Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, ed. Henry Stuart Jones, 6.15.4

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[4] φοβηθέντες γὰρ αὐτοῦ οἱ πολλοὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς τε κατὰ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σῶμα παρανομίας ἐς τὴν δίαιταν καὶ τῆς διανοίας ὧν καθ’ ἓν ἕκαστον ἐν ὅτῳ γίγνοιτο ἔπρασσεν, ὡς τυραννίδος ἐπιθυμοῦντι πολέμιοι καθέστασαν, καὶ δημοσίᾳ κράτιστα διαθέντι τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστοι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν αὐτοῦ ἀχθεσθέντες, καὶ ἄλλοις ἐπιτρέψαντες, οὐ διὰ μακροῦ ἔσφηλαν τὴν πόλιν.

History of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides. ed. Henry Stuart Jones. Oxford. 1910.

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Ἱστορίαι (Greek) (Thucydides. Historiae, Vol 1-2. Jones, Henry Stuart, editor. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1910. (1942 printing).)

Translations (10)

The History of the Grecian War Perseus (Thucydides. The English works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury. Hobbes, Thomas. translator. London: John Bohn, 1843.) — 6.15.4 focus

[4] which proved afterwards none of the least causes of the subversion of the Athenian commonwealth. For most men fearing him, both for his excess in things that concerned his person and form of life and for the greatness of his spirit in every particular action he undertook, as one that aspired to the tyranny, they became his enemy. And although for the public he excellently managed the war, yet every man, privately displeased with his course of life, gave the charge of the wars to others, and thereby not long after overthrew the state.

History of the Peloponnesian War Perseus (Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Crawley, Richard, translator. London and Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd.; New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1914.) — 6.15.4 focus

[4] Alarmed at the greatness of his license in his own life and habits, and of the ambition which he showed in all things soever that he undertook, the mass of the people set him down as a pretender to the tyranny, and became his enemies; and although publicly his conduct of the war was as good as could be desired individually, his habits gave offence to every one, and caused them to commit affairs to other hands, and thus before long to ruin the city.

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Wahrmund, Adolf, translator. Stuttgart: Krais and Hoffmann, 1864.) — 6.15 focus

So redete Nikias. Von den Athenern aber, die noch
auftraten, forderten die Meisten zum Kriegszug aus, und man solle den
gefaßten Beschluß nicht aufheben; Einige indeß sprachen auch
dagegen. Am eifrigsten aber trieb zum Feldzug Alkibiades, des KleiniaS
Sohn, einmal, weil er dem Nikias den Widerpart halten wollte, dessen
Gegner er auch sonst in Staatssachen war, zumal er eben auch seiner
ungünstige Erwähnung gethan, hauptsächlich aber, weil er die
Feldherrnwürde eifrig wünschte und in dieser Stellung Sieilien und
Karthago zu erobern gedachte, was im Fall des glücklichen Gelingens
auch ihn selbst an Geld und Ehren heben würde. Er stand in
Ansehen bei den Städtern, stöhnte aber seinen Leidenschaften in Bezug
auf Pferde und sonstigen Luxus über Vermögen, was denn auch später
nicht die kleinste Ursache zum Untergang der Athenischen Macht wurde.
Denn als die Meisten die Größe seiner Ueberhebung in Bezug aus
persönliche Lebensweise und die Großartigkeit seines Strebens, die er ¹

in allen Geschäften zeigte, welche er in die Hand nahm, zu fürchten ²
begannen, so wurden sie ihm Feind, weil sie glaubten, er strebe nach
Alleinherrschaft, und obwohl er das Kriegswesen zum besten Nutzen
des Gemeinwesens trefflich leitete, so übertrugen sie, Jeder persönlich
beleidigt durch sein Benehmen und seine Lebensweise, den Oberbefehl
an Andere und richteten so den Staat binnen Kurzem zu Grunde.
Damals nun trat Alkibiades auf und redete zu den Athenern Fol»
gendes:

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Braun, Theodor, translator. Leipzig: Insel-Verlag, 1917.) — 6.15 focus

So sprach Nikias. Von den Rednern, welche nach ihm
auftraten, waren die meisten für den Krieg nnd gegen eine
neue Abstimmung, einige freilich auch entgegengesetzter Meinung.
Am eifrigsten für den Krieg aber ging Alkibiades, KleiniaS'
Sohn, ins Zeug, teils um Nikias zu widersprechen, weil er
überhaupt sein politischer Gegner war und er ihn in seiner
Rede persönlich angegriffen hatte, teils aber auch und haupt
sächlich deshalb, weil er gern Feldherr werden wollte und als
solcher Sizilien und Karthago zu unterwerfen, glücklichenfalls
aber auch für seine Person Ruhm und Reichtum dabei zu
ernten hoffte. In der Stadt spielte er eine große Rolle, und
für vornehme Liebhabereien, für Pferde und andere kostspielige
Dinge, gab er mehr aus, als seine Mittel erlaubten, was dann
ja nachher auch ein Hauptgrund des Zusammenbruchs des
athenischen Staates wurde. Denn nach dem, was er bei dem
wilden Leben seinem Körper bot, und den hochfliegenden
Plänen, womit er bei allem, was er anfaßte, zu Werke ging,
fürchtete man in der Bürgerschaft, er strebe nach der Tyrannis,
und trotz der Verdienste, die er sich in der Verwaltung des
Kriegswesens um die Stadt erworben hatte, nahm man persön
lich an seiner Lebensweise solchen Anstoß, daß man die Führung
des Krieges nicht ihm, sondern anderen übertrug und dadurch
den Staat sehr bald zu Fall brachte. Nun trat er auf und
redete die Athener also an:

