Strabo Geography 13.1

Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator)

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Geography. Strabo. Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator). London. 1854-1857.

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Current edition Perseus

Geography (English) (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 1-3. Hamilton, Hans Claude, translator; Falconer, William, translator. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854-1857.)

Editions (1)
Γεωγραφικά Perseus (Strabo. Strabonis Geographica, Vols. 1-3. Meineke, August, editor. Leipzig: Teubner. 1877.) — 13.1 focus
Translations (1)
Geography (Books 6-14) Perseus (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 3-6. Jones, Horace Leonard, translator. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1924-1929 (printing).) — 13.1 focus

Notes on the current edition

Geography

1. Satal-dere.
2. The Troad is called Biga by the Turks, from the name of a town which now commands that district. Biga is the ancient Sidene.
3. Kodscha-Tschai. Oustvola. Gossellin.
4. The ruins of Abydos are on the eastern side of the Hellespont, near a point called Nagara. Sestos, of which the ruins also exist, called Zemenic, are on the opposite coast.
5. Baba Kalessi.
6. Eski Stamboul, or Old Constantinople.
7. Bakir-Tschai, or Germasti.
8. Beiram-koi, or Asso, or Adschane.
9. Edremid or Adramytti.
10. Dikeli-koi.
11. Tschandarlik.
12. Mytilene.
13. Lamurt-koi.
14. Gedis-Tschai.
15. Karadscha-Fokia.
16. The return of the Heracleidae having taken place, according to Thucydides and other writers, eighty years after the capture of Troy, some critics have imagined that the text of Strabo in this passage should be changed from ἑξήκοντα ἔτεσι, sixty years, to όγδοήκοντα ἔτεσι, eighty years. Thucydides, in the same chapter, and in the space of a few lines, speaks of the return of the Boeotians to their own country, as having taken place sixty years after the capture of Troy; and of the return of the Heracleidae to the Peloponnesus, as having taken place eighty years after the same event; it is probable that Strabo, who followed Thucydides, substituted, through inattention, one number for another.
17. Kamaraes, or Kemer. (Kamar, Arab. the Moon.)
18. Near Mussatsch-Koi.
19. Il. xiv. 283.
20. The passage in brackets Meineke suspects to be an interpolation, as Rhesus and Heptaporus cannot be placed in this part of Ida, nor do any of the streams mentioned by Homer in the same passage flow into the Aegean Sea.
21. Il. xii. 19.
22. Il. ii. 824.
23. The whole range of Ida now bears various names: the highest summit is called Kas-dagh. Gossellin says that the range is called Karadagh, but this name (black mountain) like Kara-su (Black river) and Kara-Koi (Black village) are so commonly applied that they amount to no distinction; in more modern maps this name does not appear. It may be here observed that the confusion of names of those parts in the Turkish empire which were formerly under the Greeks, arises from the use of names in both languages.
24. Il. xiv. 292.
25. The Gulf of Edremid or Jalea, the ancient Elea.
26. The meridian, according to our author’s system, passing through Constantinople, Rhodes, Alexandria, Syene, and Meröe.
27. Il. ix. 328.
28. Od. xviii. 518.
29. Il. ix. 129.
30. Il. xx. 92.
31. Il. ii. 691.
32. Il. ii. 690.
33. Il. xix. 295.
34. Il. i. 366.
35. Il. vi. 395.
36. Il. xxi. 86.
37. Il. iii. 816.
38. Il. ii. 819.
39. Il. xx. 83.
40. Il. ii. 824.
41. Il. i. 835.
42. Il. iv. 499.
43. Bergas.
44. Il. xv. 546.
45. Il. ii. 831.
46. So that Cilicia was divided into three principalities, as Strabo observes below, c. i. § 70. But perhaps this division was only invented for the purpose of completing the number of the nine principalities, for Strabo above, c. i. § 2, speaks in a manner to let us suppose that other authors reckoned eight only. However this may be, the following is the number of the dynasties or principalities established by our author. 1. That of Mynes; 2. that of Eetion, both in Cilicia; 3. that of Altes; 4. that of Hector; 5. that of Aeneas; 6. that of Pandarus; 7. that of Asius; 8. that of the son of Merops; 9. that of Eurypylus, also in Cilicia. Coraÿ.
