Diogenes Laertius Vitae philosophorum 8.1

R. D. Hicks (Translator)

View: By Section

Vitae philosophorum. Diogenes Laertius. R. D. Hicks (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1925.

Funding provided by National Endowment for the Humanities Division of Preservation and Access.

Current edition Perseus

Lives of Eminent Philosophers (English) (Diogenes Laertius. Hicks, R. D., editor. Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1925.)

Editions (1)
Βίοι καὶ γνῶμαι τῶν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ εὐδοκιμησάντων Perseus (Diogenes Laertius. Hicks, R. D., editor. Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1925.) — 8.1 focus

Notes on the current edition

Lives of Eminent Philosophers

1. Compare Clement Alex. Strom. i. 62 Πυθαγόρας μὲν οὖν Μνησάρχου Σάμιος, ὥς φησιν Ἱππόβοτος, ὡς δὲ Ἀριστόξενος ἐν τῷ Πυθαγόρου βίῳ, καὶ Ἀρίσταρχος καὶ Θεόπομπος, Τυρρηνὸς ἦν, ὡς δὲ Νεάνθης, Σύριος ἢ Τύριος, ὥστε εἷναι κατὰ τοὺς πλείστους τὸν Πυθαγόραν βάρβαρον τὸ γένος. Porphyry also ( V. Pyth. i.) favours the connexion with Phoenicia, so that the boy Pythagoras was instructed there by Chaldaeans before, on his return to Samos, he enjoyed the instruction of Pherecydes of Syros and of Hermodainas of Samos.
2. iv. 93 sq.
3. Compare Clement Alex. Strom. i. 66 Θαλῆς . . . τοῖς Αἱγυπτίων προφήταις συμβεβληκέναι εἴρηται, καθάπερ καὶ ὁ Πυθαγόρας αὐτοῖς γε τούτοις δι’ οὓς καὶ περιετέμνετο, ἵνα δὴ καὶ εἰς τὰ ἄδυτα κατελθὼν τὴν μνστικὴν παρὰ Αλγυπτίων ἐκμάθοι φιλοσοφίαν. Cf. also Iamblichus, Vit. Pyth. 18 sq.
4. Fr. 129 D., 17 B.
5. §§ 6-7 ἔνιοι μὲν καθηγησαμένου. Hesychius in Suidas ( s.v.), an authority older than Schol. Plat. 600 B, proves that this passage is a coherent whole. The fragment of Heraclitus (B 129 Diels, 17 Byw.) is certainly genuine. There may be, in ἱστορίην, an allusion to the study of mensuration in Egypt. The pretended explanation, he spoke thus because . . . introduces an extract from a work which, like all those attributed to Pythagoras, must have been a late forgery.
6. F.H.G. Fr. 12, ii. p. 49. The same fragment is found in Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 131 Ἴων δὲ ὁ Χῖος ἐν τοῖς Τριαγμοῖς καὶ Πυθαγόραν εἰς Ὀρφέα ἀνενεγκεῖν τινα ἱστορεῖ. The verbal agreement, except for τινα ἱστορεῖ, is exact.
7. Cf. i. 12, whence it would seem that Sosicrates used Heraclides of Pontus as his authority for this anecdote.
8. Because he lectured at night; cf.§ 15 νυκτερινὴ ἀκρόασις.
9. The allusion is to the Nymphs and the heavenly pair, mother and daughter (Demeter and Persephone).
10. Scriptorum Alex. ill. fr. p. 147.
11. Anth. Pal. vii. 119.
12. The story of Eurymenes was known to Porphyry, Vit. Pyth. 18. We can still see how these quotations made by D. L. himself from Favorinus disturb the context.
13. Or rather soft cheese; cf. supra,i. § 7, note.
14. Cf. Iamblichus, Vit. Pyth. 25, and Porphyry, De abstinentia, i. 26.
15. Cf. inf. ix. 23.
16. See, however, Porphyry, Vit. Pyth. 4, who cites as his authority Timaeus the Sicilian historian ( F.H.G. i. p. 211, Fr. 78), who was not improbably the source used by Favorinus.
17. The χοῖνιξ was about a quart, in dry measure.
18. The word Πυθαγόρας being taken to be a compound from Πύθιος and ἀγορεύειν.
