Homer Iliad 2.109

ed. Robert Southey

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Iliad. Homer. ed. Robert Southey. London. 1847.

Sponsored by Tufts University.

Current edition Experimental

English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey) (OCR draft) (English) (English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey))

Provisional text from uncorrected OCR; expect errors.

Editions (1)
Ἰλιάς Perseus (Homer. Homeri Opera, Volumes 1-2. Monro, D. B. (David Binning), editor; Allen, Thomas W. (Thomas William), editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908-1920.) — 2.109 focus
Translations (8)
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad, Volume 1-2. Murray, A. T. (Augustus Taber), translator. London: William Heinmann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1924-1925.) — 2.109 focus
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad of Homer, rendered into English prose for the use of those who cannot read the original. Butler, Samuel, 1835-1902, translator. London: Longmans, Green, and Co, 1898.) — 2.120 focus
English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020)) — 2.109 focus
Leaning, then, on his scepter, he addressed the Argives.
English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870)) — 2.109 focus
English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857)) — 2.109 focus
On this bright sceptre now the king reclin'd,
And artful thus pronounced the speech design'd;
'Ye sons of Mars! partake your leader's care,
'Heroes of Greece, and brothers of the war!
140
'Of partial Jove with justice I complain,
'And heavenly oracles believ'd in vain.
'A safe return was promis'd to our toils, 1
'Renown'd, triumphant, and enrich'd with spoils.
'Now shameful flight alone can save the host,
145
'Our blood, our treasure, and our glory lost.
'So Jove decrees, resistless lord of all!
'At whose command whole empires rise or fall:
'He shakes the feeble props of human trust,
'And towns and armies humbles to the dust.
150
'What shame to Greece a fruitless war to wage,
'Oh lasting shame in every future age!
'Once great in arms, the common scorn we grow,
'Repuls'd and baffled by a feeble foe.
'So small their number, that, if wars were ceas'd,
155
'And Greece triumphant held a general feast,
'All rank'd by tens; whole decades, when they dine,
'Must want a Trojan slave to pour the wine.
'But other forces have our hopes o'erthrown,
'And Troy prevails by armies not her own.
160
'Now nine long years of mighty Jove are run,
'Since first the labours of this war begun;
'Our cordage torn, decay'd our vessels lie,
'And scarce ensure the wretched power to fly.
'Haste then, for ever leave the Trojan wall!
165
'Our weeping wives, our tender children call;
'Love, duty, safety, summon us away,
''Tis nature's voice, and nature we obey.
'Our shatter'd barks may yet transport us o'er,
'Safe and inglorious, to our native shore.
170
'Fly, Grecians, fly! your sails and oars employ,
'And dream no more of heaven-defended Troy.' 2
English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843)) — 2.109 focus
English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857)) — 2.109 focus
English (F. W. Newman, 1856) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (F. W. Newman, 1856)) — 2 focus

Notes on the current edition

Iliad

1. Mercury.
2. Argus.

New Alexandria Commentaries

Douglas Frame

commentary on the dream sent by Zeus to Agamemnon in the form of Nestor

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contrast between Nestor who affirms the positive sign from Zeus regarding the Achaeans return and Agamemnon who denies it

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comment on the formulaic language of Zeus’ promising and nodding in assent in response to prayer (of returning from Troy)

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in the context of interpreting Menelaos as “he who incites the warfolk”; example of laos as referring to one’s own even with ōlese

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commentary on Odysseus’ restraining and Nestor’s inciting the Achaeans, corresponding to the contrast between them on their nostos (as the mortal and immortal twins, respectively)

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commentary on Odysseus’ restraining and Nestor’s inciting the Achaeans, corresponding to the contrast between them on their nostos (as the mortal and immortal twins, respectively)

