Plato Republic 6.494

Paul Shorey (Translator)

Republic. Plato. Paul Shorey (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1935-37.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The Annenberg CPB/Project.

Current edition Perseus

Republic (English) (Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vol. 5-6. Shorey, Paul, translator. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1935-37 (printing).)

Editions (1)
Πολιτεία Perseus (Platonis Opera Tomus IV: Tetralogia VIII. Burnet, John, editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1905.) — 6.494 focus

Notes on the current edition

Republic

1. A commonplace of Plato and all intellectual idealists. Cf. 503 B, Polit. 292 E, 297 B, 300 E. Novotny, Plato’s Epistles, p. 87, uses this to support his view that Plato had a secret doctrine. Adam quotes Gorg. 474 A
τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς οὐδὲ διαλέγομαι
, which is not quite relevant. Cf. Renan, Etudes d’histoire relig. p. 403
La philosophie sera toujours le fait d’une imperceptible minorité,
etc.
2. It is psychologically necessary. Cf. ibid, Vol. 1. on 473 E. Cf. 527 A, Laws 655 E, 658 E, 681 C, 687 C, Phaedr. 239 C, 271 B, Crito 49 D.
3. Cf. Gorg. 481 E, 510 D, 513 B.
4. In 487 A.
5. Cf. 386 A. In what follows Plato is probably thinking of Alcibiades. Alc. I, 103 A ff, imitates the passage. Cf. Xen. Mem. i. 2. 24.
6. For ὑποκείσονται Cf. Gorg. 510 C, 576 A
ὑποπεσόντες
Eurip. Orest. 670
ὑποτρέχειν
, Theaet. 173 A
ὑπελθεῖν
.
7. i.e. endeavoring to secure the advantage of it for themselves by winning his favor when he is still young and impressionable.
8. Cf. Alc. I. 104 B-C ff.
9. Cf. Alc. I. 105 B-C.
10. ὑψηλὸν ἐξαρεῖν, etc., seems to be a latent poetic quotation.
11. Or perhaps subject to these influences. Adam says it is while he is sinking into this condition.
12. Cf. Vol. I. on 476 E. Cf. 533 D, Protag. 333 E, Phaedo 83 A, Crat. 413 A, Theaet. 154. E.
13. Cf. Phaedo 66 C, Symp. 184 C, Euthydem. 282 B.
14. Cf. Epin. 990 A, Epist. vii. 330 A-B.
15. Cf. Alc. I. 135 E.
16. For πᾶν ἔργον cf. Sophocles, E. 615.
17. Cf. 517 E.

Commentary

Commentary on Plato, Republic (Plato. The Republic, Vol 1-2. Adam, James, editor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1902-1903.) focus

φιλόσοφον ‐‐ εἶναι . The theory of Ideas is not a democratic philosophy. With Plato's attitude here to οἱ πολλοί cf. Gorg. 474 A τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς οὐδὲ διαλέγομαι.

καὶ ‐‐ δή . Cf. 490 C note

ὡμολόγηται . See 486 C, 486 A, B: and cf. also 490 C.

παισίν . See cr. n. πᾶσιν is retained by Schneider, who takes it as masculine and ἅπασιν as neuter. Herwerden also approves of πᾶσιν: but εὐθὺς ἐν παισίν (which most of the editors adopt) gives the only correct antithesis to ἐπειδὰν πρεσβύτερος γίγνηται (‘when he is growing older’). α and αι are easily interchanged in ninth century MSS: see Introd. § 5.

φυῇ . Herwerden proposes φύσῃ προσφερές, comparing Soph. Ajax 1077 κἂν σῶμα γεννήσῃ μέγα, but no change is necessary, as Herwerden himself allows. For προσφερής, some inferior MSS have προσφερές, an easier, but less elegant and idiomatic reading. Schneider also points out that if Plato had written προσφερές, he ought to have added αὐτοῦ with τὸ σῶμα.

ὑποκείσονται =‘they will lie prostrate at his feet’ is the future perfect of ὑποπίπτω. ὑποπεσοῦνται, which Herwerden conjectures, would be less expressive, and denote an act, or series of acts, instead of a never-wearying attitude of supplication and adoration. They so to speak besiege his soul with flatteries and prayers.

ἐὰν τύχῃ κτλ. It has long been admitted that this picture is drawn chiefly from Alcibiades. In antiquity Plutarch seems to have suspected something of the sort, for he describes Alcibiades' degeneration in language adapted from the present passage ( Alc. 4. 1). But the personal touches must not blind us to the fact that Plato is portraying the type, although Alcibiades sits for the portrait.

πλούσιος ‐‐ μέγας describe Alcibiades exactly: cf. Alc. I 104 A, B, Thuc. VI 16 1—3, Isocr. περὶ ζεύγους 25 ff., Plut. Alc. 1. 4, 4. 1 and elsewhere. The Greeks thought tallness essential to beauty: see e.g. Arist. Eth. Nic. IV 7. 1123^{b} 7 and Pol. VII 4. 1326^{a} 33.