47. Granting to Priam the sovereignty of the districts just mentioned by Strabo, his dominion extended over a country about twenty maritime leagues in length and the same in breadth. It would be impossible to determine the exact limits of these different districts, but it is seen that
The Trojans, properly so called, occupied the basin of the Scamander (Menderes-Tschai).
The Cilicians, commanded by Eetion, occupied the territory which surrounds the present Gulf of Adramytti.
The Cilicians of Mynes were to the south of the above.
The Leleges extended along a part of the northern coast of the Gulf of Adramytti, from Cape Baba.
The Dardanians were above the Trojans, and the chain of Ida. On the north, extending on both sides of the Hellespont, were the people of Arisbe, Sestos, and Abydos.
The people of Adrasteia occupied the Propontis, as far as the Granicus.
The Lycians, the country beyond, as far as the Aesepus and Zeleia.
Strabo mentioned a ninth (c. i. § 2) principality subject to Priam; he does not mention it by name, or rather it is wanting in the text. M. de Choiseul-Gouffier, (Voyage Pittoresque de la Gréce, vol. ii.,) with much probability, thinks that this principality was that of the island of Lesbos. Gossellin.
48. Il. xxiv. 543.
49. Il. ii. 824.
50. M. Falconer prétend qu’ au lieu de 80 stades il faut lire 180.—Nos cartes modernes confirment la conjecture de M. Falconer. Gossellin.
51. Il. ii. 828.
52. Karadere.
53. For σκάοͅθων in the text—read ὁ δ’ ἐκ. . . . . εἰς σάροͅδωνα. Meineke, who however suspects the whole passage to be an interpolation.
54. Peor Apis, or Baal Peor?
55. Lapsaki or Lampsaki.
56. The reading is very doubtful.
57. Marmara, from the marble, μάρμαρον, found there.
58. Gallipoli.
59. Beiram-dere.
60. Il. ii. 328.
61. Il. v.612.
62. The same person probably as Cephalion, author of a History of the Trojan War.
63. Neoptolemus composed a glossary, or dictionary, divided into several books.
64. Charon was the author of a History of the Persian War, and of the Annals of Lampsacus.
65. Adeimantes was probably one of the courtiers of Demetrius Poliorcetes.
66. Anaximenes was the author of a History of Early Times, and of a work entitled, The Death of Kings. The Rhetoric addressed to Alexander, now known as The Rhetoric of Aristotle, has been ascribed to him. For the above see Athaenaeus.
67. Called Stagnum Agrippe in Tacit. Ann. b. xv. c. 37.
68. Il. ii. 835.
69. Il. iv. 522.
70. Il. ii. 254.
71. The Maritza in Roumelia.
72. Il. xvi. 717.
73. A bridge of boats which could be unfixed at pleasure for the passage of vessels.
74. Meineke reads κοͅατίστη, the strongest fortified, instead of ἀρίστη.
75. Il. ii. 819.
76. Il. xv. 425.
77. The ancient Dardania in the interior; a second Dardania was afterwards built on the sea-coast.
78. Il. xx. 215.
79. Od. ix 109, 112.
80. Il. xx. 216.
81. Il. xi. 166.
82. According to Arrian and Plutarch, it was before his victory.
83. A native of Alexandreia-Troas and a grammarian; he was the author of Commentaries on various authors and of a History of the Trojan War.— Athoeneus.
84. According to Pliny, b. vii. 29, this casket contained the perfumes of Darius, unguentorum scrinium. According to Plutarch, (Life of Alexander,) the poem of Homer was the Iliad revised and corrected by Aristotle. From what Strabo here says of Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, we may probably understand a second revision made by them under inspection of Alexander.
85. Called above, § 22, Cape Dardanium (Cape Barber). Pliny gives the name Dardanium to the town which Herodotus and Strabo call Dardanus, and places it at an equal distance from Rhoeteium and Abydos. The modern name Dardanelles is derived from it.
86. The name was given, it is said, in consequence of the imprecations of Hecuba on her captors. Others say that Hecuba was transformed into a bitch. The tomb occupied the site of the present castle in Europe called by the Turks Kilid-bahr.
