Homer Iliad 19.114

ed. George Chapman

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Iliad. Homer. ed. George Chapman. London. 1887.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Current edition Experimental

English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857) (OCR draft) (English) (English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857))

Provisional text from uncorrected OCR; expect errors.

Editions (1)
Ἰλιάς Perseus (Homer. Homeri Opera, Volumes 1-2. Monro, D. B. (David Binning), editor; Allen, Thomas W. (Thomas William), editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908-1920.) — 19.114 focus
Ἥρη δʼ ἀΐξασα λίπεν ῥίον Οὐλύμποιο,
καρπαλίμως δʼ ἵκετʼ Ἄργος Ἀχαιικόν, ἔνθʼ ἄρα ᾔδη
115
ἰφθίμην ἄλοχον Σθενέλου Περσηϊάδαο.
ἣ δʼ ἐκύει φίλον υἱόν, ὃ δʼ ἕβδομος ἑστήκει μείς·
ἐκ δʼ ἄγαγε πρὸ φόως δὲ καὶ ἠλιτόμηνον ἐόντα,
Ἀλκμήνης δʼ ἀπέπαυσε τόκον, σχέθε δʼ Εἰλειθυίας.
αὐτὴ δʼ ἀγγελέουσα Δία Κρονίωνα προσηύδα·
120
Ζεῦ πάτερ ἀργικέραυνε ἔπος τί τοι ἐν φρεσὶ θήσω·
ἤδη ἀνὴρ γέγονʼ ἐσθλὸς ὃς Ἀργείοισιν ἀνάξει
Εὐρυσθεὺς Σθενέλοιο πάϊς Περσηϊάδαο
σὸν γένος· οὔ οἱ ἀεικὲς ἀνασσέμεν Ἀργείοισιν.
ὣς φάτο, τὸν δʼ ἄχος ὀξὺ κατὰ φρένα τύψε βαθεῖαν·
125
αὐτίκα δʼ εἷλʼ Ἄτην κεφαλῆς λιπαροπλοκάμοιο
χωόμενος φρεσὶν ᾗσι, καὶ ὤμοσε καρτερὸν ὅρκον
μή ποτʼ ἐς Οὔλυμπόν τε καὶ οὐρανὸν ἀστερόεντα
αὖτις ἐλεύσεσθαι Ἄτην, ἣ πάντας ἀᾶται.
ὣς εἰπὼν ἔρριψεν ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ ἀστερόεντος
130
χειρὶ περιστρέψας· τάχα δʼ ἵκετο ἔργʼ ἀνθρώπων.
τὴν αἰεὶ στενάχεσχʼ ὅθʼ ἑὸν φίλον υἱὸν ὁρῷτο
ἔργον ἀεικὲς ἔχοντα ὑπʼ Εὐρυσθῆος ἀέθλων.
ὣς καὶ ἐγών, ὅτε δʼ αὖτε μέγας κορυθαίολος Ἕκτωρ
Ἀργείους ὀλέκεσκεν ἐπὶ πρυμνῇσι νέεσσιν,
135
οὐ δυνάμην λελαθέσθʼ Ἄτης ᾗ πρῶτον ἀάσθην.
ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ ἀασάμην καί μευ φρένας ἐξέλετο Ζεύς,
ἂψ ἐθέλω ἀρέσαι, δόμεναί τʼ ἀπερείσιʼ ἄποινα·
ἀλλʼ ὄρσευ πόλεμον δὲ καὶ ἄλλους ὄρνυθι λαούς.
δῶρα δʼ ἐγὼν ὅδε πάντα παρασχέμεν ὅσσά τοι ἐλθὼν
140
χθιζὸς ἐνὶ κλισίῃσιν ὑπέσχετο δῖος Ὀδυσσεύς.
εἰ δʼ ἐθέλεις, ἐπίμεινον ἐπειγόμενός περ Ἄρηος,
δῶρα δέ τοι θεράποντες ἐμῆς παρὰ νηὸς ἑλόντες
οἴσουσʼ, ὄφρα ἴδηαι ὅ τοι μενοεικέα δώσω.
Translations (8)
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad, Volume 1-2. Murray, A. T. (Augustus Taber), translator. London: William Heinmann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1924-1925.) — 19.114 focus
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad of Homer, rendered into English prose for the use of those who cannot read the original. Butler, Samuel, 1835-1902, translator. London: Longmans, Green, and Co, 1898.) — 19.125 focus
English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020)) — 19.114 focus
Meanwhile, Hērā sped off, leaving the ridges of Olympus behind, [115] and swiftly she reached Achaean Argos. She knew that she would find there 116 the strong wife of Sthenelos son of Perseus. 117 She was pregnant with a dear son, and she was in her sixth month. 118 And she brought him forth into the light, even though he was still premature in his months. 119 Meanwhile she put a pause on the time of delivery for Alkmene, holding back the divine powers of labor, the Eileithuiai. [120] And then she herself went to tell the news to Zeus the son of Kronos, saying: 121 ‘Zeus the father, you with the gleaming thunderbolt, I will put a word into your thoughts: 122 there has just been born a man, a noble one, who will be king over the Argives. 123 He is Eurystheus son of Sthenelos son of Perseus. 124 He is from your line of ancestry, and it is not unseemly for him to be king over the Argives.’
English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870)) — 19.114 focus
English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857)) — 19.114 focus
‘The joyful goddess, from Olympus' height,
‘Swift to Achaian Argos bent her flight;
‘Scarce seven moons gone, lay Sthenelus's wife;
115
‘She push'd her lingering infant into life: 1
‘Her charms Alcmena's coming labours stay,
‘And stop the babe just issuing to the day.
‘Then bids Saturnius bear his oath in mind;
‘"A youth," (said she,) "of Jove's immortal kind
120
"Is this day born: from Sthenelus he springs,
"And claims thy promise to be king of kings."
‘Grief seiz'd the Thunderer, by his oath engaged;
‘Stung to the soul, he sorrow'd and he raged.
‘From his ambrosial head, where perch'd she sat,
125
‘He snatch'd the fury-goddess of debate,
‘The dread, th' irrevocable oath he swore,
‘Th' immortal seats should ne'er behold her more;
‘And whirl'd her headlong down, for ever driven
‘From bright Olympus and the starry heaven:
130
‘Thence on the nether world the Fury fell;
‘Ordain'd with man's contentious race to dwell.
‘Full oft the god his son's hard toils bemoan'd,
‘Curs'd the dire Fury, and in secret groan'd.
‘E'en thus, like Jove himself, was I misled,
135
‘While raging Hector heap'd our camps with dead.
‘What can the errors of my rage atone?
‘My martial troops, my treasures, are thy own:
‘This instant from the navy shall be sent
‘Whate'er Ulysses promised at thy tent;
140
‘But thou! appeas'd, propitious to our prayer,
‘Resume thy arms, and shine again in war.’
English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843)) — 19.114 focus
English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey)) — 19.114 focus
English (F. W. Newman, 1856) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (F. W. Newman, 1856)) — 19 focus

