Plato Republic 10.615

ed. John Burnet

Republic. Plato. ed. John Burnet. Oxford. 1905.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The Annenberg CPB/Project.

Current edition Perseus

Πολιτεία (Greek) (Platonis Opera Tomus IV: Tetralogia VIII. Burnet, John, editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1905.)

Translations (1)
Republic Perseus (Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vol. 5-6. Shorey, Paul, translator. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1935-37 (printing).) — 10.615 focus

Commentary

Commentary on Plato, Republic (Plato. The Republic, Vol 1-2. Adam, James, editor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1902-1903.) focus

χιλιέτη . Cf. Virg. Aen. VI 748 ff. has omnes, ubi mille rotam volvere per annos | Lethaeum ad fluvium deus evocat agmine magno. There is little doubt that both Virgil and Plato took the period of 1000 years from some Orphic or Pythagorean source: see Dieterich l.c. pp. 116 ff. It will be observed that the thousand years do not, in the Republic, include the lifetime of the soul on earth, which Plato estimates at 100 years (615 B). In the Phaedrus on the other hand the entire interval from birth to birth is reckoned at 1000 years (249 A ff., compared with 248 D, E).

εὐπαθείας ‐‐ κάλλος suggests the beatific visions of the Phaedrus (247 A ff.).

πολλοῦ χρόνου : sc. ἐστί, as in Laws IV 708 D χρόνου πολλοῦ καὶ παγχάλεπον (Stallbaum). It is worse than needless to insert δεῖ (with Liebhold) after χρόνου.

ὅσα ‐‐ ἠδίκησαν . In Plato, as in Dante, doing wrong to others is the great sin.

τοῦτο δ’ εἶναι κτλ. ‘that is,’ said he, ‘once in every hundred years.’ τοῦτο δ’ εἶναι (‘namely’) explains ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου δεκάκις. This view is simpler and more idiomatic than (with Schneider) to make τοῦτο= τὸ δίκην δοῦναι ἐν μέρει ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου.

ὄντος τοσούτου . The same duration of human life is postulated also in Phaedr. 248 D ff., but retribution in that dialogue appears to be ἐννάκις, and not δεκάκις as here; cf. 256 E with 248 E. The number 100 is the square of the Pythagorean ‘perfect’ number 10, so that Pythagorean influence is doubtless at work again. See App. I to Book VIII p. 301, and cf. 614 B note It should also be remarked that the Greeks, like other races, had many stories to tell of the μακρόβιοι of early days, and the ‘Naturvölker’ of historic times were also credited with preternaturally long lives: see the evidence collected by Rohde Griech. Roman pp. 218, 236, 247 notes

πολλῶν . See cr. n. Par. D—followed here by Burnet—has πολλοῖς, “quod propter pluralem θανάτων ferri nequit” (Schneider). The passage quoted by J. and C. in defence of πολλοῖς from Laws IX 870 D τοὺς οὖν τούτων μηνυτὰς ἀναιροῦσι θανάτοις is not quite parallel.

πόλεις προδόντες κτλ. So in Virg. Aen. VI 620 vendidit hic auro patriam. Antiphon ( de Her. Caed. 10) names as the three chiefest sins τὸ ἀποκτείνειν καὶ τὸ ἱεροσυλεῖν καὶ τὸ προδιδόναι τὴν πόλιν. Cf. also Dieterich Nek. pp. 66 ff.

εἰς δουλείας ἐμβεβληκότες is parallel, as Schneider points out, to αἴτιοι and not to προδόντες.

καὶ αὖ ‐‐ κομίζοιντο . It is not at first sight clear whether this applies to those who have come ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, or to those who, though condemned on the whole account, have done some good actions in their lives, and occasionally shewn themselves just and pious. The latter view is supported by Phaed. 113 D ἐκεῖ (in Acheron) οἰκοῦσί τε καὶ καθαιρό‐ μενοι τῶν τε ἀδικημάτων διδόντες δίκας ἀπολύονται, εἴ τίς τι ἠδίκηκεν, τῶν τε εὐεργεσιῶν τιμὰς φέρονται κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἕκαστος, and is, I believe, what Plato means. Cf. 616 B note

εὐεργετηκότες . A few MSS, including q, have εὐηργετηκότες, which Rutherford ( New Phryn. p. 245) and the grammarians regard as the regular Attic form: but εὐεργέτηκεν is found on Inscriptions of the 4th Century B.C. See Meisterhans^{3} p. 172 and Kühner-Blass I 2. p. 33.

