φιλόσοφον ‐‐ εἶναι
. The theory of Ideas is not a democratic philosophy. With Plato's attitude here to
οἱ πολλοί cf.
Gorg. 474 A
τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς οὐδὲ διαλέγομαι.
καὶ ‐‐ δή
. Cf. 490 C note
ὡμολόγηται
. See 486 C, 486 A, B: and cf. also 490 C.
παισίν
. See cr. n.
πᾶσιν is retained by Schneider, who takes it as masculine and
ἅπασιν as neuter. Herwerden also approves of
πᾶσιν: but
εὐθὺς ἐν παισίν (which most of the editors adopt) gives the only correct antithesis to
ἐπειδὰν πρεσβύτερος γίγνηται (‘when he is growing older’).
α and
αι are easily interchanged in ninth century MSS: see
Introd. § 5.
φυῇ
. Herwerden proposes
φύσῃ προσφερές, comparing
Soph.
Ajax 1077
κἂν σῶμα γεννήσῃ μέγα, but no change is necessary, as Herwerden himself allows. For
προσφερής, some inferior MSS have
προσφερές, an easier, but less elegant and idiomatic reading. Schneider also points out that if Plato had written
προσφερές, he ought to have added
αὐτοῦ with
τὸ σῶμα.
ὑποκείσονται
=‘they will lie prostrate at his feet’ is the future perfect of
ὑποπίπτω. ὑποπεσοῦνται, which Herwerden conjectures, would be less expressive, and denote an act, or series of acts, instead of a never-wearying attitude of supplication and adoration. They so to speak besiege his soul with flatteries and prayers.
ἐὰν τύχῃ κτλ.
It has long been admitted that this picture is drawn chiefly from Alcibiades. In antiquity Plutarch seems to have suspected something of the sort, for he describes Alcibiades' degeneration in language adapted from the present passage (
Alc. 4. 1). But the personal touches must not blind us to the fact that Plato is portraying the type, although Alcibiades sits for the portrait.
πλούσιος ‐‐ μέγας
describe Alcibiades exactly: cf.
Alc. I 104 A, B, Thuc. VI 16 1—3, Isocr.
περὶ ζεύγους 25 ff., Plut.
Alc. 1. 4, 4. 1 and elsewhere. The Greeks thought tallness essential to beauty: see e.g. Arist.
Eth. Nic. IV 7. 1123^{b} 7 and
Pol. VII 4. 1326^{a} 33.
ἡγούμενον κτλ.
Plutarch (
Alc. 17. 2, 3) declares that Alcibiades intended the Sicilian expedition to be a step towards an almost universal empire: Sicily was to be merely the
ἐφόδια τοῦ πολέμου. Alcibiades says nearly as much himself in Thuc. VI 90. 2, with which compare 15. 2. Grote (VII p. 79) is inclined to deny that even Alcibiades dreamt of anything beyond the conquest of Sicily, but the ancient historians thought differently: cf. also
Alc. II 141 B ff. Many of the Athenians, probably not without reason (though Plutarch l.c. 35. 1 leaves the point unsettled), suspected him of aiming at a
τυραννίς (Thuc. VI 15. 4 and Isocr.
περὶ ζεύγους 38).
ἐξαρεῖν κτλ.
See cr. n.
ἐξαρεῖν appears also in several MSS besides
v. The present, though retained by Schneider, is very difficult after
πληρωθήσεσθαι. For the interchange of
αι and
α cf.
Introd. § 5. Alcibiades'
φρόνημα was notorious: see for example
Alc. I 104 A, Thuc. V 43. 2, VI 16 ff., Plut.
Alc. 34. 6 and the highly characteristic anecdote in 23. 8. Plato's words appear to embody an extract from some tragic poet (probably Euripides), as may be inferred both from the rhythm (
σχηματισμοῦ—κενοῦ) and the language.
ἄνευ νοῦ is declared by van Prinsterer, Cobet and others to be a gloss on
κενοῦ. Possibly they are right; but (as Schneider remarks)
ὅτι νοῦς οὐκ ἔνεστιν αὐτῷ is in favour of retaining the words, and they occur in all the MSS.
οὕτω διατιθεμένῳ
: not “while he is in this frame of mind” (D. and V.), but ‘when he is sinking into this condition.’
ἐάν τις κτλ.
As Socrates often did to Alcibiades: see VIII 560 D note and
Symp. 215 D
ff. “The two conversations with Alcibiades are an example of this” (Thomas Gray).
τὸ δέ
is not here the idiomatic
τὸ δέ (as in IV 443 C), but ‘hoc autem’ i.e.
νοῦς (Stallbaum).
τὸ ξυγγενὲς κτλ.
: i.e. the affinity of what is said with his nature, “weil die Reden mit ihm verwandt sind” (Schneider). D. and V.'s translation “an inborn taste for philosophic inquiry” is wrong.
εἷς
has often been doubted; but Schneider's explanation is certainly right, that
τῷ οὕτω διατιθεμένῳ is the individual typifying a class, and that
εἷς denotes
one of the class. The idiom is analogous to the plural after a typical or generic singular: see on I 374 A. The emendations proposed (
διαισθάνηται for
εἷς αἰσθάνηται Stallbaum,
εἰσαῦθις Richter,
εἴσω Madvig,
εἰσακούων or
εἰσακούσας Richards) are not only superfluous, but indefensible in themselves. Plato hardly expects more than one such person to pause at all on his downward career. Here again we naturally think of Alcibiades, whose interviews with Socrates (according to
Symp. 215 D
) profoundly impressed him for the moment, but failed to effect a permanent reform in the midst of so many temptations (ib. 216 B). Perhaps Socrates once hoped that Alcibiades would be his ‘scientific ruler,’ and bring back true prosperity to Athens. A tone of sorrow for the ‘lost leader’ seems to make itself felt in Plato's words.
τοὺς ἡγουμένους
: i.q.
οἳ ἡγοῦνται, whence the article, which Herwerden wrongly rejects. The voice should pause a little between
ἐκείνους (which refers to 494 C) and
τοὺς ἡγουμένους.
λέγοντάς τε κτλ.
We should expect the future indicative, and on this ground the insertion of
διατελεῖν has been proposed by Richards (Stephanus had previously desiderated
διατελέσειν). So serious an alteration lacks every element of probability. Ast must be wrong in making
λέγοντας etc. depend on
οἰόμεθα. If the text is sound, we should supply
πάντα δράσειν or the like after
οὐ, and regard the participles as agreeing with the subject of
δράσειν. (Schneider and J. and C. take nearly the same view).
δράσειν is of course easy to understand, but it is less easy to dispense with
πάντα. Could Plato have written
οὐ <πᾶν>, πᾶν μὲν ἔργον κτλ.? Cf. IX 575 E and
πᾶν ποιεῖν in
Ap. 39 A
and
Gorg. 479 C
. I prefer the anacoluthon.
τὸν πείθοντα
. Such was Socrates, and he was brought to trial. Plato may well have thought of his master when he wrote
δημοσίᾳ εἰς ἀγῶνας καθιστάντας. The most fatal count in the charge against Socrates was that he corrupted the youth (
Ap. 24 B
), and Alcibiades was held to be a case in point (
Xen.
Mem. I 2. 12
). Plato now turns the tables on the Athenian people. He says in effect ‘It was you who corrupted Alcibiades: and you impeached Socrates for trying to save him.’