87. Pliny states that in his time there were no traces of the Rhodius, nor of the other rivers mentioned by Strabo in following Homer. According to others, the Rhodius is the torrent which passes by the castle of the Dardanelles in Asia, called by the Turks Sultan-kalessi, and therefore cannot unite with the Aesepus.
88. Ienischer.
89. The Scamander no longer unites with the Simoïs, and for a considerable length of time has discharged itself into the Archipelago. The ancient mouth of these rivers preserve, however, the name Menderé, which is an evident alteration of Scamander, and the name Menderé has also become that of the ancient Simoïs. It is to be observed that Demetrius of Scepsis, whose opinions on what regards these rivers and the position of Troy are quoted by Strabo, constantly takes the Simoïs or Mender??é for the Scamander of Homer. The researches of M. de Choiseul-Gouffier on the Troad appear to me clearly to demonstrate that Demetrius of Scepsis is mistaken.— Gossellin.
90. The temple or tomb of Protesilaus, one of the Greek princes who went to the siege of Troy, and the first who was killed on disembarking. Artayctes, one of the generals of Xerxes, pillaged the temple and profaned it by his debauchery. According to Herodotus, (b. ix. 115,) who narrates the circumstance, the temple and the tomb of Protesilaus must have been in Eleussa (Paleo-Castro) itself, or at least very near this city. Chandler thought he had discovered this tomb near the village which surrounds the castle of Europe.
91. The port of the Achaeans, the spot, that is, where the Greeks disembarked on the coast of the Troad, at the entrance of the Hellespont, appears to have been comprehended between the hillock called the Tomb of Achilles and the southern base of the heights, on which is situated another tomb, which goes by the name of the Tomb of Ajax. This space of about 1500 toises in length, now sand and lagunes, where the village Koum Kale and the fortress called the New Castle of Asia stand, and which spreads across the mouth of the Menderé, once formed a creek, the bottom of which, from examination on the spot, extended 1200 or 1500 for desolation implies a deficiency of inhabitants, but not a complete destruction of the place; but those persons destroyed it entirely, whom they think worthy of sacred rites, and worship as gods; unless, perhaps, they should plead that these persons engaged in a just, and Hercules in an unjust, war, on account of the horses of Laomedon. To this is opposed a fabulous tale, that it was not on account of the horses but of the reward for the delivery of Hesione from the sea-monster. toises from the present shore. It is from the bottom of this marshy creek the 12 stadia must be measured which Strabo reckons from the Port of the Achaeans to New Ilium. These 12 stadia, estimated at 700 to a degree, (like the generality of other measures adopted by Strabo in this district,) are equal to 977 toises, and conduct in a straight line to the western point of the mountain Tchiblak, where there are remains of buildings which may be the vestiges of New Ilium.
The other 30 stadia, which, according to Strabo, or rather according to Demetrius of Scepsis, was the distance from New Ilium to the town of the Ilienses, are equal to 2440 toises, and terminate at the most eastern edge of the table-land of Tchiblak, in a spot where ruins of a temple and other edifices are seen. Thus there is nothing to prevent our taking this place for the site of the town of the Ilienses, and this is the opinion of many modern travellers. But did this town occupy the same ground as the ancient Ilium, as Demetrius of Scepsis believed? Strabo thinks not, and we shall hereafter see the objections he has to offer against the opinion of Demetrius.— Gossellin.
92. Consequently ancient Ilium, according to Strabo, was forty-two stadia from the coast. Scylax places it at twenty-five stadia; but probably the copyists of this latter writer have confounded the numerical Greek letters κε (25) with με (45).
93. According to Homer, (Od. xxiv. 75,) Patrocles must have the same tomb with Achilles, as their ashes were united in the same urn; those of Antilochus were contained in a separate urn.
94. Il. v. 641.
95. This plain, according to Demetrius, was to the east of the present Menderé, and was enclosed by this river and the mountain Tchiblak.
96. Il. xvi. 738.
97. If the name Cebrene or Cebrenia were derived from Cebriones, it would have been, according to analogy, Cebrionia; but it would have been better to have supposed the name to have been derived from Cebren, the more so as this river was supposed to be the father of Oenone the wife of Alexander (Paris). Whatever may be the origin of the name, the city Cebrene was, according to Ephorus, a colony of Cyme in Aeolia.
