Homer Iliad 4.517

ed. Robert Southey

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Iliad. Homer. ed. Robert Southey. London. 1847.

Sponsored by Tufts University.

Current edition Experimental

English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey) (OCR draft) (English) (English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey))

Provisional text from uncorrected OCR; expect errors.

Editions (1)
Ἰλιάς Perseus (Homer. Homeri Opera, Volumes 1-2. Monro, D. B. (David Binning), editor; Allen, Thomas W. (Thomas William), editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908-1920.) — 4.517 focus
Translations (8)
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad, Volume 1-2. Murray, A. T. (Augustus Taber), translator. London: William Heinmann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1924-1925.) — 4.517 focus
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad of Homer, rendered into English prose for the use of those who cannot read the original. Butler, Samuel, 1835-1902, translator. London: Longmans, Green, and Co, 1898.) — 4.446 focus
English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020)) — 4.517 focus
Then fate fell upon Diores, son of Amarynkeus, for he was struck by a jagged stone near the ankle of his right leg. He that hurled it was [520] Peiroös, son of Imbrasos, chief of the Thracians, who had come from Ainos; the bones and both the tendons were crushed by the pitiless stone. He fell to the ground on his back, and in his death throes stretched out his hands towards his comrades. [525] But Peiroös, who had wounded him, sprang on him and thrust a spear into his belly, so that his bowels came gushing out upon the ground, and darkness veiled his eyes. As he was leaving the body, Thoas of Aetolia struck him in the chest near the nipple, and the point fixed itself in his lungs. Thoas came close up to him, pulled [530] the spear out of his chest, and then drawing his sword, smote him in the middle of the belly so that he died; but he did not strip him of his armor, for his Thracian comrades, men who wear their hair in a tuft at the top of their heads, stood round the body and kept him off with their long spears for all his great stature and valor; [535] so he was driven back. Thus the two corpses lay stretched on earth near to one another, the one chief of the Thracians and the other of the bronze-armored Epeioi; and many another fell round them.
English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870)) — 4.517 focus
Diores, son of Amarynceus, then
Met his hard fate. The fragment of a rock
Was thrown by hand at his right leg, and struck
The ankle. Piroüs, son of Imbrasus, .
655
Who came from Æneus, leading to the war
His Thracian soldiers, flung it; and it crushed
Tendons and bones, and down the warrior fell
In dust, and toward his comrades stretched his hands,
And gasped for breath. But he who gave the wound,
660
Piroüs, came up and pierced him with his spear.
Forth gushed the entrails, and the eyes grew dark.
But Piroüs by Ætolian Thoas fell,
Who met him with his spear and pierced his breast
Above the pap. The brazen weapon stood
665
Fixed in the lungs. Then Thoas came and plucked
The massive spear away, and drew his sword,
And thrusting through him the sharp blade, he took
His life away. Yet could he not despoil
The slain man of his armor, for around
670
His comrades thronged, the Thracians, with their tufts
Of streaming hair, and, wielding their long spears,
Drove him away. And he, though huge of limb,
And valiant and renowned, was forced to yield
To numbers pressing on him, and withdrew.
675
Thus near each other stretched upon the ground
Piroüs, the leader of the Thracian band,
And he who led the Epeans, brazen-mailed
Diores, lay with many others slain.
Then could no man, who near at hand beheld
680
The battle of that day, see cause of blame
In aught, although, unwounded and unbruised
By weapons, Pallas led him by the hand
In safety through the midst, and turned aside
The violence of javelins; for that day
685
Saw many a Trojan slain, and many a Greek,
Stretched side by side upon the bloody field.
English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857)) — 4.517 focus
Then great Diores fell, by doom divine;
In vain his valour and illustrious line.
A broken rock the force of Pirus threw;
(Who from cold Ænus led the Thracian crew;)
600
Full on his ankle dropp'd the ponderous stone,
Burst the strong nerves, and crash'd the solid bone:
Supine he tumbles on the crimson sands,
Before his helpless friends, and native bands,
And spreads for aid his unavailing hands.
605
The foe rush'd furious as he pants for breath,
And through his navel drove the pointed death:
His gushing entrails smok'd upon the ground,
And the warm life came issuing from the wound.
English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843)) — 4.517 focus
English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857)) — 4.517 focus
English (F. W. Newman, 1856) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (F. W. Newman, 1856)) — 4 focus

Notes on the current edition

Iliad

1. ᾿Ακρόκομοι. They wore only a lock of hair on the crown of the head.