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Gregory Nagy

The False Dream that is sent by Zeus to the sleeping Agamemnon is a false Will of Zeus. Whereas the true Will of Zeus is the real plot or narrative arc of the Iliad, as noted in the comments on I.01.005 and on I.01.558–559, the false Will of Zeus is a false plot for the epic, since the eventual victory of the Achaeans over the Trojans in the tenth year of the Trojan War will not be quick and easy and painless but prolonged and difficult and painful. In the real plot of the Iliad, the Achaeans will suffer a new pain: they will find themselves on the losing side of the Trojan War while the Trojans will now be on the winning side. This temporary reversal in the tenth year of the Trojan War goes back to the moment when Agamemnon damages the tīmē ‘honor’ of Achilles. Because this damage was tolerated by the Achaeans, they will suffer—and keep on suffering—the akhos ‘grief’ of being on the losing side until the fire of Hector finally reaches the ships of the Achaeans at the climax of the Battle for the Ships. By way of this reversal, through the Will of Zeus, Achilles will recover the tīmē or ‘honor’ that he had lost. At I.02.003-004, Zeus is shown in the act of planning this reversal: it is the Will of Zeus that he will give tīmē ‘honor’ to Achilles, and this honor, it is said here, will require the destruction of many warriors at the Battle for the Ships. Such destruction will be a source of great grief for the Achaeans. For them, victory at Troy will now become a most prolonged and difficult and painful goal to achieve. Such is the real plot of the Iliad, whereas the false plot that tells of a quick and easy and painless victory is only a dream. Nevertheless, the dream of this false plot is still a part of the real plot, since the Will of Zeus subsumes the false plot. The dream, then, is a subplot. After all, it is the boulē ‘will’ of Zeus to send the dream at I.02.005, and this boulē is here described as the ‘best’ boulē in the sense of a ‘best plan’ for now. The plan of Zeus here is a subplot that is the best of all possible subplots because it is part of the overarching plot of the Iliad, a master epic that subsumes all of its various subplots.

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The narrative of Rhapsody 2 now follows up on the dire consequences of the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon as narrated in Rhapsody 1. Achilles has already withdrawn from the war because of his anger. So, now that this greatest hero of the Achaeans is out of the picture, what will happen next? How will the absence of Achilles affect the story of the Trojan War? Many new doubts and fears set in, and the resolve of the Achaeans is harshly tested. There is negative talk, and there are omens. Thus the story of the Trojan War, as told and retold countless times in the distant past, must now be retold yet again, and Rhapsody 2 will set the terms for the retelling still to come. For setting the terms, Rhapsody 2 will need a new Catalogue of Ships, now happening in the tenth year of the war, as a replacement for any old Catalogue that would have logically happened already in the first year. This new Catalogue is of course not really new: rather, it is the oldest possible Catalogue that is now being renewed for the newest possible retelling of the Trojan War, reconsidered in the glaring light of the grim consequences facing the Achaeans now that Achilles has withdrawn from the war. With these consequences in view, the Catalogue will reassess all the Achaean heroes involved in the Trojan War. Of special interest will be the role of Protesilaos, who had been the first Achaean to die in the war, as a model for Achilles. As the Master Narrator notes most ruefully, Protesilaos is now terribly missed by his fellow warriors. So too will Achilles be missed.

draft js image errorOn the reverse side of the coin: Inscription: ΘΗΒΑΙΩΝ. Pictured: the Greek hero Protesilaos, the first Achaean to step on Trojan soil and, according to the myth, the first to die in the Trojan War. The myth is retold in Iliad 2.695–709.