19. For the doctrines of Pythagoras(§§ 25-35) Alexander is taken as D. L.’s authority (see Introd. pp. xxvi, xxvii) This indefatigable pedant is known to have written a special work on the Pythagorean system. Our author may not have possessed this work by Alexander, but he probably had access to a public library containing it. In any case he deserves praise for the selection. Between Alexander Polyhistor in the first century b.c. and the threshold of the third century a.d. there had been an enormous increase in neoPythagorean literature, mostly dealing with mystical properties of numbers and with ethics based upon theology. All this D. L. ignores, going back to a Hellenistic document long forgotten.
20. Cf. Soph. El. 87 γῆς ἰσόμοι ρ’ ἀήρ.
21. The word λόγους is translated above by ratios, i.e. proportionalities. With ἀνέμους compare the Stoic air-currents.
22. The Greek daemons ( δαίμονες) are, according to Hesiod, W. and D. 121-126, superhuman beings, guardians and benefactors of mankind, watching over the earth whereon once they lived.
23. Meineke, C.G.F. ii. 1070.
24. This may have some hidden sense: but it is tempting to adopt τόπου for τούτου with the Borbonicus.
25. Alexander is cited above (§ 24). εὑρηκέναι comes in both sections. This means that, in the Lives of Pythagoras which D. L. consulted, the extract from Alexander has displaced a passage which came from a spurious Aristotelian treatise Περὶ Πυθαγορείων.
26. Fr. 58 D.
27. Fr. 7 D.
28. Cratin. minor, Meineke, C.G.F. iii. 376.
29. Meineke, C.G.F. iii. 567.
30. Meineke, C.G.F. iii. 362.
31. In the account which follows two passages should be distinguished: (1) συνεδρεύοντος συνέβη, and (2) οὔτω δὲ καὶ(§ 40) ἀσιτήσαντα. A similar combination of Neanthes and Dicaearchus is found in Porphyry, Vit. Pyth 55 sqq., Neanthes apparently insisting on the absence, and Dicaearchus on the presence, of the master at the time when the brotherhood were attacked and scattered. Iamblichus, Vit. Pyth. 251 sq., cites Nicomachus, whose version agrees with that of Neanthes.
32. This passage, partly in direct ( γενόμενος, ἔστη, εἰπών) and partly in reported speech ( καταληφθῆναι. ἀποσφαγῆναι), receives some light from the story of Myllias and his wife Timycha as given by Iamblichus, Vit. Pyth. 189-194, on the authority of Hippobotus and Neanthes ( cf. also Porphyry, Vit. Pyth. § 61, where the story of Damon and Phintias is said to have been transferred by Hippobotus and Neanthes to the same trusty pair, Myllias and Timycha). The story in Iamblichus represents a band of Pythagoreans pursued by a tyrant’s myrmidons and caught in a plain where beans were growing, all of them preferring to die where they stood rather than trample on the beans; but this story might be located anywhere. It has nothing inherently to do with the end of Pythagoras. What remains, τὸν δὲ Π. καταληφθῆναι διεξιόντα, may be compared with Porphyry, Vit. Pyth. § 57, where we are told that the disciples made a bridge of their own bodies over the fire and thus the master escaped from the burning house but, in despair at the extinction of his school, chose a voluntary dealth. The words οὕτω δέ which follow come in awkwardly, as they are separated from the sentence about the fire.
33. Fr. 155 D.
34. Anth. Pal. vii. 121.
35. Anth. Plan. v. 34.
36. Anth. Plan. v. 35.
37. Anth. Pal. vii. 122.
38. 540-536 b.c. Cf. Clem. Alex. Strom. i 65 in the 62nd Olympiad [532-528 b.c.], eight years later, and contemporary with Polycrates of Samos.
39. 588-584 b.c.
40. Anth. Plan. iii. 35.
41. As Favorinus seems to have paid special attention to discoveries and the invention of names ( cf. ii. 1, 20, viii. 12, 47, ix. 23, 34), it seems likely that he is our author’s authority here; so probably a different book of Favorinus is cited.
42. Apelt suggests Antiphon, comparing Xen. Mem. i. 6.
43. Anth. Plan. iii. 16.