New Alexandria Commentaries

Douglas Frame

analysis of (ep)otrunō in its connections with menō

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example of laos as referring to one’s own in contexts where there is a contrast between “leader(s)” and those who “follow”

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analysis of Makhaon and Podaleirios as an example of a twin myth, and here, the distinction between their respective skills as healers

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example of laos as referring to one’s own in contexts where there is a contrast between “leader(s)” and those who “follow”

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citation of formulaic use of haloûsá te perthoménē te as example where halṓō means “to be seized” in Homer

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analysis of the names of Neleus’ sons in the Iliad and Hesiod

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analysis of Nestor’s association with noos

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occurrence of Ereuthalion in this line as anticipating Nestor’s story in I.07, which is an argument against taking the latter as the poet’s invention

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analysis of Nestor’s epithet in Homer and Gerenios as deriving from geras

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analysis of the foreshadowing of Diomedes’ role in the second segment of the poem

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analysis of the correspondences between Iliad and Solon frr. regarding Athena’s protection (of Athens/Diomedes…)

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analysis of the foreshadowing of Diomedes’ role in the second segment of the poem

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analysis of how alive the meaning of the name Agelaos was based on the collocation of agein with laos

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example of laos as referring to one’s own in contexts where there is a contrast between “leader(s)” and those who “follow”

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example of laos as referring to one’s own in contexts where there is a contrast between “leader(s)” and those who “follow”

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analysis of methiemi and its applications to Menelaus

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Gregory Nagy

The Trojan War is being fought here as if for the very first time. There is a sense of novelty at first in contemplating all the violent woundings and deaths yet to follow. Of special interest is all the beautiful detail lavished on the wounding of Menelaos: it is as if his bleeding wound here could be pictured as the original trauma of the Trojan War.

draft js image errorImage: The healer Makhaon attends to the wounded Menelaos. Engraving by Francesco Nenci for an edition of the Iliad published in 1838.

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A deeper meaning of the noun dais is revealed here in the wording of Zeus, who says that his bōmos ‘altar’—which is ‘mine’, he adds—has never lacked an equitable dais or ‘portion’ of sacrificial meat whenever Priam and the people of Troy sacrificed to him. This wording reveals that a dais is not only a ‘feast’ but also a sacrifice to the gods. See the comment on I.01.423–425. The division of meat on the occasion of a dais necessarily concerns immortals as well as mortals, and the epithet isē ‘equitable’ referring to the dais or ‘division of portions’ here concerns primarily the god Zeus himself. It looks as if the word dais can evoke a primordial time when immortals and mortals once actually feasted together at one table, as it were.

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reference to Reeve’s contention that Aristarchus’ use of perissós could have rested on documentary evidence (Reeve 1972.250). These three lines are examples of athetesis that rests on documentary evidence

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The collocation ērare tektōn (ἤραρε τέκτων) ‘the joiner joined together’ is relevant to the etymologies of both the verb and the noun here, which are respectively ar-ar-iskein ‘fit together, join together’ and tektōn ‘carpenter, joiner’. Although the Indo-European verb-root from which tektōn is derived, tek(s)-, is no longer attested in Greek, it does in fact survive in Latin as texō*, which can refer to the craft of woodworking, not only the craft of weaving. Correspondingly, although there is no Greek attestation of an abstract noun ar-ti- derived from the verb-root of ar-ar-iskein, such a noun does in fact survive in Latin as ars, artis* ‘craft’.

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Epitome from Nagy 2015§85. When the hero Pandaros makes his announcement-in-prayer, as expressed by the verb eukhesthai, I.04.119, he says that he will perform an animal sacrifice, I.04.120, in hopes that Apollo, the god to whom he is praying, will grant him what he is wishing for, which is a safe homecoming, I.04.121. But the wish—and therefore the prayer—is a failure, since Pandaros will soon be killed on the battlefield, I.05.290-296. To paraphrase in cognate Latin terms: the vōtum as an ‘announcement-in-prayer’ is a failure here because the same vōtum as a ‘wish-in-prayer’ is not fulfilled: the hero Pandaros will never return home safe and sound.

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discussion of elliptic plural, with here the example of toxa as ‘bow and arrows’

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The epithet Dios thugatēr / thugatēr Dios ‘daughter of Zeus’, applied here to Athena, can signal the beneficence of such goddesses toward privileged heroes like, in this case, Menelaos.

