Plutarch, De gloria Atheniensium, ed. Grēgorios N. Vernardakēs, 8

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[8] ἀλλὰ νὴ Δία παιδιὰ τὰ τῶν ποιητῶν· οἱ δὲ ῥήτορες ἔχουσί τι παραβαλλόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγούς, ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως ¹ Αἰσχίνης ² σκώπτων τὸν Δημοσθένην λέγειν φησίν, ὅτι γράψεται τῷ βήματι 5 διαδικασίαν πρὸς τὸ στρατήγιον. ³ ἆρʼ οὖν ἄξιον προκρῖναι τὸν Ὑπερείδου Πλαταϊκὸν τῆς Ἀριστείδου Πλαταιᾶσι ⁴ νίκης; ἢ τὸν Λυσίου κατὰ τῶν τριάκοντα 350c τῆς Θρασυβούλου καὶ Ἀρχίνου ⁵ τυραννοκτονίας; ἢ τὸν Αἰσχίνου κατὰ Τιμάρχου ἑταιρήσεως τῆς Φωκίωνος 10 εἰς Βυζάντιον βοηθείας, διʼ ἧς ἐκώλυσε τοὺς τῶν συμμάχων υἱοὺς ἐνύβρισμά τε καὶ παροίνημα γενέσθαι Μακεδόνων; ἢ τοῖς κοινοῖς ⁶ στεφάνοις, οὓς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐλευθερώσας ἔλαβε, τὸν Δημοσθένους περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου παραβάλωμεν, ἐν ᾧ τοῦτο λαμπρότατον 15 καὶ λογιώτατον ὁ ῥήτωρ πεποίηκεν, ὀμόσας τοὺς ἐν Μαραθῶνι προκινδυνεύσαντας τῶν προγόνων, οὐ ⁷ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς σχολαῖς τὰ μειράκια προδιδάσκοντας· ἐφʼ οἷς οὐ ⁸ τοὺς Ἰσοκράτεις καὶ Ἀντιφῶντας καὶ Ἰσαίους, ἀλλὰ τούτους ἡ πόλις δημοσίαις ταφαῖς 20 ἔθαψεν, ὑποδεξαμένη τὰ λείψανα τῶν σωμάτων, καὶ 350d τούτους ἀπεθέωσε τοῖς ὅρκοις ⁹ ὁ ῥήτωρ ὀμνύων οὓς οὐκ ἐμιμεῖτο. Ἰσοκράτης δὲ τοὺς ἐν Μαραθῶνι προκινδυνεύσαντας ὥσπερ ἀλλοτρίαις ψυχαῖς φήσας ἐναγωνίσασθαι καὶ καθυμνήσας τὴν τόλμαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπεροψίαν τοῦ ζῆν, αὐτός, ὥς φασιν, ἤδη γέρων γεγονὼς πρὸς τὸν πυθόμενον πῶς διάγει, οὕτως εἶπεν ὡς ἄνθρωπος ὑπὲρ ἐνενήκοντα ἔτη γεγονὼς καὶ μέγιστον ἡγούμενος τῶν κακῶν τὸν 5 θάνατον οὐ γὰρ ἀκονῶν ξίφος οὐδὲ λόγχην χαράττων οὐδὲ λαμπρύνων κράνος οὐδὲ στρατευόμενος οὐδʼ ἐρέσσων, ἀλλʼ ἀντίθετα καὶ πάρισα καὶ ὁμοιόπτωτα κολλῶν καὶ συντιθεὶς, μονονοὺ κολαπτῆρσι 350e καὶ ξυστῆρσι τὰς περιόδους ἀπολεαίνων καὶ ῥυθμίζων 10 ἐγήρασε. πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔμελλεν ἄνθρωπος ψόφον ὅπλων φοβεῖσθαι