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The False Dream, personified, is instructed by Zeus to tell Agamemnon that the victory of the Achaeans over the Trojans will be quick and easy and painless, since the goddess Hērā at a council of the divinities has supposedly persuaded the other gods to acquiesce to such a victory. The instructions of Zeus as formulated at I.02.011–015 are carried out by the False Dream, who delivers the formulation to the sleeping Agamemnon at I.02.028–032. Later on, at I.02.065-069, Agamemnon retells this formulation. I note that Zeus does not instruct the False Dream to say that these instructions are the Will of Zeus, though the wording of the False Dream implies it. The implication happens in an additional verse that follows the False Dream’s formulation as the messenger of Zeus at I.02.028–032. In this additional verse, at I.02.033, the False Dream says that the ultimate doom of the Trojans will be caused by Zeus. And the same addition is made in the retelling of Agamemnon, at I.02.070 following I.02.065–69. But there is no such corresponding addition after the verses containing the original formulation of Zeus at I.02.011–015. In any case, what results from the formulation delivered by the False Dream as messenger of Zeus is that Agamemnon will misunderstand what the god really wants. Agamemnon will think that victory over the Trojans will now be quick and easy and painless. But Zeus plans instead just the opposite: in order to restore the tīmē ‘honor’ of Achilles, Zeus will make sure that the struggles awaiting the Achaeans will be prolonged and difficult and painful, so that the Achaeans will now be on the losing side until the fire of Hector finally reaches the ships of the Achaeans at the Battle for the Ships. Likewise in the “micro-Iliad” of O.8.072–083, which is the First Song of Demodokos, Agamemnon misunderstands the Will of Zeus, not knowing what pains the god is planning to inflict on the Achaeans as well as the Trojans.

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reference to Hintenlang’s discussion of issues of interpretation (Hintenlang 1961.76n1)

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The False Dream, personified, describes himself here as the Dios angelos ‘messenger of Zeus’. Later on, at I.02.063, Agamemnon himself describes the personified False Dream as the Dios angelos ‘messenger of Zeus’. Still later on, at I.02.93, the False Dream will be equated with Ossa, personification of an ossa ‘oracular voice’. And this personified Ossa is then described at I.02.94 as Dios angelos ‘messenger of Zeus’.

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The False Dream tells Agamemnon that he will capture Troy ‘now’. It is a promise of instant gratification.

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These verses describe most accurately how Agamemnon, dreaming his False Dream, misunderstands the Will of Zeus. As we read at I.02.036 here, Agamemnon is thinking things that will definitely not ‘come to fulfillment’, teleîsthai, through the will of the god. As we read further at I.02.037, Agamemnon thinks that he will now capture Troy in just one day, in accordance with the Will of Zeus. Of course he is wrong to think this, as we read still further at I.02.038–040, since Zeus is now planning to inflict many more algea ‘pains’ in battle not only for the Trojans but also, more pertinently, for the Achaeans. The Trojan War is about to be prolonged for the Achaeans, causing them much more hardship and pain.

  • Here and elsewhere, I cite verbs via the infinitive, not via the indicative first person singular.
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When Agamemnon wakes up from dreaming the False Dream, he experiences the sensation of an omphē ‘oracular voice’ that has just now been poured all over him. This idea of omphē as an ‘oracular voice’ (the word is cognate with English song) is picked up by the word ossa ‘oracular voice’ at I.02.093, which refers there to the personified False Dream who had announced himself as the Dios angelos ‘messenger’ of Zeus to the sleeping Agamemnon at I.02.026. In the context of Theognis 1.808 and elsewhere, omphē refers to the oracular voice of the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi. Such contexts show that omphē in the sense of ‘oracular voice’ is relevant to the misunderstanding experienced by Agamemnon in Iliad 2. Just as Agamemnon misunderstands the oracular voice that is mediated by the False Dream, so also he misunderstands the oracular voice of the god Apollo himself in the First Song of Demodokos O.08.072–083. At verses 77–78 of that “micro-Iliad,” it is said that Agamemnon was happy to see Odysseus and Achilles quarelling; at verses 79–83, it is said that such a quarrel was predicted by the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi to Agamemnon when this over-king went there for an oracular consultation. And at verses 81–82 it is said that this quarrel was really a sign that foretold a great pēma ‘pain’ that was about to befall the Achaeans as well as the Trojans in the Trojan War.

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The skēptron ‘scepter’ that is held by Agamemnon is described as golden, and gold is the symbol for the artificial continuum of immortality as expressed by the epithet aphthito- in the sense of ‘imperishable, unwilting’. But this scepter was originally wooden and then covered over in gold; and wood is a symbol for the natural discontinuity of mortal life as expressed by the verb phthinesthai in the sense of ‘wilt’. This aspect of the skēptron ‘scepter’ as a symbol for the natural discontinuity of mortal life is highlighted by the Oath of Achilles at I.01.233–246.