New Alexandria Commentaries

Douglas Frame

comment on the collocation ornuthi laous (as in this verse) and the name Orsilaos in the context of analyzing the meaning of Menelaos

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Gregory Nagy

The time has come for Achilles to re-enter the war against the Trojans. For this to happen, Agamemnon must first settle with Achilles. But the over-king feels the need to say more than simply to formulate his proposed terms of settlement. His aim is to excuse himself from responsibility for dishonoring Achilles, and the story that he tells in order to achieve this aim is a retelling of a cosmic atē ‘aberration’ that resulted in the Labors of Hēraklēs. Such a retelling, however, is destined to backfire: it will result in further damage to Agamemnon’s own royal status and in further advancement for the heroic prestige of Achilles, for whom Hēraklēs now becomes a perfect model.

draft js image errorHerakles at the tree of the Hesperides, holding three of the golden apples in his left hand. Behind him is the apple tree with the guardian serpent clinging around it. Bronze, 104.5cm (Roman, 1st century C.E.). Image via The British Museum.

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In seeking to settle his quarrel with Achilles, Agamemnon claims that he was not aitios ‘responsible’, I.19.086. Rather it was atē ‘aberration’ or ‘derangement’ that made him ‘act deranged’, aâsthai, I.19.091. This word aâsthai, which can be translated more literally as ‘veer off-course’, functions here as the verb for the noun atē, which can be translated correspondingly as ‘veering off-course’. In what follows, I can even translate the noun atē simply as ‘mistake’ and the verb aâsthai as ‘making a mistake’. In the verses that are being covered in this general comment, here are the occurrences of aâsthai in the sense of ‘make a mistake’ and functioning as the verb that matches the noun atē: I.19.091, I.19.095, I.19.113, I.19.129, I.19.136, I.19.137. In juridical terms, atē can refer either to a mistake that you made or to the damages that you have to pay to remedy that mistake. The mistake is the cause of the damages, and the damages are the effect of the mistake. And, since atē can refer either to the cause or to the effect of the mistake, it can be personified as a malevolent goddess Atē who presides over the whole process of cause-and-effect. That is why Agamemnon can say that I am not aitios ‘responsible’, but Zeus and his entire divine apparatus are responsible, since they inflicted on me the goddess Atē. In effect, the goddess Atē made me do it. In the verses that are being covered in this general comment, here are the occurrences of atē/Atē: Ι.19.088, Ι.19.091, Ι.19.126, Ι.19.129, I.19.136. Agamemnon has more to say about the personified Atē: this goddess had once upon a time caused even Zeus himself to make a big mistake. That mistake resulted in the epic traditions about Hēraklēs, to be analyzed in the comment on I.19.95–133. But, happily for the gods, Atē no longer lives in Olympus: she was thrown out of there by Zeus for having caused him to make a mistake, and she landed on Earth, where she could now cause trouble only for us humans. We are the ones who make mistakes, while the Olympians no longer make mistakes—now that Atē cannot go back to Olympus. I see at work here a theological fact of life: in the age of myth, gods used to make mistakes, but not today in the age of ritual.