καὶ σύρρηγμα φάλαγγος ¹⁰ ὁ φοβούμενος φωνῆεν φωνήεντι συγκροῦσαι καὶ συλλαβῇ τὸ ἰσόκωλον ἐνδεὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν; Μιλτιάδης μὲν γὰρ ἄρας ¹¹ ἐς Μαραθῶνα τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ τὴν μάχην συνάψας ἧκεν 15 εἰς ἄστυ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς νενικηκώς, καὶ Περικλῆς ἐννέα μησὶ Σαμίους καταστρεψάμενος ἐφρόνει τοῦ 350f Ἀγαμέμνονος μεῖζον ἔτει δεκάτῳ τὴν Τροίαν ἑλόντος Ἰσοκράτης δὲ μικροῦ τρεῖς ὀλυμπιάδας ἀνήλωσεν, ἵνα γράψῃ τὸν πανηγυρικὸν λόγον, οὐ στρατευσάμενος 20 ἐν τούτοις τοῖς χρόνοις οὐδὲ πρεσβεύσας οὐδὲ πόλιν κτίσας οὐδὲ ναύαρχος ἐκπεμφθείς, καίτοι μυρίους τοῦ τότε χρόνου πολέμους ἐνέγκαντος· ἀλλʼ ἐν ᾧ Τιμόθεος Εὔβοιαν ἠλευθέρου καὶ Χαβρίας περὶ Νάξον ἐναυμάχει καὶ περὶ Λέχαιον Ἰφικράτης κατέκοπτε 25 τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων μόραν, ¹² καὶ πᾶσαν ἐλευθερώσας 351a πόλιν ὁ δῆμος ἰσόψηφον αὐτοῖς τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατέστησεν, οἴκοι καθῆστο βιβλίον ἀναπλάττων τοῖς ὀνόμασιν, ὅσῳ χρόνῳ τὰ προπύλαια Περικλῆς ἀνέστησε καὶ τοὺς ἑκατομπέδους. καίτοι καὶ τοῦτον ὡς βραδέως ἀνύοντα τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπισκώπτων Κρατῖνος οὕτω πως λέγει περὶ τοῦ διὰ μέσου ¹³ τείχους, λόγοισι 5 γὰρ αὐτὸ ¹⁴¹⁵ προάγει Περικλέης, ἔργοισι δʼ οὐδὲ κινεῖ. σκόπει δὲ σοφιστικὴν μικροφροσύνην, τὸ ἔνατον μέρος τοῦ βίου εἰς ἕνα λόγον καταναλίσκουσαν. ἀλλὰ νὴ Δία ¹⁶ τοὺς Δημοσθένους τοῦ ῥήτορος λόγους ἄξιόν ἐστι τοῖς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἔργοις ¹⁷ παραβάλλειν; τὸν 10 351b κατὰ Κόνωνος αἰκίας τοῖς περὶ Πύλον τροπαίοις ἐκείνου; ¹⁸ τὸν ¹⁹ πρὸς Ἀρεθούσιον ²⁰ περὶ ἀνδραπόδων τοῖς ἐξανδραποδισθεῖσιν ὑπʼ ἐκείνου Σπαρτιάταις; ἢ ὅτι τοὺς ἐποίκους ἔγραψε, ταύτην ²¹ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἔχων Μαντινεῖς καὶ Ἠλείους ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα συνέστησε. 15 καὶ μὴν οἵ γε ²² δημόσιοι λόγοι τοῦτʼ ἔχουσι θαυμαστόν, ὅτι τοῖς Φιλιππικοῖς ἐπὶ πράξεις προτρέπεται καὶ τὴν Λεπτίνου πρᾶξιν ἐπαινεῖ. ²³

