Homer Iliad 3.421

ed. Robert Southey

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Iliad. Homer. ed. Robert Southey. London. 1847.

Sponsored by Tufts University.

Current edition Experimental

English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey) (OCR draft) (English) (English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey))

Provisional text from uncorrected OCR; expect errors.

Editions (1)
Ἰλιάς Perseus (Homer. Homeri Opera, Volumes 1-2. Monro, D. B. (David Binning), editor; Allen, Thomas W. (Thomas William), editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908-1920.) — 3.421 focus
Translations (8)
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad, Volume 1-2. Murray, A. T. (Augustus Taber), translator. London: William Heinmann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1924-1925.) — 3.421 focus
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad of Homer, rendered into English prose for the use of those who cannot read the original. Butler, Samuel, 1835-1902, translator. London: Longmans, Green, and Co, 1898.) — 3.418 focus
English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020)) — 3.421 focus
When they came to the house of Alexandros the maid-servants set about their work, but Helen went into her own room, and the laughter-loving goddess [425] took a seat and set it for her facing Alexandros. Then Helen, daughter of aegis-bearing Zeus, sat down, and with eyes askance began to upbraid her husband.
English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870)) — 3.421 focus
When now they stood beneath the sumptuous roof
Of Alexander, straightway did the maids
Turn to their wonted tasks, while she went up,
Fairest of women, to her chamber. There
520
The laughing Venus brought and placed a seat
Right opposite to Paris. Helen sat,
Daughter of ægis-bearing Jove, with eyes
Averted, and reproached her husband thus:-
"Com'st thou from battle? Rather would that thou
525
Hadst perished by the mighty hand of him
Who was my husband. It was once, I know,
Thy boast that thou wert more than peer in strength
And power of hand, and practice with the spear,
To warlike Menelaus. Go then now,
530
Defy him to the combat once again.
And yet I counsel thee to stand aloof,
Nor rashly seek a combat, hand to hand,
With fair-haired Menelaus, lest perchance
He smite thee with his spear and thou be slain."
535
Then Paris answered: "Woman, chide me not
Thus harshly. True it is, that, with the aid
Of Pallas, Menelaus hath obtained
The victory; but I may vanquish him
In turn, for we have also gods with us.
540
Give we the hour to dalliance; never yet
Have I so strongly proved the power of love, —
Not even when I bore thee from thy home
In pleasant Lacedæmon, traversing
The deep in my good ships, and in the isle
545
Of Cranaë made thee mine, - such glow of love
Possesses me, and sweetness of desire."
He spake, and to the couch went up; his wife
Followed, and that fair couch received them both.
Meantime Atrides, like a beast of prey,
550
Went fiercely ranging through the crowd in search
Of godlike Alexander. None of all
The Trojans, or of their renowned allies,
Could point him out to Menelaus, loved
Of Mars; and had they known his lurking-place
555
They would not for his sake have kept him hid,
For like black death they hated him. There stood
Among them Agamemnon, king of men,
And spake: "Ye Trojans and Achaians, hear,
And ye allies. The victory belongs
560
To warlike Menelaus. Ye will then
Restore the Argive Helen and her wealth,
And pay the fitting fine, which shall remain
A memory to men in future times."
Thus spake the son of Atreus, and the rest
565
Of the Achaian host approved his words.
English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857)) — 3.421 focus
Arriv'd, and enter'd at the palace gate,
525
The maids officious round their mistress wait:
Then all, dispersing, various tasks attend;
The queen and goddess to the prince ascend.
Full in her Paris' sight the queen of love
Had plac'd the beauteous progeny of Jove;
530
Where, as he view'd her charms, she turn'd away
Her glowing eyes, and thus began to say:
English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843)) — 3.421 focus
English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857)) — 3.421 focus
English (F. W. Newman, 1856) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (F. W. Newman, 1856)) — 3 focus

New Alexandria Commentaries

Douglas Frame

analysis of the suggestion of Helen’s earlier abduction, otherwise not told, in the Iliad