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The epic narrative about Hēraklēs, as retold here by Agamemnon, would never have happened if Zeus had not made a mistake, as indicated by the verb aâsthai ‘make a mistake’ at I.19.095, also at I.19.113. This verb, as I noted in the comment on the overall passage, I.19.076–138, corresponds to the noun atē, which I originally translated there as ‘aberration’. To say it more formally, then: the epic narrative about Hēraklēs resulted from an aberration on the part of Zeus, who was deceived by his divine wife Hērā. Call it what you will, Zeus made a big mistake. He inadvertently allowed it to happen that Hērā, who is normally the goddess in charge of perfect timing in the cosmos, threw off the timing for the birth of Hēraklēs, so that the hero’s cousin Eurystheus was born earlier and thus became king instead of Hēraklēs. Even though Hēraklēs was by far superior as a hero, he was now by birth forever socially inferior to Eurystheus, and throughout his life he was obliged to undertake seemingly impossible tasks that were imposed on him by his malevolent cousin. But Hēraklēs prevailed in performing these tasks, which became the famed Labors of Hēraklēs, as indicated by the programmatic word aethloi ‘labors’ at I.19.133, and these Labors conferred on Hēraklēs a poetic kleos ‘glory’ that became the epic tradition of Hēraklēs. It is these same epic traditions that Agamemnon is now retelling. This retelling, it must be added, is subversive. In the very act of retelling the epic narrative about Hēraklēs, Agamemnon is inadvertently undermining his own status: just as Eurystheus was socially superior but heroically inferior to Hēraklēs, so also Agamemnon is socially superior but heroically inferior to Achilles. One big question still remains about this whole epic narrative: why is the name of Hēraklēs connected to the name of Hērā, who was the direct cause of the the social inferiority experienced by the hero? Why does the “speaking name” (nomen loquens) of Hēraklēs have the meaning ‘he who has the glory [kleos] of Hērā’? The answer is evident: if it had not been for the intervention of Hērā, Hēraklēs would never have had to perform his Labors, and, if it had not been for these Labors, he would never have won the kleos or poetic ‘glory’ that was his to keep forever. We see here the positive side of myths about antagonism between immortal and mortal, divinity and hero.

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The wording of Hērā hides the fact that she is speaking about the mother-to-be of Eurystheus, and that this woman is the wife of the hero Sthenelos, who is the son of the hero Perseus, who in turn was fathered directly by Zeus. Later, at I.19.116 and at I.19.123, the identity of this woman is revealed. For now, however, Zeus is being deceived into thinking that Hērā is speaking about the mother-to-be of Hēraklēs.

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Having finished at I.19.134 with the retelling of the epic narrative about Hēraklēs, Agamemnon now comes back to his admission that it was atē for him to dishonor Achilles, I.19.136. This word, as we have seen, can be translated as ‘aberration’ or ‘derangement’ or even simply ‘mistake’. In the present context, the noun atē is paired twice with the verb aâsthai, at both I.19.136 and I.19.137, and I translate this verb here simply as ‘make a mistake’. Agamemnon then declares his readiness to pay apoina ‘compensation’, I.19.138. This gesture brings us back to I.09.115, where Agamemnon had already admitted his atai ‘aberrations’ in dishonoring Achilles, adding at I.09.120 that he was ready to pay apoina ‘compensation’ for these aberrations. See the comment on I.09.115–120.

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Agamemnon here refers to his unnamed attendants as therapontes.