De gloria Atheniensium. Plutarch. ed. Grēgorios N. Vernardakēs. Leipzig. 1889.

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Πότερον Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ πόλεμον ἢ κατὰ σοφίαν ἐνδοξότεροι (Greek) (Plutarch. Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia, Vol II. Vernardakēs, Grēgorios N., editor. Leipzig. Teubner, 1889.)

Editions (1)

Πότερον Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ πόλεμον ἢ κατὰ σοφίαν ἐνδοξότεροι Perseus (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. IV. Babbitt, Frank Cole, editor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1936 (printing).) — 8 focus

[8] ἀλλὰ νὴ Δία παιδιὰ τὰ τῶν ποιητῶν οἱ δὲ ῥήτορες ἔχουσί τι παραβαλλόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγούς, ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως ¹ Αἰσχίνης σκώπτων τὸν Δημοσθένην λέγειν φησὶν ὅτι γράψεται ² τῷ βήματι διαδικασίαν πρὸς τὸ στρατήγιον. ³ ἆρʼ οὖν ἄξιον προκρῖναι τὸν Ὑπερείδου Πλαταϊκὸν τῆς Ἀριστείδου Πλαταιᾶσι ⁴ νίκης; ἢ τὸν Λυσίου κατὰ τῶν τριάκοντα τῆς Θρασυβούλου καὶ Ἀρχίνου ⁵ τυραννοκτονίας; ἢ τὸν Αἰσχίνου κατὰ Τιμάρχου 350c ἑταιρήσεως τῆς Φωκίωνος εἰς Βυζάντιον βοηθείας, διʼ ἧς ἐκώλυσε τοὺς τῶν συμμάχων υἱοὺς ἐνύβρισμά τε καὶ παροίνημα γενέσθαι Μακεδόνων; ἢ τοῖς κοινοῖς ⁶ στεφάνοις, οὓς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐλευθερώσας ἔλαβεν ὁ δῆμος, ⁷ τὸν Δημοσθένους περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου παραβάλωμεν, ἐν ᾧ τοῦτο λαμπρότατον καὶ λογιώτατον ὁ ῥήτωρ πεποίηκεν, ὀμόσας τοὺς ἐν Μαραθῶνι προκινδυνεύσαντας τῶν προγόνων, οὐ ⁸ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς σχολαῖς τὰ μειράκια προδιδάσκοντας.

ἐφʼ οἷς οὐ ⁹ τοὺς Ἰσοκράτεις καὶ Ἀντιφῶντας καὶ Ἰσαίους, ἀλλὰ τούτους ἡ πόλις δημοσίαις ταφαῖς ἔθαψεν, ὑποδεξαμένη τὰ λείψανα τῶν 350d σωμάτων, καὶ τούτους ἀπεθέωσε τοῖς ὅρκοις ¹⁰ ὁ ῥήτωρ ὀμνύων οὓς οὐκ ἐμιμεῖτο. Ἰσοκράτης δὲ τοὺς ἐν Μαραθῶνι προκινδυνεύσαντας ὥσπερ ἀλλοτρίαις ψυχαῖς φήσας ἐναγωνίσασθαι καὶ καθυμνήσας τὴν τόλμαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπεροψίαν τοῦ ζῆν, αὐτός, ὥς φασιν, ἤδη γέρων γεγονὼς πρὸς τὸν πυθόμενον πῶς διάγει, οὕτως, εἶπεν, ὡς ἄνθρωπος ὑπὲρ ἐνενήκοντα ἔτη γεγονὼς καὶ μέγιστον ἡγούμενος τῶν κακῶν τὸν θάνατον. οὐ γὰρ ἀκονῶν ξίφος οὐδὲ λόγχην χαράττων οὐδὲ λαμπρύνων κράνος οὐδὲ στρατευόμενος οὐδʼ ἐρέττων, ἀλλʼ ἀντίθετα καὶ πάρισα καὶ ὁμοιόπτωτα κολλῶν καὶ συντιθείς, μονονοὺ κολαπτῆρσι καὶ 350e ξυστῆρσι τὰς περιόδους ἀπολεαίνων καὶ ῥυθμίζων ἐγήρασε. πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔμελλεν ἄνθρωπος ψόφον ὅπλων φοβεῖσθαι καὶ σύρρηγμα φαλάγγων ¹¹ ὁ φοβούμενος φωνῆεν φωνήεντι συγκροῦσαι καὶ συλλαβῇ τὸ ἰσόκωλον ἐνδεὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν; Μιλτιάδης μὲν γὰρ ἄρας ¹² ἐς Μαραθῶνα τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ τὴν μάχην συνάψας ἧκεν εἰς ἄστυ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς νενικηκώς, καὶ Περικλῆς ἐννέα μησὶ Σαμίους καταστρεψάμενος ἐφρόνει τοῦ Ἀγαμέμνονος μεῖζον ἔτει δεκάτῳ τὴν Τροίαν ἑλόντος· Ἰσοκράτης δὲ μικροῦ τρεῖς ὀλυμπιάδας ἀνήλωσεν, ἵνα γράψῃ τὸν πανηγυρικὸν λόγον, οὐ στρατευσάμενος ἐν τούτοις τοῖς χρόνοις 350f οὐδὲ πρεσβεύσας οὐδὲ πόλιν κτίσας οὐδὲ ναύαρχος ἐκπεμφθείς, καίτοι μυρίους τοῦ τότε χρόνου πολέμους ἐνέγκαντος· ἀλλʼ ἐν ᾧ Τιμόθεος Εὔβοιαν ἠλευθέρου καὶ Χαβρίας περὶ Νάξον ἐναυμάχει καὶ περὶ Λέχαιον Ἰφικράτης κατέκοπτε τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων μόραν, ¹³ καὶ πᾶσαν ἐλευθερώσας πόλιν ὁ 351a δῆμος ἰσόψηφον αὐτοῖς ¹⁴ τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατέστησεν, οἴκοι καθῆστο βιβλίον ἀναπλάττων τοῖς ὀνόμασιν, ὅσῳ χρόνῳ τὰ προπύλαια Περικλῆς ἀνέστησε καὶ τοὺς ἑκατομπέδους. καίτοι καὶ τοῦτον ὡς βραδέως ἀνύοντα τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπισκώπτων Κρατῖνος οὕτω πως λέγει περὶ τοῦ διὰ μέσου ¹⁵ τείχους,