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analysis of Hector and Polydamas as treated as virtual twins in the Iliad, though not actually even brothers (as this line about Polydamas’ father shows)

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analysis of the Sun’s apparent endowment with an all-embracing consciousness. Compare to Xenophanes frag.20 (Diehl)

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epithet of Castor as “horse-breaking” to distinguish him from Polydeuces and parallels from Indic and the IE twin myth

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epithets of Castor and Polydeuces and how they are distinguished from one another

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brief analysis of the Dioscuri, who as a combination of immortal and mortal elements, experience an alternation between life and death

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analysis of Castor and Polydeuces as represented in the Iliad (as dead heroes)

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Gregory Nagy

The Master Narrator of the Homeric Iliad is looking here at Helen for the very first time—or, to say it more accurately, as if for the very first time. Just as Rhapsody 2 needed a new Catalogue of Ships—or, again to say it more accurately—a renewed Catalogue, so also Rhapsody 3 needs a new look at Helen. It seems as if the Trojan War is happening all over again, starting from the very beginning. The old grievances of Menelaos about the abduction of Helen by Paris can now be renewed and even relived, becoming fresh new grievances as the estranged husband and the new lover proceed to engage in mortal combat. But this one-on-one struggle over life and death will soon modulate into a renewal of all-out war between the Achaeans and the Trojans.

draft js image errorMenelaos pulling Paris by the helmet. Detail of Roman sarcophagus of Aurelia Botania Demetria (2nd c. CE); Antalya Archaeological Museum. Photo via Wikimedia Commons.

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The Trojan War is eris ‘strife’. See also eris ‘strife’ at Pindar Paean 6.50–53. That is how this war is seen in the words of Menelaos the Achaean, who claims a juridical grievance on the part of the Achaeans against the Trojans. In terms of the thinking revealed by these words, the beginning of the strife was the abduction of Helen, wife of Menelaos the Achaean, by Paris the Trojan. Accentuating the idea that this juridical grievance of Menelaos was an affair of state is the reference to Paris here by way of his princely name, Alexandros. In royal Hittite correspondences where the Hittite king speaks to and about the king of Ahhiyawa—which is the Hittite way of referring to the land of the Achaeans—we find occasional references to a princely figure by the name of Alaksandu, which is the Hittite pronunciation of Alexandros (Nagy 2015.07.22§25). By contrast, the name Paris is on the surface merely a shepherd’s name (on the symbolism, however, of the shepherd as a king-in-the-making, see Nagy 2009:309). In any case, the eris or ‘strife’ between the Achaeans and the Trojans was caused by ‘my strife’— according to Menelaos the Achaean. To say it more precisely in his words, the Trojan War was ‘because of my strife’ (εἵνεκ’ ἐμῆς ἔριδος). Correspondingly, the arkhē or ‘beginning’ of the strife as begun by Paris=Alexandros was ‘his beginning’ of that strife. To say it again more precisely in the words of Menelaos, the beginning of the Trojan War was ‘because of the beginning on the part of Paris=Alexandros’ (Ἀλεξάνδρου ἕνεκ’ ἀρχῆς). Here it is important to compare what was narrated in the Cypria, which as an epic belonging to a set of epics known as the epic Cycle. On the epic Cycle, see the inventory of Words and Ideas. In the Cypria of the epic Cycle as also in the Iliad, the Trojan War is likewise seen as eris ‘strife’. As we read in the plot-summary of the Cypria in Proclus 102.13–19 (ed. Allen 1912), it all began at a feast celebrating the marriage of Thetis and Peleus—a marriage that led to the conception of Achilles himself. It was the Will of Zeus that Eris ‘Strife’ personified would bring about a neikos ‘quarrel’ among the gods that would ultimately result in the Trojan War (Proclus 102.14/15 on Eris/neikos). As we see further in the plot-summary of the Cypria, Proclus 102.14–19, the Eris/neikos extends to the figure of Paris, who has to choose from among Hērā, Athena, and Aphrodite, Cypria/Proclus 102.14–19. This Judgment of Paris is recapitulated at I.24.025–030: the fact that Paris chose Aphrodite means that he aimed negative words at Hērā and Athena, as expressed by the verb neikeîn ‘quarrel with’ at I.24.029 (νείκεσσε), while he aimed positive words at Aphrodite, as expressed by the verb aineîn ‘praise’ at I.24.030 (ᾔνησ᾽). These verbs aineîn ‘praise’ and neikeîn ‘quarrel with’ express both the social and the poetic significance of praise and blame respectively.