98. The position of the tomb of Aesyetes is said to be near a village called by the Turks Udjek, who also give the name Udjek-tepe to the tomb itself. The tomb of Ilus, it is presumed, must be in the neighbourhood of the ancient bed of Scamander, and Batieia below the village Bounarbachi.
99. This and the following paragraph more especially are at variance with the conjecture of those who place New Ilium at the village Tchiblak, situated beyond and to the north of the Simoïs.
100. As there are no mountains on the left bank of the Menderé, at the distance at which Demetrius places the town of the Ilienses, the long ridge or height of which Strabo speaks can only be referred to the hill of Tchiblak. In that case the Simoïs of Demetrius must be the stream Tchiblak, which modern maps represent as very small, but which Major Rennell, on authority as yet uncertain, extends considerably, giving it the name Shimar, which according to him recalls that of Simoïs.—Gossellin.
101. Kramer proposes the insertion of ὤν before τῶν εἰρηἐνων ἀγκώνων ἐπ’ εὺθείας, by which we are to understand that the extremities of the arms and of the ridge are in the same straight line.
Groskurd reads μεταξὺ before τ. ε. α., changes the construction of the sentence, and reads the letter ψ instead of ε. His translation is as follows: Both-mentioned plains are separated from each other by a long neck of land between the above-mentioned arms, which takes its commencement from the present Ilium and unites with it, extending itself in a straight line as far as Cebrenia, and forms with the arms on each side the letter ψ.
The topography of the plain of Troy and its neighbourhood is not yet sufficiently known to be able to distinguish all the details given by Demetrius. It appears only that he took the Tchiblak for the Simoïs, and placed the plain of Troy to the right of the present Menderé, which he called the Scamander. This opinion, lately renewed by Major Rennell, presents great and even insurmountable difficulties when we endeavour to explain on this basis the principal circumstances of the Iliad. It must be remembered that in the time of Demetrius the remembrance of the position of ancient Troy was entirely lost, and that this author constantly reasoned on the hypothesis, much contested in his time, that the town of the Ilienses corresponded with that of ancient Ilium. Observations on the Topography of the plain of Troy by James Rennell.— Gossellin.
102. Il. xx. 51.
103. Il. x. 430.
104. Tumbrek.
105. Erineos, a wild fig-tree. Homer, it is to be observed, speaks of a single wild fig-tree, whereas Strabo describes a spot planted with them. This place, or a place near the ancient Ilium, is called by the Turks, according to M. Choiseul-Gouffier, Indgirdagh—i. e. the mountain of figtrees, although none were to be found there whether cultivated or wild.
106. Il. vi. 433.
107. Il. ix. 352.
108. 1628 toises. The alluvial deposit has now extended the mouth of the Menderé 3400 toises from the ruins where the measurement indicated the position of New Ilium.— Gossellin.
109. The passage is corrupt, and the translation is rather a paraphrase, assisted by the conjectures of Kramer.
110. Od. xiv. 469.
111. Od. xiv. 496.
112. Il. xx. 209.
113. Il. xviii. 254.
114. Hestiaea was distinguished for her commentary on Homer somewhat in the same manner as Madame Dacier in modern times.
115. Il. ii. 792.
116. M. Lechevalier, who extends Ilium and its citadel Pergamus to the highest summit of the mountain Bounar-bachi, acknowledges that the nature of the ground would prevent the course of Hector and Achilles taking place round this position, in consequence of the rivers and the precipices which surround it on the S. E. To meet the objection which these facts would give rise to, M. Lechevalier interprets the expressions of Homer in a manner never thought of by the ancient grammarians, although they contorted the text in every possible manner, to bend it to their peculiar opinions. Would it not be more easy to believe that at the time of the siege of Troy this city was no longer on the summit of the mountain, nor so near its ancient acropolis as it was at first; and that the inhabitants moved under the reign of Ilus, as Plato says, and as Homer leads us to conclude, to the entrance of the plain and to the lower rising grounds of Ida? The level ground on the top mountain which rises above Bounar-bachi, and on which it has been attempted to trace the contour of the walls of ancient Ilium and of its citadel, is more than 3200 toises in circumference.