λόγοισι γὰρ αὐτὸ ¹⁶ προάγει Περικλέης,

ἔργοισι δʼ οὐδὲ κινεῖ.

σκόπει δὲ σοφιστικὴν μικροφροσύνην, τὸ ἔνατον μέρος τοῦ βίου εἰς ἕνα λόγον καταναλίσκουσαν. ἀλλὰ δὴ μέγα ¹⁷ τοὺς Δημοσθένους τοῦ ῥήτορος λόγους ἄξιόν ἐστι τοῖς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἔργοις ¹⁸ παραβάλλειν; τὸν κατὰ Κόνωνος αἰκίας ¹⁹ τοῖς περὶ 351b Πύλον τροπαίοις ἐκείνου ²⁰; τὸν ²¹ πρὸς Ἀρεθούσιον ²² περὶ ἀνδραπόδων τοῖς ἐξανδραποδισθεῖσιν ὑπʼ ἐκείνου Σπαρτιάταις; ἢ ἡλικίᾳ ²³ τοὺς ἐπιτροπικοὺς ²⁴ ἔγραψε, ταύτην Ἀλκιβιάδης ἔχων Μαντινεῖς καὶ Ἠλείους ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα συνέστησε. καὶ μὴν οἵ γε ²⁵ δημόσιοι λόγοι τοῦτʼ ἔχουσι θαυμαστόν, ὅτι τοῖς Φιλιππικοῖς ἐπὶ πράξεις προτρέπεται καὶ τὴν Λεπτίνου πρᾶξιν ἐπαινεῖ.

Translations (2)

Were the Athenians More Famous in War or in Wisdom? Perseus (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. IV. Babbitt, Frank Cole, translator. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1936 (printing).) — 8 focus

[8] But the compositions of the poets we may affirm to be but a childish pastime; orators, however, have some claim when compared with generals; wherefore with good reason Aeschines¹ asserts derisively that Demosthenes declares that he will enter a suit for possession on behalf of the Speakers’ Platform against the War Office. Is it, then, right to prefer Hypereides’ Plataean oration to Aristeides’ victory at Plataea? Or Lysias’s speech against the Thirty² to Thrasybulus’s and Archinus’s slaughter of those tyrants? Or Aeschines’ oration against Timarchus’s wanton ways to Phocion’s expedition to Byzantium,³ by which he prevented the sons of Athenian allies from becoming victims of the wantonness and drunken lust of Macedonians? Or with the crowns⁴ which the Athenian people in common received when they had given freedom to Greece shall we compare Demosthenes’ oration On the Crown? For in this speech the orator has made this matter exceedingly perspicuous and intelligible in taking his oath by the memory of those of our ancestors who risked their lives for us at Marathon,⁵ not by the teachers who in the schools gave them as youths their early training.