τῶν δὲ εὐθὺς κτλ. : ‘about those who died as soon as they were born, and those who had lived but a short time’ etc., lit. “about the ‘as-soon-as-they-wereborn’ and the ‘short-lived’ etc.” The εὐθὺς γενόμενοι and the ὀλίγον χρόνον βιοῦντες were probably two well-recognised categories of the ἄωροι (as to whom see Rohde Psyche^{2} II pp. 411 ff.): hence the article τῶν. Cf. Virg. Aen. VI 428 dulcis vitae exsortes, et ab ubere raptos. A limbus infantum appears to have been a feature of early Orphic pictures of the underworld (Dieterich Nek. p. 158). It is unwise to insert ἀποθανόντων (Ast, Stallbaum) or ἀπογενομένων (Herwerden, Baiter) after γενομένων, or to read <ἀπο>γενομένων (Cobet), for, as Schneider observes, “de mortuis hic agi in aperto est.” Schneider's own interpretation may be gathered from his note “nec nostrates, opinor offenderet von denen, die eben erst geboren gewesen etiam non addito als sie starben.” I agree with Stallbaum in doubting whether εὐθύς can have this meaning: and it is safer, I think, to understand εὐθὺς γενόμενοι in the ordinary way. Others think that only one category is intended, taking ὀλίγον χρόνον βιούντων as equivalent to ἀποθανόντων (Purves, and so also D. and V. “those whose death followed close upon their birth”). But καί cannot be so easily ignored.

εἰς δὲ θεοὺς κτλ. Cf. Xen. Mem. IV 4. 19 , 20 παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις πρῶτον νομίζεται τοὺς θεοὺς σέβειν. Οὐκοῦν καὶ γονέας τιμᾶν πανταχοῦ νομίζεται; Καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη, and Pind. Pyth. 6. 23—27 and other passages in Nägelsbach Nachhom. Theol. pp. 191 ff., 275 ff. The categories of sinners in the Phaedo (113 E—114 B) correspond very nearly to those mentioned here. Cf. Dieterich Nek. pp. 165 ff.

αὐτόχειρος φόνου . See cr. n. In common with most editors I have adopted αὐτόχειρος in place of αὐτόχειρας. The error was easy, and the change is slight. Schneider understands εἰς before αὐτόχειρας, in a different sense from that which it bears with θεούς and γονέας. “Contorta sane loci interpretatio,” says Stallbaum, rightly. αὐτόχειρ φόνος (cf. the ἀνδροφόνοι of the Phaedo l.c.) does not necessarily mean either ‘suicide’ or ‘the murder of near relations’ (D. and V.), but merely ‘slaying with one's own hand,’ ‘homicide.’ See Jebb on Soph. Ant. 55 .

Ἀρδιαῖος : a purely fictitious personage, no doubt, although verisimilitude is preserved by χιλιοστόν: cf. εἶναι δὲ τὴν πορείαν χιλιέτη 615 A.

οὐδ) ἂν ἥξει . ἄν with the future indicative is scarcely here ‘colloquial’ (as Goodwin holds, MT. p. 66), but has a solemn, half-tragic or poetical effect. There is the usual supply of emendations, such as οὐδ’ αὖ ἥξει (Madvig) οὐδ’ ἀνήξει (Herwerden), οὐδὲ μὴ ἥξει (Cobet), οὐδὲ δὴ ἥξει (Richards); but the idiom is sufficiently well established (see on VI 492 C), and, as Turner remarks, the variant ἥξοι (in Ξ and three other MSS) is itself also evidence in favour of ἄν.