But it is difficult to conceive how, at so distant a period and among a people half savage, a space of ground so large and without water could be entirely occupied by a town, whose power scarcely extended beyond 25 leagues. On the other hand, as the exterior circuit of this mountain is more than 5500 toises, it is not to be conceived how Homer, so exact in his description of places, should have represented Achilles and Hector, already fatigued by a long-continued battle, as making an uninterrupted course of about seven leagues round this mountain, before commencing in single combat. It appears to me therefore that the Troy of Homer must have covered a much less space of ground than is generally supposed, and according to all appearances this space was bounded by a hillock, on which is now the village of Bounar-bachi. This hillock is about 700 or 800 toises in circumference; it is isolated from the rest of the mountain; and warriors in pursuing one another could easily make the circuit. This would not prevent Pergamus from being the citadel of Ilium, but it was separated from it by an esplanade, which served as a means of communication between the town and the fortress.— Gossellin.
117. This paragraph, according to Kramer is probably an interpolation.
118. Herod. viii. c. 85.
119. Thucyd., b. iii. c. 50, does not use the word Troad, but says all the towns possessed by the Mitylenaeans.
120. Poets and mythologists subsequent to Homer supposed Cassandra, the daughter of Priam, to have been violated by Ajax, the Locrian; that as a punishment for his crime this hero perished by shipwreck on his return from Troy, and that three years afterwards Locris was visited by a famine, which occasioned great destruction to the inhabitants. The oracle consulted on the occasion of this calamity advised the Locrians to send annually to Minerva of Ilium two young women chosen by lot. They obeyed and continued to send them for 1000 years, until the time of the sacred war.
121. Il. xiii. 363.
122. Il. vi. 92 and 273.
123. Il. ix. 455.
124. Il. vi. 305.
125. The corrupt passage replaced by asterisks is εὶ͂θ’ ἱκετεὐοντες τεθοͅένας, which is unintelligible.
126. The following is a translation of the passage, as found in the speech of Lycurgus, still preserved to us:
Who has not heard of Troy, the greatest
City of those times, and sovereign of all
Asia, that when once destroyed by
The Greeks it remained for ever uninhabited
127. Modern maps place the Cotylus, and consequently the sources of the river which Demetrius calls Scamander, at more than 30,000 toises, or nearly eleven leagues, to the S. E. of the entrance of the Hellespont, when the source of the Scamander should be near Troy; and Troy itself, according to the measurement adopted by Demetrius, ought not to be more than 3400 toises, or a league and a quarter, from the sea. There is therefore a manifest contradiction, and it appears, as I have already remarked, that the river called Scamander by Demetrius, is not the river so called by Homer, but the Simoïs of the poet.—Gossellin.
Modern travellers accuse Demetrius with having confounded the Scamander with the Simoïs. The Simoïs they say rises in Cotylus, (Kasdagh,) as also the Granicus, (Oustrola,) and the Aesepus, (Satal-dere,) but the sources of the Scamander are below, and to the W. of Ida, near the village called by the Turks Bounar-bachi, which signifies the head of the source. If it is an error, Demetrius is not alone responsible for it, as Hellenicus (Schol in Iliad xxi. 242) also says that the Scamander had its source in Mount Ida itself. Both probably rested on the authority of Homer, who places the source of the Scamander in Ida. They did not, however, observe that Homer employs the expression ἀπʼ?̓ιδαίων ὀρέων in a more extensive sense.— Du Theil.
128. Il xxii. 147.
129. We owe to the researches of M. de Choiseul Gouffier, published without his knowledge in 1793, an acquaintance with these two springs, which present nearly the same phenomena as described by Homer. These springs have since been seen by many travellers; they are situated at the foot of a small hill on which is Bounar-bachi, and about 6500 toises in a straight line from the mouth of the Menderé. The stream which flows from them never fails, and after having run for some time parallel to the Menderé, it turns suddenly to throw itself into the Archipelago, near the middle of the interval which separates the ruins of Alexandria-Troas from the cape Koum-kale, but still leaving traces of a bed through which it formerly flowed to join the Menderé. We are now convinced that this little river is the Scamander of Homer, that the present Menderé is the Simoïs of that poet, and that the ancient Ilium, which was near the sources of the Scamander, must have been situated on the heights of Bounar-bachi.