Wherefore the State has given public burial not to men like Isocrates, Antiphon, and Isaeus, but to these men, whose remains she has taken in her embrace; and these men it was that the orator deified in his oath when he swore by men whose example he was not following.⁶ But Isocrates, although he had declared⁷ that those who had risked their lives at Marathon had fought as though their souls were not their own, and although he had hymned their daring and their contempt of life, himself (so they say), when he was already an old man,⁸ replied to someone who asked him how he was getting on, Even as does a man over ninety years of age who considers death the greatest of evils. For he had not grown old sharpening his sword nor whetting his spear-point nor polishing his helmet nor campaigning nor pulling at the oar, but in glueing together and arranging antitheses, balanced clauses, and inflexional similarities, all but smoothing off and proportioning his periods with chisel and file. How could this person do other than fear the clash of arms and the impact of phalanxes, he who feared to let vowel collide with vowel, or to utter a phrase whose balance was upset by the lack of a single syllable?⁹ For Miltiades set forth for Marathon, joined battle the next day, and returned victorious with his army to the city; and Pericles,¹⁰ when he had subdued the Samians in nine months, was prouder of his achievement than was Agamemnon, who captured Troy in the tenth year. But Isocrates consumed almost twelve years in writing his Panegyric¹¹; and during this period he took part in no campaigns, nor served on any embassy, nor founded any city, nor was dispatched as commander of a fleet, although this era brought forth countless wars. But while Timotheüs was freeing Euboea, and Chabrias¹² with his fleet was fighting at Naxos, and Iphicrates near Lechaeum was cutting to pieces the Spartan division,¹³ and the Athenian people, having liberated every city, bestowed upon Greece equal suffrage with themselves, Isocrates sat at home remodelling a book with mere words, as long a time as sufficed for Pericles to erect the Propylaea and his temples a hundred feet long. Yet Cratinus¹⁴ pokes fun even at Pericles for his slowness in accomplishing his undertakings, and remarks somewhat as follows about his Middle Wall:¹⁵

Pericles in his talk makes the wall to advance,

By his acts he does nothing to budge it.

But consider the petty spirit of this sophist, which caused the ninth part of his life to be spent on the composition of one speech. Is it, then, greatly worth our while to compare the speeches of the orator Demosthenes with the deeds of Demosthenes the general? To compare the speech Against Conon¹⁶ for assault and battery with Demosthenes’ trophies won at Pylos? To compare the speech directed at Arethusius¹⁷ on the slaves with Demosthenes’ reduction of the Spartans to slavery? The orator’s age when he wrote his speeches against his guardians¹⁸ was the same as that of Alcibiades when he united the Mantineans and Eleans against Sparta.¹⁹ And indeed Demosthenes’ public orations have this wonderful characteristic: in the Philippics he spurs his countrymen on to action and he praises the action of Leptines.²⁰

Whether the Athenians Were More Renowned For Their Warlike Achievements or For Their Learning Perseus (Plutarch. Plutarch's Morals, Vol. V. Goodwin, William W., editor; Smith, R, translator. Boston. Little, Brown, and Company, 1874.) — 8 focus

[8] But as for the writings of the poets, they are mere bubbles. But rhetoricians and orators indeed have some. thing in them that renders them in some measure fit to be compared with great captains. For which reason, Aeschines in derision reports of Demosthenes, that he said he was bringing a suit in behalf of the orator’s stand against the generals’ office.¹But for all that, do you think it proper to prefer the Plataic oration of Hyperides to the Plataic victory of Aristides? Or the oration of Lysias against the Thirty Tyrants, to the acts of Thrasybulus and Archias that put them to death? Or that of Aeschines against Timarchus for unchastity, to the relieving of Byzantium by Phocion, by which he prevented the sons of the confederates from being the scorn and derision of the Macedonians? Or shall we set before the public crowns which Demosthenes received for setting Greece at liberty, his oration on the Crown, wherein the rhetorician has behaved himself most splendidly and learnedly, swearing by their progenitors that ventured their lives at Marathon for the liberty of Greece,²rather than by those that instructed youth in the schools? And therefore the city buried these heroes at the expense of the public, honoring the sacred relics of their bodies, not men like Isocrates, Antiphon, and Isaeus, and the orator has translated them into the number of the Gods; and by these it was that he chose to swear, though he did not follow their example. Isocrates also was wont to say, that they who ventured their lives at Marathon fought as if they had been inspired with other souls than their own; and extolling their daring boldness and contempt of life, to one that asked him (being at that time very aged) how he did,—As well, said he, as one who, being now above fourscore and ten years old, esteems death to be the worst of evils. For neither did he spend his years to old age in whetting his sword, in grinding and sharpening his spear, in scouring and polishing his helmet, in commanding navies and armies, but in knitting and joining together antithetical and equally balanced clauses, and words of similar endings, all but smoothing and adapting his periods and sentences with files, planes, or chisels. How would that man have been affrighted at the clattering of weapons or the routing of a phalanx, who was so afraid of suffering one vowel to clash with another, or to pronounce a sentence where but one syllable was wanting!