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The syntax here conveys a wish for a general situation based on a specific situation.

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The epithet applied to the hair of Menelaos, xanthos/xanthē ‘golden’, is a marker of the hero’s future immortalization.

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The plural toxa here and at I.04.206 is elliptic: whereas singular toxon as at I.04.124 means ‘bow’, plural toxa as at I.04.196 and I.04.206 means not ‘bow+bow+bow+bow…’ but rather, elliptically, ‘bow+arrow+arrow+arrow…’. In other words, toxa means ‘bow and arrows’.

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What is penthos ‘grief’ for the Achaeans becomes a kleos ‘glory’ for the Trojans. We see here a clear example of penthos ‘grief’ as a synonym of akhos ‘grief’ in Homeric diction. In the present context, the underlying sense of pain conveyed by penthos ‘grief’ is not only individual, made real by the wounding of the hero Menelaos: it is also collective, since the pain of Menelaos becomes a pain felt by all the Achaeans, who now find themselves on the losing side of the battle because they have lost Menelaos as leader—at least, they have lost him for the moment. The healing of the pain will be up to the warrior-physician Makhaon, son of the ultimate physician Asklepios.

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example of vestigial traces of -˘˘-˘˘-˘/--˘˘-˘˘-- (where / means that the ˘ before it and the - after it should be on top of each other, meaning that syllable could be either long or short)

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This is the first Iliadic occurrence of the noun therapōn in the singular; at I.01.321, this noun occurs in the dual; at I.02.110, it occurs in the plural. Besides the surface meaning, ‘attendant’, we can see here some traces of the deeper meaning, ‘ritual substitute’. In Iliadic battle scenes, a chariot driver sometimes “takes the hit,” as it were, for the chariot fighter who ordinarily rides with him on the platform of the war chariot. In “taking the hit,” the chariot driver could die for the chariot fighter, and, in this role, the chariot driver is sometimes described as a therapōn of the chariot fighter. Thus the chariot driver becomes the ‘ritual substitute’ as well as ‘attendant’ of the chariot fighter. Also relevant is the word hēni-okhos ‘chariot driver’, the first occurrence of which in the Iliad is at I.05.231. See Nagy 2015.05.01, 2015.05.08, 2015.05.15, 2015.05.20. Such is the relationship between Achilles as chariot fighter and Patroklos as his premier chariot driver and therapōn in the dual sense of ‘ritual substitute’ and ‘attendant’: see H24H 6§§24–42. In the present context, we see that the hero Eurymedon, named at I.04.228, is described at I.04.227 as the therapōn of Agamemnon. Eurymedon is at this moment taking care of the horse team and chariot of Agamemnon while the king leaves him behind and goes off ‘on foot’, pezos, at I.04.231, in order to harangue the troops. Evidently, Eurymedon is pictured here as the chariot driver of Agamemnon, who is of course the chariot fighter and who has just stepped off his chariot. Potentially, then, Eurymedon as therapōn of Agamemnon is also his ritual substitute. The name Eurymedon recurs at I.08.114, where he is paired with Sthenelos, the chariot driver of Diomedes: the two of them are seen in the act of taking the disabled chariot and horse team of Nestor back to a zone of safety, I.08.116–117. In the act of taking care of Nestor’s horse team, both Sthenelos and Eurymedon are described at I.08.113—and already at I.08.109—as theraponte, which is of course therapōn in the dual. Evidently, Eurymedon is visualized as the therapōn ‘attendant’ of Nestor already at I.08.113, and the context there shows that he is also the designated chariot driver of Nestor: see the comment on Ι.08.076–117. Later on, at I.11.620, Eurymedon is explicitly called the therapōn of Nestor, functioning as the ‘attendant’ of the old hero: at this moment, Eurymedon is taking care of the horse team of Patroklos, who has just driven his chariot to the headquarters of Nestor as the old hero’s guest, I.11.618–622.

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The verb neikeîn ‘quarrel with’ here again marks the language of blame as opposed to the language of praise.

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The objects of blame here are those who hesitate in battle, described as elenkhees, plural of the adjective elenkhēs ‘disgraceful’, which is a derivative of the noun elenkhos ‘disgrace’, on which see also I.02.235.