In the time of Homer these two rivers united together and discharged themselves into the sea by the same mouth: but the course of the Scamander has been changed for a long time, since, according to Pliny, (v. c. 33,)a part of its waters spread themselves over a marsh, and the remainder flowed unto the Aegaean Sea, between Alexandria-Troas and Sigeum. This ancient author therefore gave to the little river (which he called Palaescamander, the old Scamander) exactly the same course which the stream Bounar-bachi still follows. This change of direction in the course of the river appears to me to have been anterior to the time of Demetrius of Scepsis, for this alone can explain his error. For, no longer finding a stream which runs on the left of the present Menderé, and which might represent the Scamander, he thought proper to transfer this latter name to the Simoïs, and to look for the site of the Ilium of Homer, as also of the plain which was the scene of the combats described by the poet, on the right of this river. Thence he is persuaded that the town of the Ilienses occupied the same site as the ancient Ilium, and that the stream of the Tschiblak was the Simoïs.
I must remark that the Menderé is a torrent, the waters of which fail during a great part of the year, whilst the stream of the Bounar-bachi always continues to flow. This advantage is probably the reason why it preserved the name of Scamander to the sea, although it ran into the bed of the Simoïs and was far inferior to this torrent in the length of its course. Hence it may be perceived how the name of Scamander, now changed into that of Menderé, has remained attached to this ancient mouth, how ultimately it was given to the whole course of the Simoïs, and how Demetrius of Scepsis was led into error by the change in the course of the true Scamander, and by the transfer of its name to the Simois.—Voyage Pittorcsque de la Grèce par M. de Choiseul Gouffier. Le Voyage dans la
Troad, par M. Lechevalier. The Topography of Troy, W. Gell.—Gossellin.
130. Il. xii. 20.
131. B. xii. c. iii. § 21.
132. Below Strabo calls this same place Aenea, and in b. xii. c. iii. § 23, Enea-Come. Pliny calls it Nea; it is said to be the same place called by the Turks Ene.
133. ̓αοͅγύια, in the neuter gender, with the accent on the antipenultima, means silver mines. But ̓αοͅγυοͅία with the accent on the penultima, becomes the name of a town.
134. Il. ii. 856.
135. What other places? I do not think that Strabo or Demetrius have mentioned any other place bearing the name of Palaescepsis.—Du Theil.
136. Il. i. 38.
137. There are no islands to the south of Tenedos,—that is, between Tenedos and Cape Lectum (Baba). The state of the text might induce us to suppose that, instead of Lectum, Strabo wrote Sigeum. Then the Calydne islands would answer to the Mauro islands or to the isles des Lapins.— Gossellin.
138. Called also Lyrnessa and Phoenice. The first of these names is the sane as that of one of the 12 towns on the continent sacked by Achilles. The name Phoenice was given to it probably by a Phoenician colony. Leucolphrys, (white brows,) from the colour of the coast.
139. From σμίνθος a rat, in the Aeolic dialect. The worship of Apollo Smintheus was not confined to the town of Chrysa alone; it was common to all the continent of the Troad and to the adjacent islands; it extended along the whole coast to the island of Rhodes, as Strabo afterwards informs us. He has already told us that there was a temple of Apollo Smintheus in the island of Tenedos. Coins of this island exist, bearing the effigy of the god with a rat under the chin. The town of Hamaxitus, on the continent, had also its temple of Apollo Smintheus, where was not only to be seen the picture of a rat near the tripod of the god, but also tame rats, maintained at the public expense.
140. Sect. 63.
141. In the island of Rhodes more especially many Sminthia must have existed, as Andreas, a native of Lindus, one of the three cities of the island, made these temples the subject of a treatise entitled On the Sminthia of Rhodes.
142. The Turks call the place Fousla, the salt-pans.
143. Il. x. 429.
144. Il. xxi. 86.
145. Il. xiv. 443.
146. Il. vi. 34.
147. At the foot of the mountain on which is now the village Ine.
148. Palamedium? Pliny, b. v. c. 30.
149. Karatepe-bourlou, or Cape San Nicolo.
150. Antandro.
151. Diskeli-koi.
152. Tschandarlyk.
153. Ialea.
154. From σκέπτομαι, (sceptomai,) I see to a distance, from which the compound πεοͅισκέπτομαι, (perisceptomai,) I see to a distance around. Strabo perceived the absurdity of such an etymology. Others derived the name of this place from σκήτομαι, I pretend, whence σκῆψις, (skepsis,) a pretext, because it was on this part of the chain of Ida that Rhea, on the birth of Jupiter, substituted for him a stone clothed as an infant, and presented it to be devoured by Saturn in place of her child. This etymology is conformable to analogy, although founded on a ridiculous fable.