ἡγούμενον κτλ. Plutarch ( Alc. 17. 2, 3) declares that Alcibiades intended the Sicilian expedition to be a step towards an almost universal empire: Sicily was to be merely the ἐφόδια τοῦ πολέμου. Alcibiades says nearly as much himself in Thuc. VI 90. 2, with which compare 15. 2. Grote (VII p. 79) is inclined to deny that even Alcibiades dreamt of anything beyond the conquest of Sicily, but the ancient historians thought differently: cf. also Alc. II 141 B ff. Many of the Athenians, probably not without reason (though Plutarch l.c. 35. 1 leaves the point unsettled), suspected him of aiming at a τυραννίς (Thuc. VI 15. 4 and Isocr. περὶ ζεύγους 38).

ἐξαρεῖν κτλ. See cr. n. ἐξαρεῖν appears also in several MSS besides v. The present, though retained by Schneider, is very difficult after πληρωθήσεσθαι. For the interchange of αι and α cf. Introd. § 5. Alcibiades' φρόνημα was notorious: see for example Alc. I 104 A, Thuc. V 43. 2, VI 16 ff., Plut. Alc. 34. 6 and the highly characteristic anecdote in 23. 8. Plato's words appear to embody an extract from some tragic poet (probably Euripides), as may be inferred both from the rhythm ( σχηματισμοῦ—κενοῦ) and the language. ἄνευ νοῦ is declared by van Prinsterer, Cobet and others to be a gloss on κενοῦ. Possibly they are right; but (as Schneider remarks) ὅτι νοῦς οὐκ ἔνεστιν αὐτῷ is in favour of retaining the words, and they occur in all the MSS.

οὕτω διατιθεμένῳ : not “while he is in this frame of mind” (D. and V.), but ‘when he is sinking into this condition.’

ἐάν τις κτλ. As Socrates often did to Alcibiades: see VIII 560 D note and Symp. 215 D ff. “The two conversations with Alcibiades are an example of this” (Thomas Gray).

τὸ δέ is not here the idiomatic τὸ δέ (as in IV 443 C), but ‘hoc autem’ i.e. νοῦς (Stallbaum).

τὸ ξυγγενὲς κτλ. : i.e. the affinity of what is said with his nature, “weil die Reden mit ihm verwandt sind” (Schneider). D. and V.'s translation “an inborn taste for philosophic inquiry” is wrong.

εἷς has often been doubted; but Schneider's explanation is certainly right, that τῷ οὕτω διατιθεμένῳ is the individual typifying a class, and that εἷς denotes one of the class. The idiom is analogous to the plural after a typical or generic singular: see on I 374 A. The emendations proposed ( διαισθάνηται for εἷς αἰσθάνηται Stallbaum, εἰσαῦθις Richter, εἴσω Madvig, εἰσακούων or εἰσακούσας Richards) are not only superfluous, but indefensible in themselves. Plato hardly expects more than one such person to pause at all on his downward career. Here again we naturally think of Alcibiades, whose interviews with Socrates (according to Symp. 215 D ) profoundly impressed him for the moment, but failed to effect a permanent reform in the midst of so many temptations (ib. 216 B). Perhaps Socrates once hoped that Alcibiades would be his ‘scientific ruler,’ and bring back true prosperity to Athens. A tone of sorrow for the ‘lost leader’ seems to make itself felt in Plato's words.

τοὺς ἡγουμένους : i.q. οἳ ἡγοῦνται, whence the article, which Herwerden wrongly rejects. The voice should pause a little between ἐκείνους (which refers to 494 C) and τοὺς ἡγουμένους.

λέγοντάς τε κτλ. We should expect the future indicative, and on this ground the insertion of διατελεῖν has been proposed by Richards (Stephanus had previously desiderated διατελέσειν). So serious an alteration lacks every element of probability. Ast must be wrong in making λέγοντας etc. depend on οἰόμεθα. If the text is sound, we should supply πάντα δράσειν or the like after οὐ, and regard the participles as agreeing with the subject of δράσειν. (Schneider and J. and C. take nearly the same view). δράσειν is of course easy to understand, but it is less easy to dispense with πάντα. Could Plato have written οὐ <πᾶν>, πᾶν μὲν ἔργον κτλ.? Cf. IX 575 E and πᾶν ποιεῖν in Ap. 39 A and Gorg. 479 C . I prefer the anacoluthon.

τὸν πείθοντα . Such was Socrates, and he was brought to trial. Plato may well have thought of his master when he wrote δημοσίᾳ εἰς ἀγῶνας καθιστάντας. The most fatal count in the charge against Socrates was that he corrupted the youth ( Ap. 24 B ), and Alcibiades was held to be a case in point ( Xen. Mem. I 2. 12 ). Plato now turns the tables on the Athenian people. He says in effect ‘It was you who corrupted Alcibiades: and you impeached Socrates for trying to save him.’