σχεδόν τι ‐‐ τυράννους . Cf. Gorg. 525 D ο<*>μαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς εἶναι τούτων τῶν παραδειγμάτων ἐκ τυράννων καὶ βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν καὶ τὰ τῶν πόλεων πραξάντων γεγονότας.

ἦσαν δὲ καὶ κτλ. : not “erant vero etiam aliqui privati ex eorum numero, qui magna perpetraverant facinora” (Stallbaum), but “erant vero etiam nonnulli privati et quidem de genere magnorum peccatorum” (after Schneider). With ἦσαν cf. Phaed. 59 B ἦν δὲ καὶ Κτήσιππος and Prot. 315 A .

ἐμυκᾶτο . Cf. Arist. an. post. II 11. 94^{b} 32 βροντᾷ—ὡς οἱ Πυθαγόρειοί φασιν, ἀπειλῆς ἕνεκα τοῖς ἐν τῷ ταρτάρῳ, ὅπως φοβῶνται (quoted by Zeller^{5} I p. 451 note 3). See also Plut. de gen. Socr. 591 C. The remarks of Proclus on this part of the myth deserve quotation: πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα φρικώδεις μὲν ποιεῖ τὰς ποινὰς καὶ ἀπαραιτήτους, ἀνυπερβλήτους δὲ τὰς μοχθηρίας δείκνυσι τῶν κολαζομένων, εἴπερ καὶ τὰ ἄψυχα φωνὴν ἀφίησιν ἔμψυχον κατ’ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ κολάζοντα φάσματα δυσαντίβλεπτα καὶ τὰ δεσμωτήρια ἄφυκτα (l.c. p. 180).

ἀνιάτως ἐχόντων . Cf. Phaed. 113 E οἳ δ’ ἂν δόξωσιν ἀνιάτως ἔχειν διὰ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων κτλ. See on II 380 B.

ἄνδρες ‐‐ ἄγριοι κτλ. These are the prototypes of the κολάζοντες ἄγγελοι of later apocalyptic literature: see for example Petri Apoc. vv. 21, 23 (Dieterich Nek. pp. 4 and 60). Cf. also Euseb. Praep. Ev. XIII 13. 5.

ἔφη : sc. ὁ ἐρωτώμενος (supra D).

τοὺς μὲν ‐‐ ἦγον . διαλαβεῖν· παλαιστρικόν τι (Hesychius). The word is explained in Bekker Anecd. 36 as τὸ ἑκατέρωθέν τινος λαβέσθαι. Cf. Hdt. IV 68 διαλελαμμένος ἄγεται, I 114 al. Some malefactors they seized in this forcible way and marched off direct to Tartarus (see on 616 A): others, and among them Ardiaeus, they tortured first, and utilised as παραδείγματα (infra 616 A note). Schneider translates “die nehmen die einen und führten sie abseits,” understanding διαλαβεῖν as ‘take aside’: a usage for which the lexica rightly or wrongly quote Aesch. F. L. 41 διαλαμβάνων γὰρ ἕκαστον ἡμῶν ἐν μέρει. The variants ἰδίᾳ λαβόντες ( Ξ and some other MSS), ἰδίᾳ παραλαβόντες (Euseb. Praep. Ev. XIII 13. 5 and Clem. Strom. V 133 Migne) etc. point to a similar but not identical interpretation: cf. also Proclus l.c. p. 182. 6 ff. διαλαβόντες γὰρ ἄγουσιν οἳ μὲν ἄλλους, οἳ δὲ ἄλλους· τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ διαλαβεῖν, οἷον διανείμασθαι τὰς κολάσεις. But τοὺς μέν seems clearly to refer to some of the ἀνιάτως ἔχοντες, and none of this class is likely to have met with gentle treatment at the hands of the ἄνδρες διάπυροι. In Phaed. 113 E all the incurables are thrown εἰς τὸν Τάρταρον, ὅθεν οὔποτε ἐκβαίνουσιν. It may be noted that the reading διαλαβόντες is confirmed by Plutarch's imitation τοῦτον ἡ Δίκη διαλαβοῦσα ( de ser. num. vind. 565 A).