155. B. xiii. c. i. § 6.
156. Il. xx. 188.
157. Il. xiii. 460.
158. See note 4, vol. i. p. 76.
159. Some assert that Capys, the father of Anchises, was the founder of Capua or Capya in Italy. The town in Arcadia was afterwards called Caphya or Caphyae.
160. Segesta.
161. Trapani.
162. Cape Boë.
163. Il. xx. 306.
164. This statement is not in contradiction with those (A then. b. i. c. 3) who assert that Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens, and Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, were the first who formed libraries. The libraries of these two princes, who lived six centuries before our time, were probably confined to half a dozen poets, and it may be supposed that the care Pisistratus took to collect the poems of Homer did not extend to poets posterior to his time. But in the time of Aristotle there existed many poems, a great number of oratorical discourses, historical works, and various treatises of philosophy.
165. Apellicon proclaimed himself a philosopher of the school of Aristotle. From what Athenaeus, b. v., says of him, he appears to have used his great wealth for the purposes of ostentation rather than of employing it for the benefit of others. He was sent by Aristion, (or Athenion, as Athenaeus calls him,) tyrant of Athens, to Delos, at the head of ten thousand soldiers, to remove the treasures of the temple. He was defeated by the Romans, and having lost his whole army, escaped with difficulty.
166. This name was given to books intended to be seen and read by every one, but which did not contain the fundamental dogmas which Aristotle only communicated to those of his own school. The books which contained these doctrines were called, by way of distinction, esoteric. Such at least is the opinion of those who admit of the existence of a secret doctrine, and a public doctrine, in the philosophy of Aristotle. This passage of Strabo however seems to favour those who maintained a different opinion, namely, that this celebrated distinction of exoteric and esoteric doctrines, which is peculiar to the works of Aristotle, is not founded on any essential difference of doctrine, but rather on a difference of method, so that the word esoteric was applied to works where the opinions of the philosopher were set forth in a manner to be understood by all intelligent readers, whether of his own school or strangers; and esoteric to those works where his opinions were thoroughly discussed, and in a scientific manner, and which, not being intelligible to every one, required to be explained by the master himself.
167. Tyrannion was a native of Amisus, whose lectures he attended (b. xii. c. iii. § 16). He is often quoted among the commentators of Homer. It was he also who gave copies of the works of Aristotle to Andronicus of Rhodes, for whom he made a catalogue of them.
168. Metrodorus was not only a fellow-countryman of Demetrius, who was one of the richest and most distinguished citizens of Scepsis, but also his contemporary and protegé. A small treatise of Metrodorus is cited, entitled πεοͅὶ ἀλειπτικῆς, which may mean on anointing with oil, or on oil used in the public exercises. It seems however very probable that the treatise on the Troad, ( τοͅωϊκὰ,) which Athenaeus attributes to another Metrodorus of Chios, was the work of this Metrodorus of Scepsis. The place of his birth, which was in the Troad, might have suggested, as it did to his patron, the idea of treating a subject liable to discussion, and to endeavour to throw light upon it by the words of Homer. Add to this that Strabo quotes also Metrodorus on the subject of the Amazons, whose history appears so closely connected with the Trojan war that all who have touched on the one, have also treated of the other. Pliny quotes also a Metrodorus on the subject of the serpents of the river Rhyndacus, near the Troad. It is also a question whether Metrodorus was one of those who occupied themselves with mnemonics, or the art of increasing and strengthening the memory. According to Plutarch, Metrodorus was the victim of Mithridates. Tigranes, who had placed the philosopher in his power, more from inadvertence than intentionally, so much regretted his death that he celebrated magnificent obsequies to his memory.
169. Gargara is the same town called above by Strabo Gargaris, unless he meant by the latter name the territory of Gargara, a distinction we find made below between Pedasa and Pedasis. The author of the Etymolo. gicum Magnum calls the place Gargarus, and informs us that the inhabitants abandoned it on account of the cold, it being situated on Mount Ida; that they founded a new town in the plain, and that the town abandoned afterwards received the name of Old Gargara.