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The expression of admiration here is amplified by way of a wish. And the admiration is the premise for the wish. For more on this kind of correlation of wishes and premises, see the comment on I.18.464–466. I now offer a working translation of I.04.313–314: ‘Aged sir, if only it could be that, just as surely as the spirit [thūmos] within your chest is steadfast, | so also your knees would keep up with the pace, and that your force [biē] would be steadfast [empedos] as well’ (ὦ γέρον, εἴθ’, ὡς θυμὸς ἐvὶ στήθεσσι φίλοισιν, | ὥς τοι γούνατ’ ἕποιτο, βίη δέ τοι ἔμπεδος εἴη).

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Menestheus, as the leader of the Athenians who came to fight at Troy, is stationed here next to Odysseus and Agamemnon. On the significance of such proximity, see the comment on I.12.331–337.

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Agamemnon starts quarreling with Diomedes, as signaled by neikeîn ‘quarrel with’ at I.04.368. The over-king’s language of blame here is meant to diminish the epic reputation of Diomedes and his chariot-driver Sthenelos, who were prominent heroes in the Theban Wars epic tradition of the past before they became heroes also in the Trojan Wars epic tradition of the present. Diomedes and Sthenelos were main characters in the epic tradition known as the Sons of the Seven against Thebes, or Epigonoi, while their fathers Tydeus and Kapaneus were the main characters in the earlier epic tradition known as the Seven against Thebes. In terms of the blame directed at Diomedes and Sthenelos by Agamemnon, the fathers must have been better than the sons. But the rejoinder of Sthenelos at I.04.404–410 make an opposite claim: the sons were really better than the fathers, since they succeeded in capturing Thebes, whereas the fathers failed. These epic themes are comparable to the Hesiodic reference at Works and Days 156–173 to both the Theban and the Trojan Wars: here too, the burning question is whether a given generation of heroes in the present is superior or inferior to the immediately preceding generation of heroes in the past.

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The periphrasis of the name Eteokléēs here as bíē Eteoklēeíē is comparable to the periphrasis of the name Hērakléēs as biē Hēraklēeíē. See the comment on I.02.658. The element kleos in these names of Hēraklēs and Eteoklēs signals an epic theme, so that the names Hērakléēs and Eteokléēs are simultaneously treated as the epics belonging to Hēraklēs and Eteoklēs.

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This verse indicates that the goddess Athena can be responsible for the nīkē ‘victory’ of a hero in an athletic event, not only in events of warfare. In most Homeric situations, however, it is Zeus who is primarily responsible for heroic victory.

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The idea of mulling one’s kholos ‘anger’, where a more literal translation of pessein would be ‘cooking’ or ‘digesting’ the anger, is a theme that marks the epic traditions about not only Achilles but also Meleagros, who is presented as a model for Achilles at I.09.550–605. The same expression about mulling one’s kholos ‘anger’ appears in the story about Meleagros, I.09.565.

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Leonard Muellner

analysis of the variant prologue to the Iliad connecting the mēnis of Achilles and of Apollo and the parallels in its diction to this line

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in a list of examples of eukhesthai + infinitive, analysis of the fixed doublet passages, the only doublets with sacral eukhesthai (this one and I.04.119ff.) [MRBTP: 'ff']

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the one formulaic expression for Apollo that begins with a consonant, in the context of analyzing eukhesthai with personal pronouns rather than names of divinities [MRBTP: 'ff']

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comparison with I.05.654, I.11.445, I.16.625, in the context of analyzing eukhos and kudos

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comment on the relationship between ‘coming home’ and ‘escaping death’

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the one formulaic expression for Apollo that begins with a consonant, in the context of analyzing eukhesthai with personal pronouns rather than names of divinities [MRBTP: 'ff']

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comment on the relationship between ‘coming home’ and ‘escaping death’ [MRBTP: 'ff']

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comparison with I.05.654, I.11.445, I.16.625, in the context of analyzing eukhos and kudos

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in a list of examples of eukhesthai + infinitive, analysis of the fixed doublet passages, the only doublets with sacral eukhesthai (this one and I.04.101ff.) [MRBTP: 'ff']

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analysis of the names of Neleus’ sons in the Iliad and Hesiod

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in a list of examples of eukhesthai einai + comparative/superlative (regarding physical prowess, physical beauty, prestige)

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in the context of analyzing the usage and meaning of atasthaliai

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analysis of eukhesthai in its concrete sense ‘say a prayer’ with the adverb megala, in the context of postulating ‘say (in a functionally marked context)’ as antecedent of ‘pray’ (eukhesthai in sacral contexts)