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponèse First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése, Vol. 1-2. Zévort, Marie Charles, translator. Paris: Charpentier, 1852.) — 6.15 focus

XV. Ainsi parla Nicias. La plupart des orateurs, s’avançant au milieu de l’assemblée, insistaient pour la guerre et le maintien du décret; quelques-uns cependant étaient d’un avis opposé. Celui qui plaidait avec le plus de chaleur en faveur de l'expédition était Alcibiade, fils de Clinias : il voulait contredire Nicias, dont il ne partageait pas du reste les opinions politiques; il avait d’ailleurs été désigné par lui d’une manière offensante; mais avant tout il ambitionnait un commandement qui lui permît de s’emparer de la Sicile et de Carthage, objets de ses espérances, et de recueillir personnellement, en cas de succès, richesses et renommée. En grand crédit auprès de ses concitoyens, il avait des goûts de luxe au-dessus de sa fortune : passion des chevaux, autres goûts de dépensé; et ce ne fut pas là ce qui contribua le moins, par la suite, à la ruine d’Athènes : car bien des gens, effrayés du débordement inouï de son faste personnel et de la hauteur ambitieuse de ses conceptions dans toutes les affaires auxquelles il avait part, crurent qu’il aspirait à la tyrannie et devinrent ses ennemis. Homme public, il avait imprimé une grande force à l’organisation militaire; mais, comme homme privé, chacun était cho- qué de sa conduite; on confia à d’autres les affaires, et en peu de temps on perdit l’État.

. Dans cette circonstance, il s’avança au milieu de l’assemblée et harangua ainsi les Athéniens :

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése. Bétant, Élie-Ami, translator. Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette, 1863.) — 6.15 focus

Tel fut le discours de Nicias. Les orateurs qui lui succédèrent à la tribune parlèrent pour la plupart dans le sens de la guerre et du maintien du vote précédent ; quelques-uns furent d'avis coutraire. Mais le plus ardent promoteur de l'entreprise fut Alcibiade fils de Clinias. Il y était porté par antagonisme contre Nicias, son adversaire politique, et aussi parce qu'il venait d’être désigné d’une manière offensante. D’ailleurs il ambitionnait un commandement qui devait amener la conquête de la Sicile et de Carthage, en lui procurant à lui-même des richesses et de la gloire. Jouissant de la considération publique, il portait ses vues fort au-dessus de sa condition, et dévorait son patrimoine en chevaux et en autres prodigalités. Cet homme fut undes principaux auteurs de la ruine d’Athènes. Bien des gens, alarmés du luxe effréné qu’il déployait dans sa manière de vivre, et de l’audace qui perçait dans toutes ses conceptions, prirent de l’ombrage contre lui, et le soupçonnèrent d’aspirer à la tyrannie. Aussi, quoiqu’il eût fait comme général les meilleures dispositions stratégiques, l’animosité qu’inspira sa conduite privée fut cause qu’on lui substitua d’autres chefs , qui ne tardèrent pas à mener la ville à sa perte. En cette occasion, il parut devant le peuple et parla en ces termes :

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides, Vol. 1-4. Smith, Charles Foster, translator. London and Cambridge, MA: Heinemann and Harvard University Press, 1919-1923.) — 6.15.4 focus

[4] For the masses, afraid of the greatness of his lawless arid sensual self-indulgence in his manner of living, as also of his designs as revealed in every single intrigue in which he was involved, became hostile to him on the ground that he was aiming at a tyranny; and, though publicly he managed the affairs of the war most excellently, in his private life every man had been offended at his practices, and so entrusting the city to other hands after no long time they brought it to ruin.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides. The history of the Peloponnesian War, Volume 1-2. Dale, Henry, translator. London: Heinemann and Henry G. Bohn, 1851-1852.) — 6.15.4 focus

[4] For being alarmed at the extent of his disregard for the laws in his own person, with respect to his mode of life, and of his designs in the measures he severally undertook, in whatever business he might be engaged, the greater part of the people became his enemies on the belief of his aiming at tyranny; and though in his public capacity he conducted the war most ably, yet being severally offended at his habits in his private life, and committing the administration to others, after no long interval they brought their country to ruin.

Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci First1KGreek (Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci. Haase, Friedrich, translator. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1869.) — 6.15.4 focus

[4] Mulli enim metuentes eum propter corporis cultum, victusque lautitiam, qua praeter modum et praeter patrium institutum ulebatur, et propter animi magnitudinem in singulis rebus, quascunque gerendas suscepisset, ei ut tyrannidem affectanti inimici fiebant, et quum publice res bellicas praeclarissime ad ministrasse tprivatim tamen singuli studiis ejns infensi, aliisque rerum admini-stralione commissa, non multo post rempublicam everterunt.