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This epithet theoeikelos ‘looking like a god’ occurs only two times in the Iliad. Besides the occurrence here, I.19.155, we see it also at I.01.131. In both cases, the referent is Achilles. In Song 44 of Sappho, “The Wedding of Hector and Andromache,” the same epithet theoeikeloi ‘looking like gods’ occurs in the plural at line 34 (θεοεικέλο[ις]), applying to Hector and Andromache together. The act of comparing humans to divinities is a conventional trope in the ritual context of weddings, and so the application of the epithet theoeikeloi ‘looking like gods’ to Hector and Andromache on the happy occasion of their wedding is perfectly understandable. Most commonly, the bride is equated with Aphrodite and the bridegroom, with Ares. See the comment on I.18.492 (also H24H 4§§14–21). But there may be an irony in the application of the same epithet theoeikelos ‘looking like a god’ to Achilles in the Iliad, since this hero tragically dies before he can ever get married (H24H 5§§98–102, 110–114). Conversely, there may also be an irony in the application of theoeikeloi ‘looking like gods’ to Hector and Andromache in Song 44 of Sappho, since the lives of this couple, once happy, will now tragically be ruined by Achilles in his role as the bridegroom that never was: he will kill Hector and make Andromache a widow. This is not to say that the use of the epithet theoeikeloi ‘looking like gods’ in Sappho Song 44.34 evokes the Iliad as we have it. The evocation may center on a local epic tradition that was current in the Aeolic song culture of Lesbos. The doomed triad of bride and bridegroom and killer of bridegroom was surely involved in such a local tradition as well. Another sign of such a free-standing Iliadic tradition originating from a distinctively Aeolian song culture is the occurrence of the expression kleos aphthiton ‘imperishable glory [kleos]’ in the same song, Sappho 44.5. This expression corresponds exactly to the expression we find in the Iliad, kleos aphthiton ‘imperishable glory [kleos]’, as spoken by Achilles himself about his own poetic glory at I.09.413. The two matching expressions, in Song 44 of Sappho and in Iliad 9, are cognate with each other both in wording and in metrical positioning. See the comment on I.09.413. So, the doomed triad of bride and bridegroom and killer of bridegroom are not only part of comparable stories about the different kinds of doom that await each one of the three: they are also part of two comparable media, both of which are meant to make eternal the poetic ‘glory’ or kleos of all three. One of these two media has just barely survived, in Song 44 of Sappho. The other of the two, by contrast, became the definitive form of epic, as represented by the Homeric Iliad.

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Leonard Muellner

analysis of Agamemnon’s apology to Achilles in the context of the exchange process in I.19, where the compensation to Achilles is placed in the middle and thus is a distribution by the group, not a gift from Agamemnon

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analysis of Agamemnon’s apology to Achilles in the context of the exchange process in I.19, where the compensation to Achilles is placed in the middle and thus is a distribution by the group, not a gift from Agamemnon, and here, Achilles’ addressing Agamemnon in the second person although Agamemnon speaks of him in the third person in this scene

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analysis of Achilles’ reintegration and solidarity with the Achaeans, and his use of the third person of himself at this point as in his speech at the beginning of his withdrawal (I.01.240-241)

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Richard Martin

Achilles' speech upon his return to battle at 19.146-53 uses both conventional and unconventional strategies of memory. He uses the formulaic mnēsōmetha kharmēs ("Let us be mindful of the battle"), then shifts in the same short speech to a more direct address: "In this way let any one of you, remembering, fight a man (memnēmenos andri makhesthō)." In the mechanics of the verb of remembering, memory is the mechanism for affirming social bonds and challenging the listener to uphold them, even when there is no overt lexical reference to a specific recalled event. Furthermore, Achilles' refusal of food in reply to Odysseus' elaborate speech on the necessity of eating (19.155-83) represents his overcoming of Odysseus by taking over his opponent's rhetorical strategy while refusing to acknowledge his presence: Odysseus had spoken of hunger; so does Achilles, but he turns it into a metaphor for his desire to avenge Patroklos' death (Martin 1993:64-65, 79).

For the broader analysis of memory as a muthos genre, see the comment on Iliad 1.259-274.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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When we categorize each of Agamemnon's forty-six speeches according to its genre of discourse, only one originates primarily as a discourse of memory. This speech (19.91-133) remains a highly ambiguous recollection, not of personal heroism (unlike Nestor's) but of a story about Atē's influence over Zeus during the time of Herakles' birth, and it is told not to persuade his audience (again compare Nestor's recollections) but to excuse himself. Even then, the story seems ironically to put Agamemnon in a bad light, as many have noticed. Instead of the authority of memory, Agamemnon more often than not employs the threat of violence to achieve his way (Martin 1993:113-14).

It is even more ironic that the story Agamemnon recounts in Book 19 begins with Hera's determination to frustrate the public performance of Zeus: "You will speak falsely nor will you bring completion to the muthos" (19.107). Agamemnon has the same problem with bringing his muthoi to fruition. A further reference to this topic in Achilles' ostensibly commendatory speech during the funeral may be a concealed insult: he calls on Agamemnon to give the simple order for dispersal, "For the troop of Achaeans will most obey you and your muthoi" (23.156-57)—an assertion thus far not proven in the Iliad (Martin 1993:117).

For the broader analysis of Agamemnon's style, see the comment on Iliad 4.336-421.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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