line a kind of meridian, which some think should be the line to Sinope, and others, that to Amisus, but no one that to the land of the Chalybians, which is absolutely oblique; in fact, the meridian through the land of the Chalybians would be drawn through Lesser Armenia and the Euphrates, cutting off on this side of it the whole of Cappadocia, Commagene, Mt. Amanus, and the Issic Gulf. If, however, we should concede that the oblique line bounds the isthmus, at least most of these places, and Cappadocia in particular, would be cut off on this side, as also the country now called Pontus in the special sense of the term, which is a part of Cappadocia towards the Euxine; so that, if the land of the Chalybians must be set down as a part of the peninsula, much more should Cataonia and both Cappadocias, as also Lycaonia, which is itself omitted by him. Again, why did Ephorus place in the interior the Chalybians, whom the poet called Halizones, as I have already demonstrated?⁴¹ For it would have been better to divide them and set one part of them on the sea and the other in the interior, as should also be done in the case of Cappadocia and Cilicia; but Ephorus does not even name Cappadocia, and speaks only of the Cilicians on the sea. Now as for the people who were subject to Antipater Derbetes, and the Homonadeis and several other peoples who border on the Pisidians,

men who do not know the sea and even do not eat food mingled with salt,

⁴²where are they to be placed? Neither does he say in regard to the Lydians or Meïones whether they are two peoples or the same, or whether they live separately by themselves or are included within another tribe. For it would be impossible to lose from sight so significant a tribe; and if Ephorus says nothing about it, would he not seem to have omitted something most important?

[25] And who are the “mixed” tribes? For we would be unable to say that, as compared with the aforesaid places, others were either named or omitted by “him which we shall assign to the “mixed” tribes; neither can we call “mixed” any of these peoples themselves whom he has mentioned or omitted; for, even if they had become mixed, still the predominant element has made them either Hellenes or barbarians; and I know nothing of a third tribe of people that is “mixed.”

[26] And how can there be three Hellenic tribes that live on the peninsula? For if it is because the Athenians and the Ionians were the same people in ancient times, let also the Dorians and the Aeolians be called the same people; and thus there would be only two tribes. But if one should make distinctions in accordance with the customs of later times, as, for example, in accordance with dialects, then the tribes, like the dialects, would be four in number.⁴³ But this peninsula, particularly in accordance with the division of Ephorus, is inhabited, not only by Ionians, but also by Athenians, as I have shown in my account of the several places.⁴⁴ Now although it is worth while to raise such questions as these with reference to Ephorus, yet Apollodorus took no thought for them and also goes on to add to the sixteen tribes a seventeenth, that of the Galatians—in general a useful thing to do, but unnecessary for the passing of judgment upon what is said or omitted by Ephorus. But Apollodorus states the reason himself, that all this is later than the time of Ephorus.

[27] Passing to the poet, Apollodorus rightly says that much confusion of the barbarian tribes has taken place from the Trojan times to the present because of the changes, for some of them have been added to, others have vanished, others have been dispersed, and others have been combined into one tribe. But he incorrectly sets forth as twofold the reason why the poet does not mention some of them; either because a country was not yet inhabited by this or that tribe or because this or that tribe was included within another; for instance, the poet fails to mention Cappadocia, Cataonia, and likewise Lycaonia, but for neither of these reasons, for we have no history of this kind in their case. Further, it is ridiculous that Apollodorus should concern himself about the reason why Homer omitted the Cappadocians and Lycaonians and speak in his defence, and yet should himself omit to tell the reason why Ephorus omitted them, and that too when he had cited the statement of the man for the very purpose of examining it and passing judgment upon it; and also to teach us why Homer mentioned Meïonians instead of Lydians, but not to remark that Ephorus mentions neither Lydians nor Meïonians.

[28] After saying that the poet mentions certain unknown tribes, Apollodorus rightly names the Cauconians, the Solymi, the Ceteians, the Leleges, and the Cilicians of the plain of Thebe; but the Halizones are a fabrication of his own, or rather of the first men who, not knowing who the Halizones were, wrote the name in several different ways⁴⁵ and fabricated the “birthplace of silver”⁴⁶ and many other mines, all of which have given out. And in furtherance of their emulous desire they also collected the stories cited by Demetrius of Scepsis from Callisthenes and certain other writers, who were not free from the false notions about the Halizones. Likewise the wealth of Tantalus and the Pelopidae arose from the mines round Phrygia and Sipylus; that of Cadmus from those round Thrace and Mt. Pangaeus; that of Priam from the gold mines at Astyra near Abydus (of which still today there are small remains; here the amount of earth thrown out is considerable, and the excavations are signs of the mining in olden times); and that of Midas from those round Mt. Bermius; and that of Gyges and Alyattes and Croesus from those Lydia and from the region between Atarneus and Pergamum, where is a small deserted town, whose lands have been exhausted of ore.

[29] Still further one might find fault with Apollodorus, because, when the more recent writers make numerous innovations contrary to the statements of Homer, he is wont frequently to put these innovations to the test, but in the present case he not only has made small account of them, but also, on the contrary, identifies things that are not meant alike; for instance, Xanthus the Lydian says that it was after the Trojan War that the Phrygians came from Europe and the left-hand side of the Pontus, and that Scamandrius led them from the Berecyntes and Ascania, but Apollodorus adds to this the statement that Homer refers to this Ascania that is mentioned by Xanthus:

And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania.

⁴⁷However, if this is so, the migration must have taken place later than the Trojan War, whereas the allied force mentioned by the poet came from the opposite mainland, from the Berecyntes and Ascania. Who, then, were the Phrygians,

who were then encamped along the banks of the Sangarius,

⁴⁸when Priam says,

for I too, being an ally, was numbered among these?