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Helen is seen here at I.03.125–128 for the first time in the Iliad. She is shown in the act of pattern-weaving. Instead of singing while weaving, she weaves her song into the web that she pattern-weaves. See also the comment on I.22.440–441, where comparable wording shows Andromache weaving a web of her own. In the case of Helen at I.03.125–128 here, the song that she weaves into her web is about the aethloi (āthloi) ‘ordeals’ of war suffered by Trojans and Achaeans alike—a war they suffered all because of her. The song of the Trojan War is the song of the Iliad—and it is Helen’s song. Purple is the dominant color of Helen’s web, matching the blood of war that stains her song. There also exists, however, a variant epithet for the web that Helen weaves at I.03.126: this diplax ‘pattern-woven fabric that folds in two’ is described in some medieval manuscript versions as porphureē ‘purple’ but in others as marmareē ‘gleaming’. For more on this variant marmareē ‘gleaming’, see the comment on I.22.440-441 on the web of Andromache.

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This word en-passein ‘sprinkle’ conveys a metaphor for the process of pattern-weaving. See further at I.22.441.

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See anchor comment at I.12.188.

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By referring to the will of the gods in general instead of the Will of Zeus in particular, Priam avoids saying directly that the abduction of Helen is part of the overarching plot of the Homeric Iliad.

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Kastōr and Poludeukēs, latinized as Castor and Pollux, are the Divine Twins, sons of Zeus. Another name for them is Dioskouroi ‘sons of Zeus’. Kastōr and Poludeukēs are also mentioned at O.11.300. The wording of I.03.237 and of O.11.300 is cognate with the wording we find a fragment of Stesichorus: see PH 458. On the etymology of Poludeúkēs, I epitomize from PasP 51. The noun Poludeúkēs as a name is straightforwardly related to the adjective poludeukḗs, in that the recessive accent of the name is typical of the naming function, as we see from such morphologically related formations as Poluneíkēs ‘having many quarrels [es-stem neîkos]’ or ‘having quarrels in many different ways’ (or ‘many times’). In the mythological functions of the divine figure Poludeúkēs, the idea of continuity, conveyed by the root deuk-, seems as evident as that of variety, since the Divine Twins are models of consistency, perseverance, reliability (as in Homeric Hymn 33). In an astrological sense, we could say that Poludeúkēs, in the role of Morning Star, is ‘repeating many times’, the symbol of many happy returns. On the Divine Twins as alternating Morning Star / Evening Star, I offer an analysis in GMP 258–259. And the repetition can be visualized as a cyclical one—a pattern of eternal return. There is a striking semantic and morphological parallel in poluderkḗs ‘seeing in many different ways’ (or ‘many times’), epithet of the dawn-goddess Ēōs in Hesiod (Theogony* 451).

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The noun aiskhos ‘disgrace, shame’ is used here as a synonym of the noun oneidos ‘words of insult’.

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The epithet xanthos ‘golden’ (with reference to hair) is a stylized signal of a mystical immortalization after death for mortal heroes in Homeric poetry. In the case of Menelaos, his immortalization is prophesied at Ο.04.561–569.