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as exemplifying the pressure of the variation aesthetic that generates new combinations of formulas and causes preservation of old or creation of new phrases, in the context of analyzing the two instances of hōs ephat’ eukhomenos not concluding prayers but boasts

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Richard Martin

The poet introduces Agamemnon's speech to Menestheus and Odysseus in the troop-rousing scene as "winged words" (4.337). The speech employs the interrogative form—"Why do you stand off cowering and wait for the rest?" (4.337-40)—but its directive force is amplified by the next words: "It is fitting for you two to stand with the front-lines and confront burning battle" (4.341-42), a statement that is just as "directive" in function although it too lacks the linguistic form of an imperative.

Odysseus responds to the speech by labeling it with a formulaic line (4.350): "Atreus' son, what sort of epos has escaped the fence of your teeth?" Yet at 4.357 the poet says "he took back the muthos." Rather than being a flaw in the system, this co-occurrence is the key to Homeric usage of speech terms: epea can be a periphrastic expression for muthos, but not vice versa (Martin 1993:29).

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Book 4 of the poem is a good place to begin observing the poetics of flyting. The key lines for identifying this activity as part of the authoritative speech of muthos are 4.356-57: "Smiling at him Agamemnon addressed him, as he knew of his anger, and took back the muthos." The speech thus referred to on its retraction had been labeled at 4.336 with the verb neikessen. This co-occurrence confirms that each speech Agamemnon makes in the episode is an instantiation of muthos discourse. Twice, further (4.337, 4.369), the introduction to Agamemnon's speeches couples the verb neikō with the formula "he spoke winged words," also a regular introduction to directives—further confirmation that flyting speeches represent a form of muthos (Martin 1993:68-69).

Not only is the diction of the speech introductions standardized; Agamemnon's rhetorical tacks also follow a pattern. He begins his three neikos speeches (as distinct from his "gentle words" to Idomeneus, the Ajaxes, and Nestor at 4.256, 285, and 313) with questions: "Argives, disgraces, are you not ashamed?" (4.242); "Why do you stand off shrinking in fear?" (4.340); "Why do you cower, why do you steal glances at the banks of war?" (4.371). Next, he compares his addressees to scared animals. His general rebuke to the Argives pictures them as fawns halted by fear (4.243-45); to Odysseus and Diomedes he uses the verb kataptōssō (4.340, 4.371), related to the word for "rabbit." The final strategy relies on privileging another place, implying that the addressee occupies a position of no importance: to the Argives, engagement in battle is contrasted with waiting by the ships; Odysseus and Menestheus are told they prefer the dais to battle (4.343-46); Diomedes is provoked by mention of his father Tydeus' exploits at Thebes (Martin 1993:69-70).

It is not coincidental that Agamemnon selects Odysseus and Diomedes as targets: these two heroes pose the greatest threat, next to Achilles, in their verbal abilities. Odysseus deftly parries the accusation of laxness with a rhetorical question, then shifts to speak of the future: "You will see the father of Telemakhos mixing in the front lines" (4.354). Finally, he criticizes Agamemnon's style of speech: "You are talking idly" (anemōlia bazeis, 4.355). Agamemnon's response certifies that Odysseus defeated him verbally: he takes back the neikos speech, denying that he was even attempting to blame Odysseus (4.359), and adopts Odysseus' own poetic formulation to waft away his previous speech: "May the gods make all these things like the winds" (metamōnia—cf. anemōlia earlier, both from the noun anemos, "wind") (Martin 1993:70-71).

If Odysseus resists Agamemnon by clever riposte, Diomedes' strategy is cunning silence. Agamemnon has baited a trap: "Such was Tydeus. But the son he begat is worse in war—better in speaking" (4.399-400). Under these terms, were Diomedes to attempt an Odyssean reply, he would simply affirm the accusation that he is a better talker than fighter. The "silent" answer works because it constitutes an ambiguous sign. The rules of the flyting genre allow of two interpretations: silence can be read as incompetence in the genre of insults, or as a strategic aloofness asserting social superiority over the abuser. Diomedes knows the rules well enough to rebuke his companion Sthenelos, who has tried to counteract Agamemnon's insults (4.404-10): by directing his reply to Sthenelos and getting him to consent to a muthos of command (4.412), Diomedes acknowledges that he knows the ambiguous import of his silence in the duel (Martin 1993:71).

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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