⁴⁹And how could Priam have sent for Phrygians from the Berecyntes, with whom he had no compact, and yet leave uninvited those who lived on his borders and to whom he had formerly been ally? And after speaking in this way about the Phrygians he adds also an account of the Mysians that is not in agreement with this; for he says that there is also a village in Mysia which is called Ascania, near a lake of the same name, whence flows the Ascanius River, which is mentioned by Euphorion,

beside the waters of the Mysian Ascanius,

and by Alexander the Aetolian,

who have their homes on the Ascanian streams, on the lips of the Ascanian Lake, where dwelt Dolion, the son of Silenus and Melia.

And he says that the country round Cyzicus, as one goes to Miletupolis, is called Dolionis and Mysia. If this is so, then, and if witness thereto is borne both by the places now pointed out and by the poets, what could have prevented Homer from mentioning this Ascania, and not the Ascania spoken of by Xanthus? I have discussed this before, in my account of the Mysians and Phrygians;⁵⁰ and therefore let this be the end of that subject.

Notes on the current edition

Geography

1. Alaja.

2. Syedra probably shared with Coracesium (Alaja), a fertile plain which here borders on the coast. But Syedra is Tzschucke’s emendation of Arsinoë in the text.

3. Not mentioned by any other author.

4. Selindi.

5. Charadran.

6. Kara-Gedik.

7. Inamur.

8. Cape Kormakiti.

9. Mesetlii.

10. Softa-Kalessi.

11. Mandane?

12. Kilandria, or Gulnar.

13. According to Pliny, Cilicia anciently commenced at the river Melas, which Strabo has just said belongs to Pamphylia. Ptolemy fixes upon Coracesium as the first place in Cilicia, which, according to Mela, was separated from Pamphylia by Cape Anemurium, which was near Nagidus.

14. Nahr-el-Asy.

15. B. xvi. c. ii. § 33.

16. Selefke.

17. Cape Lissan.

18. Gok-su.

19. Cape Cavaliere.

20. Eurip. Hec. 1

21. Its distance (40 stadia) from the Calycadnus, if correct, will place it about Pershendi, at the north-eastern angle of the sandy plain of the Calycadnus.

22. Anamur.

23. Ianartasch; but, according to Leake, it still preserves its name.

24. A sandy plain now connects Elaeussa with the coast.— Leake.

25. Lamas-su, of which Lamuzo-soui is an Italian corruption.

26. Lamas.

27. Tschirlay, or Porto Venetico.

28. Mesetlii.

29. Cape Zafra.

30. What better inscription, said Aristotle, could you have for the tomb, not of a king, but of an ox? Cicero, Tusc. Quaes. iii. 35.

31. Mesarlyk-tschai.

32. Strabo means to say, that the coast, from the part opposite Rhodes, runs E. in a straight line to Tarsus, and then inclines to the S. E.; that afterwards it inclines to the S., to Gaza, and continues in a westerly direction to the Straits of Gibraltar.

33. The translation follows the reading proposed by Groskurd, παχυνευοͅοῦσι καὶ ῥοϊζομένοις καὶ ποδαγοͅιζομένοις, who quotes Vitruv. viii. 3, and Pliny xxxi. 8.

34. Kramer does not approve of the corrections proposed in this passage by Groskurd. The translation follows the proposed emendation of Falconer, which Kramer considers the least objectionable.

35. Augustus.

36. Groskurd, with some probability, supposes the name of Achilles to be here omitted.

37. Il. iii. 235.

38. Dschehan-tschai.

39. Chun.

40. Ajas.

41. Demir-Kapu.

42. The ridge extending N. E., the parts of which bear various names, Missis, Durdan-dagh, etc.

43. Deli-tschai.

44. Arsus.

45. Iskenderun.

46. Its name under the Byzantine empire was corrupted to Mampsysta, or Mamista; of which names the modern Mensis appears to be a further corruption.— Leake.

47. The passage is defended by the fortress of Merkes.

48. Suveidijeh.

49. Nahr-el-Asy.

50. Groskurd is desirous of reading Tarsus for Issus. See above, c. v. § 11. But Strabo is here considering the two opinions held respecting the isthmus.

51. Scymnus of Chios counts fifteen nations who occupied this peninsula, namely, three Greek and twelve barbarian. The latter were Cilicians, Lycians, Carians, Maryandini, Paphlagonians, Pamphylians, Chalybes, Cappadocians, Pisidians, Lydians, Mysians, and Phrygians. In this list the Bithynians, Trojans, and Milyae are not mentioned; but in it are found the Cappadocians and Lydians—two nations whom, according to Strabo, Ephorus has not mentioned. This discrepancy is the more remarkable as Scymnus must have taken the list from Ephorus himself.

52. Od. xi. 122.

53. Apollodorus, like Scymnus, had probably found the Lydians mentioned in the list of Ephorus, as also the Cappadocians.

54. Kramer says that he is unable to decide how this corrupt passage should be restored. The translation follows the conjectures of Coraÿ.

55. Il. ii. 862.

56. Il. iii. 187.

57. Isnik.

58. Euphorion acquired celebrity as a voluminous writer. Vossius, i. 16, gives a catalogue of his works. According to Suidas, he was born in Chalcis, in Negropont, at the time Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, was defeated by the Romans. He acquired a considerable fortune by his writings and by his connexion with persons of eminent rank. He was invited to the court of Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, who intrusted him with the care of his library. According to Sallust, (Life of Tiberius,) he was one of the poets whom Tiberius took as his model in writing Greek verse. Fecit et Graeca poemata, imitatus Euphorionem, et Rhianum et Parthenium.

Strabo Geography 14.5

Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator)

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