The town called Lamponia by Strabo is called Lamponium by Hellanicus and Herodotus.
170. By the kings, we must probably understand the kings of Bithynra rather than the kings of Persia, as understood by Rambach (De Mileto ejusque colonize); for if we suppose that colonists are here meant who came to Gargara from Miletus after the destruction of this latter town by the Persians, how could Demetrius of Scepsis say of the Gargareans that, Eolians as they were, or instead of Aeolians they became semibarbarians? He ought at least to have said, that they became Ionians, for Miletus, a Greek city of Ionia, at the time of its destruction by the Persians, was far from being barbarous. But Miletopolis, although from its name and position in the territory of Cyzicus was probably, like Cyzicus, a colony of Miletus, yet might have been peopled with barbarians at the time Gargara received colonists. Mualitsh is the modern name of Miletopolis.
171. Il. x. 428.
172. Budrun, the birth-place of Herodotus.
173. Herod. i. 175; viii. 104.
174. Paitschin?
175. Eski-Hissar.
176. C. vii. § 49.
177. Il. i. 366.
178. Il. ii. 691.
179. Il. ii. 295.
180. Il. i. 439.
181. Il. i. 37.
182. Dikeh-koi.
183. For νησὶς Meineke reads γῆτις, a certain earth. Pliny, b. ii. c. 95 speaks of islands which are always floating; something of the kind occurs in volcanic lakes.
184. Ak-su or Bakir.
185. It is difficult to clear up this passage ἣν αιγα τινὲς ὀνομάζουσιν ὁμωνύμως τῷ ξώω δεῖ μακοͅῶς τὴν δευτὲραν συλλαβὴν ἐκφεοͅειν ̓αιγαν ὡς?̓ακταν καὶ?̓απχαν. There is no doubt that the first of these words in capitals, to be homonymous with goat, should be αἷγα, as is read in the old editions, and in many manuscripts, and not αἰγᾶ, αἰγὰ, or αἰγὰν, as in others. αὶ͂γα is the accusative of αϊξ (Aex,) a goat, which name Artemidorus actually gives to this promontory. But as our language has no termination of cases, the passage requires some explanation. If the Greeks desired to express in the nominative case the position of the promontory with respect to the island of Lesbos, they would say, according to Artemidorus, The cape Aex ( αϊξ) is in front of Lesbos; according to Strabo, The cape Aega ( αἰγᾶ) is in front of Lesbos. The first, Aex, signifies a goat, as Artemidorus intended; the second, Aega, in the Doric dialect (for Aege, αἰγῆ) means a goat’s skin. If they desired to employ the word in the accusative, they said, according to Artemidorus, We have doubled Cape Aega ( αῖγα); according to Strabo, We have doubled Cape Aegan ( αῖγα). The matter is clear thus far, but what follows, δεῖ δὲ μακοͅως * * * ὡς ἀκτᾶν καὶ ἀρχᾶν is difficult to explain. The two last words are Doric genitive plurals, the first for ἀκτῶν shores, the second for ἀρχῶν, beginnings; and yet one would expect to find examples of accusatives in the singular number, as ἀκτὰν and ἀοͅζὰν; the difference of accent is here of no importance, for the last syllables of these accusatives are long, as Strabo wishes to make the last syllable long of Aegan ( αἰγᾶν). If he had required examples agreeing with this last word in quantity, accent, and case, he might have cited sycan, ( συκᾶν, a fig-tree,) or some other word of this form. It might be supposed that ακτᾶν was here taken in the acceptation [ ἀκτέην, ἀκτῆν, and, in the Doric dialect, ἀκτᾶν]; but there still remains ἀοͅχᾶν, unless we change the word to ἀρχτᾶν a bear’s skin.— Coraÿ.
186. Od. xi. 521.
187. Eurypylus, son of Telephus, being invited by Priam to come to his assistance, answered that he could not do so without the permission of his mother, Astyoche. Priam by rich presents obtained from her this permission. There are other explanations equally uncertain. Bryant asserts that the Cetaei were pirates, and exacted young women as tribute from the people whom they attacked.