Miltiades, the very next day after the battle of Marathon, returned a victor to the city with his army. And Pericles, having subdued the Samians in nine months, derided Agamemnon that was ten years taking of Troy. But Isocrates was nearly three Olympiads (or twelve years) in writing his Panegyric; in all which time he had neither been a general nor an ambassador, neither built a city nor been an admiral, notwithstanding the many wars that harassed Greece within that time. But while Timotheus freed Euboea from slavery, while Chabrias vanquished the enemy near Naxos, while Iphicrates defeated and cut to pieces a whole battalion of the Lacedaemonians near Lechaeum, while the Athenians, having shaken off the Spartan yoke, set the rest of Greece at liberty, with as ample privileges as they had themselves; he sits poring at home in his study, seeking out proper phrases and choice words for his oration, as long a time as Pericles spent in erecting the Propylaea and the Parthenon. Though the comic poet Cratinus seems to deride even Pericles himself as one that was none of the quickest, where he says of the middle wall:

In words the mighty Pericles

Has rais’d us up a wall;

But ’tis a wall in only words,

For we see none at all.

Consider now the poor spirit of this great orator, who spent the ninth part of his life in compiling one single oration. But to say no more of him, is it rational to compare the harangues of Demosthenes the orator with the martial exploits of Demosthenes the great leader? For example, the oration against Conon for an assault, with the trophies which the other erected before Pylos? Or the declamation against Amathusius concerning slaves, with the noble service which the other performed in bringing home the Spartan captives? Neither can it be said, that Demosthenes for his oration in regard to foreigners deserved as much honor as Alcibiades, who joined the Mantineans and Eleans as confederates with the Athenians against the Lacedaemonians. And yet we must acknowledge that the public orations of Demosthenes deserve this praise, that in his Philippics he bravely encourages the Athenians to take arms, and he extols the enterprise of Leptines .

Notes on the current edition

Πότερον Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ πόλεμον ἢ κατὰ σοφίαν ἐνδοξότεροι

1. εἰκότως Madvigius: εἰκὸς ὡς ( ὡς εἰκὸς ἐξ ὡν Emperius)

2. Αἰσχίνης] adv. Ctesiph 146

3. τὸ στρατήγιον R: τὴν στρατηγίαν

4. Πλαταιᾶσι Cobetus: παραγγελίας

5. Ἀρχίνου R: ἀρχίου

6. κοινοὶς] Κόνωνος Madvigius. Malim Κονωνείοις

7. οὐ Leonicus: ἢ

8. οὐ S

9. τοῖς ὅρκοις M: τοὺς ὅρκους

10. φάλαγγος] φαλάγγων Abreschius

11. ἄρας Emperius: αὐτὸς

12. μόραν M: μοῖραν

13. μέσου W: μέσον

14. αὐτὸ R: αὐτὸν

15. λόγοισι γὰρ αὐτὸ] πάλαι γὰρ αὐτὸ λόγοισι Vit. Per. c. 18. cf. Menek. II. p. 218

16. νὴ Δία Madvigius: δὴ μετὰ

17. τοῖς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἔργοις W: τοῖς στρατηγοῖς

18. ἐκείνου Leonicus: ἔχειν

19. τὸν Papabasiliu

20. Ἀρεθούσιον Cobetus: ἀμαθούσιον

21. ἢ ὅτι - ταύτην] fort. ἢ ὅτι ὅτε τοὺς ἐπιτροπικοὺς ἔγραψε, τὴν ἡλικίαν ταύτην

22. γε Herwerdenus: τε

23. ἐπαινεῖ] λείπει τὸ τέλος adnotavit M

Plutarch De gloria Atheniensium 8

ed. Grēgorios N. Vernardakēs

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