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The False Dream, personified, announces himself to the sleeping Agamemnon, describing himself as the Dios angelos ‘messenger of Zeus’.

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Countering the claim of Achilles to be the ‘best of the Achaeans’, Agamemnon here lays claim to the same title, and the verb for expressing such a claim is eukhesthai ‘claim’.

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This expression needs to be added to the cumulative evidence showing that a person who holds a skēptron ‘scepter’ speaks with the authority of a king—an authority emanating from Zeus.

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In this verse, I.02.094, the epithet Dios angelos ‘messenger of Zeus’ applies to the noun ossa ‘oracular voice’ as found in the previous verse, I.02.093.

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In the Homeric Iliad, the hero Pelops figures as an archetype of political power. The sequence of kings in the Peloponnesus is limited to the dynastic lineage starting with Pelops.

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This is the second occurrence of the noun therapōn in the Iliad; the plural form here is therapontes. The surface meaning of therapōn in Homeric diction is ‘attendant’, and a fitting example is the word’s first occurrence in the Iliad, at I.01.321; the deeper meaning, however, is ‘ritual substitute’. In contexts where the plural therapontes in combination with Arēos ‘of Ares’ is applied to the Achaeans=Danaans=Argives (at I.02.110, to the Danaans) as a grouping of warriors, the deeper meaning is more evident than in other contexts. When a warrior is killed in war, he becomes a therapōn or ‘ritual substitute’ who dies for Ares by becoming identical to the war god at the moment of death; then, after death, the warrior is eligible to become a cult hero who serves as a sacralized ‘attendant’ of the war god in contexts of hero cult.

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The words of this challenge directed against the over-king Agamemnon by Sthenelos, chariot driver of Diomedes, recall the epic traditions of the Epigonoi = Sons-of-the-Seven-against-Thebes. Since Sthenelos figures as a character in two epic traditions, both the Iliadic and the Epigonic, his wording here can be seen as a cross-reference from the Iliadic tradition to the Epigonic. The cross-reference sets up a rivalry between the two epic traditions: the question is, are the Epigonoi as heroic characters superior to the heroic characters of the Iliad?

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analysis of the coexistence of the Attic and the Koine usage in this verse and the claim that ‘Homer’ was capable of both

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Leonard Muellner

Achilles’ prayer specifically entailing that Trojans should prevail until they reach the ships of the Achaeans

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argument for the contextual unity of eukhesthai einai + comparative/superlative expressions regarding superiority in age on the one hand and prestige, physical prowess and physical beauty on the other (secular contexts)

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in a list of examples of eukhesthai einai + comparative/superlative (secular contexts)

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evidence for counting in arithmetic systems that lack a zero as indistinguishable from grouping

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Richard Martin

The three mediated commands of Zeus called muthoi occur at crucial moments in the Iliad's first half, all relating directly to the promise Zeus made to Thetis. The first, in Book 2, takes the form of a message from Dream telling Agamemnon to arm for battle (2.7-15). Zeus specifies the exact destination, the speed of arming, and an explanation (note the triple gar of 2.12-14). This message is marked as a directive by the formula "winged words" and by the word Zeus uses to send the message, "I order" (2.10). When Zeus speaks here with what seems greatest accuracy, he is in fact contradicting what the audience knows from the previous scene—complete discord among the gods. Zeus speaks ironically in saying that Hera "bent" all the gods to her will (epegnampsen hapantas, 2.14), since this rare verb had described Hera's own fearful submission to Zeus at 1.569 (Martin 1993:51-52).

Dream then becomes creative on his own, modifying the message to persuade Agamemnon by his impersonation of Nestor. Dream's persuasive disguise restrains the self-regarding elder hero from dismissing the message entirely. Zeus' authority has been deconstructed within the first few lines of Book 2 when Homer demonstrates that muthos speech does not require truth so much as an effective representation (Martin 1993:52).

For the ideal of muthos commands as demonstrated by Zeus, see the comment on Iliad 8.5-27.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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