La storia di Tucidide First1KGreek (Thucydides. Della storia di Tucidide volgarizzata libri otto. Anonymous translator. Florence: Tipografia Galileiana, 1835.) — 6.15 focus

Così parlò Nicia, e la maggior parte degli Ateniesi che dopo lui si presentarono a parlare consigliavano si facesse la spedizione e non si cassasse il decreto ; alcuni poi dicevano il contrario. Tra quelli che più caldamente insistevano per la spedizione, era Alcibiade di Clinia bramoso di opporsi a Nicia , dal quale d'altronde discordava in materia di politica, e dal quale era stato punto con parole, e desideroso principalmente di condurre quell'impresa, come quegli che sperava che gli Ateniesi terrebbero da lui il conquisto di Sicilia e di Cartagine ; le quali cose riuscendo prosperamente, anch’egli in privato avanzerebbe in ricchezze e in gloria. Ed invero essendo tenuto in gran conto dai coucittadini avea voglie troppo maggiori de’suoi averi sì rispetto alla cavallerizza che all’altre spese, lo che poi tornò in grandissimo abbassamento della Repubblica d’Atene. Conciossiachè la maggior parte impauriti per la smodata lautezza di sua persona, e per la vastità de’disegni in ogni cosa che intraprendeva , gli divennero nemici come affettasse tirannia. Onde sebbene quanto al pubblico avesse vigorosamente disposte le cose di guèrra, nondimeno m particolare pesando a ciascuno le sue maniere, ne commisero il carico ad altri, e cosi in poco tempo rovinarono la Repubblica. Egli adunque allora fattosi innanzi disse agli Ateniesi queste parole:

Commentary

Commentary on Thucydides: Book 6 (Thucydides, Book VI. Marchant, Edgar C., editor. London: Macmillan and Company, 1909.) focus

καὶ ἐς τἆλλα —since the Peaee of Nicias, which Alc. had opposed.

διαβόλως ἐμνήσθη —‘he had made a disparaging reference to him.’

στρατηγῆσαι —see c. 12, 2 n. on ἄρχειν.

δῑ αὐτοῦ = διὰ τοῦ στρατηγῆσαι.

Καρχηδόνα —according to Plutarch, Per. 20 and Alc. 17, it was already in the time of Pericles a dream of many to conquer Sicily, Etruria, and Carthage, Cf., probably, Aristoph. Eq. 174.

ἅμα —with ὠφελήσειν. εὐτυχήσας=‘by succeeding’: the word is often used of strategi.

ὢν ἐν ἀξιώματι ὑπό = τιμώμενος ὑπό: cf. πολλὴν τὴν αἰτίαν εἶχον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν c. 46, 5.

οὐσίαν —Alc. had recently married Hipparete, sister of Callias, son of Hipponicus, ‘the richest of the Greeks’ (Andoc. 1, 130), and by her dowry had added to his wealth, which before was computed at 100 talents. The era of Callias and Alc. is spoken of both by Andoc. and by Demosth. as ἡ εὐδαιμονία. Both of them were outrageously extravagant. Callias married a first cousin of Andocides.

ὅπερ καί —the haughtiness and extravagance of Alc. brought Athens to ruin, because they deprived Athens of the services he might have rendered and led to his joining the enemy at a critical time.

φοβηθέντες γάρ —‘fearing the greatness of the lawlessness with which he indulged his whims in private life, and of the spirit that he showed in his behaviour in whatever situation he might find himself.’

καὶ κράτιστα διαθέντι —‘and though he administered the war (in Sicily) excellently, yet the citizens became indignant with him because of his behaviour.’ (So Bohme-Widmann, rightly, I think, supposing the text be sound. Stahl takes καὶ . . ἀχθεσθέντες with πολέμιοι καθέστασαν, and explains καί as concessive. Stein reads ἀχθεσθέντες < κατέπαυσαν>. Only Stahl is satisfied. Kruger thinks that after πολέμου some word like εὖνοι has fallen out. Herbst, keeping διαθέντα, thinks that ἀφελόμενοι is lost after ἀχθεσθέντες, and that the construction is δημοσίᾳ ἀφελόμενοι τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ( αὐτὸν) κράτιστα διαθέντα.)

ἰδίᾳ —his ability as a statesman is contrasted with the disgust that he caused as an individual. Cf. Bolingbroke.

ἐπιτρέψαντες —sc. τὴν πόλιν. The Schol. says τὰ τοῦ πολέμου, but (1) this would be a charge against the other generals in Sicily such as Thuc. nowhere makes; (2) the sense is not so forcible; (3) the order of words is against it.

οὐ διὰ μακροῦ = δῑ ὀλίγου, i.e. ὕστερον of § 3. It should be noticed that Thuc. traces the ruin of Athens, not to the incapacity of Nicias, but rather to the measures taken by the Ecclesia after the departure of the Expedition.

Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 6.15.4

ed. Henry Stuart Jones

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