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The epithet Dios thugatēr / thugatēr Dios ‘daughter of Zeus’, applied here to Aphrodite, can signal the beneficence of such goddesses toward privileged heroes like, in this case, Paris=Alexandros. In general, this epithet is applied to the following goddesses: Aphrodite, as here at I.03.374, also at I.05.131 and I.05.312; Athena at I.02.548 and I.04.128 and I.04.515; Artemis at O.20.061; Persephone at O.11.217; Ate at I.19.091; the Muses at I.02.491–492 (plural) and O.01.010 (singular); finally, Helen at O.04.227 (see the comment there). This epithet Dios thugatēr / thugatēr Dios ‘daughter of Zeus’ is cognate with Vedic Sanskrit divás duhitár- (/ duhitár- divás) ‘daughter of the sky[-god]’, epithet of Uṣas-, goddess of the dawn, whose name actually means ‘dawn’. The Greek divinities Ēōs and Helios—Ēōs means ‘Dawn’ and Hēlios means ‘Sun’—are comparable to (and cognate with) the Indic divinities Uṣas- ‘Dawn’ and Sūrya- ‘Sun’. In Homeric diction, however, Ēōs the goddess of the dawn is never described by the epithet thugatēr Dios ‘daughter of Zeus’, and this fact corresponds to another fact: Homeric tradition preserves no myth about Ēōs as a daughter of Zeus. Ēōs is conventionally described as rhododaktulos ‘rosy-fingered’, an epithet that has the same metrical shape as thugatēr Dios, uu–uu. For more on rhododaktulos as an epithet for Ēōs the goddess of the dawn, see the comment at O.12.1–010 on Ōkeanos.

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Leonard Muellner

analysis of the meaning of diakridon, and the disengagement of armies (as in this line) as an example of it

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analysis of the meaning of diakridon, and the disengagement of armies (as in this line) as an example of it

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variant reading at this verse (porphureē/marmareē)

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analysis of grieving as social and here of goos as the product of himeros, which is also sexual desire associated with Aphrodite and philotēs

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analysis of eukhesthai in its concrete sense ‘say a prayer’ with the adverb megala, in the context of postulating ‘say (in a functionally marked context)’ as antecedent of ‘pray’ (eukhesthai in sacral contexts)

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analysis of the only two prayers addressed to more than one god (this and I.03.298ff.), in the context of analyzing the transformation of formula (A) – sacral – to (B) – secular – specifically with reference to pluralization of responders [MRBTP: 'ff']

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in a list of examples of eukhesthai + dative

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analysis of the only two prayers addressed to more than one god (this and I.03.276ff.), in the context of analyzing the transformation of formula (A) – sacral – to (B) – secular – specifically with reference to pluralization of responders [MRBTP: 'ff']

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in a list of examples of directly quoted prayers not concluded by formula (A)

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analysis of the development of Greek posis compared with Vedic pati-

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switch from Dii patri to Dii t’alloisin te theoisin attested with a variation of the || (short OR two shorts) euxamenos Dii patri # formula which uses epeukhesthai instead of eukhesthai, in the context of analyzing Allen’s text at I.08.526 vs. Zenodotus’s version of the verse

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analysis of eukhos and kudos, here regarding their occurring in identical contexts

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analysis of the development of Greek posis compared with Vedic pati-

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example of the hand as a regular metonym of the warrior’s destructive force, biē

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Richard Martin

During the teikhoskopia, Antenor associates the word muthos with well-made plans (mēdea) (3.212-17). The passage shows a clear correspondence between the adjectives polumuthos and polumētis, "with much clever intelligence": mētis, in turn, bears a close relation to mēdea in Greek. Muthos is correlated elsewhere in the poem with words for counsel (boulē) and intellect (noēma) (Martin 1993:15).

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Antenor's description of Odysseus' rhetoric mentions voice (opa) and words (epea) in the same breath, and vividly compares the latter with winter snowflakes (3.221-22): the image is that of a powerful, silent natural phenomenon itself composed of single powerless parts (Martin 1993:17).

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Hektor's direct insults to his brother Paris at 3.38-57 deploy every flyting device. Paris' response is described as a muthos (3.76 and 3.87), and his proposal to stage a duel produces a temporary harmony within Trojan ranks, as it opens the possibility of ending the larger neikos of the war. Yet Paris' muthos, set in the context of a fraternal dispute, still bears the marks of flyting discourse. It includes a strong prohibitive—"Do not bring up against me the lovely gifts of Aphrodite"—which is the rhetorical equivalent of a denial of responsibility. Another mark is the comparison of Hektor's heart and mind to a woodsman's unwearied axe (3.61-64). In Homer's diction, the adjective ateirēs either describes a bronze weapon or a voice raised in rough encouragement mixed with rebuke; Hektor has used the same rare word (katēpheiē, 3.51) in his flyting speech. Paris' retort, "your heart is like an 'unwearied' axe," thus registers Hektor's tone of voice while also suggesting that Hektor requires flyting language as compensation for lack of power in arms. Paris' manipulation of poetic simile is a dexterous face-saving performance that proves to be an accurate prediction of Hektor's ultimate dilemma (Martin 1993:74-75).

For the broader analysis of flyting as a muthos genre, see the comment on Iliad 4.336-421.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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The speeches that Homer gives his characters further the narrative strategy of ranking heroic worth, as can be seen in the teikhoskopia in Book 3, a device designed to turn the narrator's exposition of mundane fact into a dramatically persuasive scene. At the same time, the speeches embody an assumption, often overlooked: that heroes themselves can evaluate one another's "style," particularly in the act of speaking. Along with characterizing Agamemnon and the others in terms of physique and prowess, this scene serves to show us speech styles, through the reminiscences of Antenor. The details he notices when recalling an earlier visit to Troy by Menelaos and Odysseus relate specifically to the "performance" of muthoi (3.212-23): "But when they wove speeches (muthoi) and plans for all... Menelaos discoursed in running fashion, speaking little, but very clearly (ligeōs), since he is not much with words (polumuthos) nor one to cast words about (apharmatoepēs)... But when Odysseus much with wiles got up, he'd stand, he'd look down fixing his eyes on the ground... keeping still, looking like a witless man. Yet when he let the great voice out of his chest, and the words (epea), like winter flakes of snow, that is when no other mortal could contend with Odysseus" (Martin 1993:95-96).

Antenor assumes that there is a code of behavior for speakers in such situations, a set of performance conventions: one should move the scepter to make a point, for instance. Odysseus employs an unconventional strategy for capturing his audience, a style that plays off the shared knowledge of conventions, and thereby foregrounds his rhetorical act. By creatively modifying traditional material, Odysseus brings about a memorable performance. He creates a contrast between his appearance and the reality of his oratorical power; he characterizes himself by a muthos, the perfect vehicle for self-presentation. Such stylistic awareness is a cultural, and not just a "sophisticated," poetic process (Martin 1993:96).

The heroes' concern with speech style springs from the need to differentiate oneself and establish status, an imperative found in ethnographic descriptions of competitive cultures. That the status of a person is rated before the hero's speech emerges from Diomedes' remark, after giving his genealogy in full, that the Achaeans cannot now devalue his performance (muthon atimēsaite, 14.127) by calling him strengthless and ignoble. Speech style, status, and ranking must be taken as related manifestations of the workings of the all-important concept of timē (Martin 1993:97-98).

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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Homer pictures the Trojan elders as spectators to the action, rather than participants; this emerges later in the famous scene on the wall, where they are described as "stopped by old age from warring, but fine public speakers (agorētai), like cicadas" (3.150-51). Their style is not more harshly judged only because the Trojan elders are innocuous. By heroic standards, it is certainly as distasteful as Thersites' style. Those who perform earn the right to talk, because deeds enacted automatically offer a defense against blame (Martin 1993:110-11).

For the broader analysis of Thersites as the negative foil and the performance value of akritomuthos, see the comment on Iliad 2.211-243.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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