Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 8.48

[1] This business was set on foot first in the camp and from thence proceeded afterwards into the city. And certain persons went over to Alcibiades out of Samos and had conference with him. And when he had undertaken to bring to their friendship first Tissaphernes and then the king, in case the government were taken from the people, for then, he said, the king might the better rely upon them, they that were of most power in the city, who also were the most toiled out, entered into great hope both to have the ordering of the state at home themselves and victory also over the enemy.

[2] And when they came back to Samos, they drew all such as were for their purpose into an oath of conspiracy with themselves, and to the multitude gave it out openly that if Alcibiades might be recalled and the people put from the government, the king would turn their friend and furnish them with money.

[3] Though the multitude were grieved with this proceeding for the present, yet for the great hope they had of the king's pay they stirred not. But they that were setting up the oligarchy, when they had communicated thus much to the multitude, fell to consideration anew and with more of their complices of the things spoken by Alcibiades.

[4] And the rest thought the matter easy and worthy to be believed; but Phrynichus, who yet was general of the army, liked it not, but thought, as the truth was, that Alcibiades cared no more for the oligarchy than the democracy, nor had any other aim in it but only by altering the government that then was to be called home by his associates; and said they were especially to look to this, that they did not mutiny for the king, who could not very easily be induced (the Peloponnesians being now as much masters at sea as themselves, and having no small cities within his dominions) to join with the Athenians, whom he trusted not, and to trouble himself, when he might have the friendship of the Peloponnesians, that never did him hurt;

[5] as for the confederate cities to whom they promise oligarchy, in that they themselves do put down the democracy, he said, he knew full well that neither those which were already revolted would the sooner return to, nor those that remained be ever the more confirmed in their obedience thereby;

[6] for they would never be so willing to be in subjection either to the few or to the people, as they would be to have their liberty, which side soever it were that should give it them, but would think that even those which are termed the good men, if they had the government, would give them as much to do as the people, being contrivers and authors to the people of doing those mischiefs against them, out of which they make most profit unto themselves; and that if the few had the rule, then they should be put to death unheard and more violently than by the former;

[7] whereas the people is their refuge and moderator of the others' insolence. This, he said, he was certain that the cities thought; in that they had learned the same by the actions themselves; and that therefore what was yet propounded by Alcibiades, he by no means approved.

[1] The design was first mooted in the camp, and afterwards from thence reached the city. Some persons crossed over from Samos and had an interview with Alcibiades, who immediately offered to make first Tissaphernes, and afterwards the king, their friend, if they would give up the democracy, and make it possible for the king to trust them. The higher class, who also suffered most severely from the war, now conceived great hopes of getting the government into their own hands, and of triumphing over the enemy.

[2] Upon their return to Samos the emissaries formed their partisans into a club, and openly told the mass of the armament that the king would be their friend, and would provide them with money, if Alcibiades were restored, and the democracy abolished.

[3] The multitude, if at first irritated by these intrigues, were nevertheless kept quiet by the advantageous prospect of the pay from the king; and the oligarchical conspirators, after making this communication to the people, now re-examined the proposals of Alcibiades among themselves, with most of their associates.

[4] Unlike the rest, who thought them advantageous and trustworthy, Phrynichus, who was still general, by no means approved of the proposals. Alcibiades, he rightly thought, cared no more for an oligarchy than for a democracy, and only sought to change the institutions of his country in order to get himself recalled by his associates; while for themselves their one object should be to avoid civil discord. It was not the king's interest, when the Peloponnesians were now their equals at sea, and in possession of some of the chief cities in his empire, to go out of his way to side with the Athenians whom he did not trust, when he might make friends of the Peloponnesians who had never injured him.

[5] And as for the allied states to whom oligarchy was now offered, because the democracy was to be put down at Athens , he well knew that this would not make the rebels come in any the sooner, or confirm the loyal in their allegiance; as the allies would never prefer servitude with an oligarchy or democracy to freedom with the constitution which they actually enjoyed, to whichever type it belonged.

[6] Besides, the cities thought that the so-called better classes would prove just as oppressive as the commons, as being those who originated, proposed, and for the most part benefited from the acts of the commons injurious to the confederates. Indeed, if it depended on the better classes, the confederates would be put to death without trial and with violence; while the commons were their refuge and the chastiser of these men.

[7] This he positively knew that the cities had learned by experience, and that such was their opinion. The propositions of Alcibiades, and the intrigues now in progress, could therefore never meet with his approval.

Die ganze Bewegung ging ursprünglich vom Heere aus
und verbreitete sich von dort erst später in die Stadt. Zunächst
begaben sich von Samos einige zu Alkibiades hinüber, um
mündlich mit ihm zu verhandeln. Da dieser versprach, ihnen
Tissaphernes und dann auch den König zum Freunde zu
machen, wenn die Demokratie erst gestürzt wäre, da der König
sich dann wahrscheinlich unbedenklicher darauf einlassen würde,
so machten sie sich starke Hoffnung als die angesehensten, aber
auch bisher an: schwersten geplagten Bürger, nunmehr ihrer­
seits zu Hause ans Ruder zu kommen und auch ihrer äußeren
Feinde Herr zu werden. In Samos zogen sie nach der Rück­
kehr ihre Gesinnungsgenossen ins Geheimnis und teilten öffent­
lich den Leuten mit, daß der König ihr Freund sein und den
Sold zahlen wolle, wenn der Demokratie ein Ende gemacht
und Alkibiades zurückgerufen würde. Und das Kriegsvolk, dem
die Sache im ersten Augenblick allerdings nicht nach Sinne
war, beruhigte sich dann doch dabei in der willkommenen Aus­
sicht auf den Sold des Königs. Nachdem sie das unter die

Leute gebracht, besprachen die Anhänger der Oligarchie die
Vorschläge des Alkibiades nochmals unter sich und in weiterem
Kreise ihrer Gesinnungsgenossen. Während den übrigen die
Sache ausführbar und unbedenklich ershcien, wollte Phrynichos,
der noch Feldherr war, davon durchaus nichts wissen. Seiner
Meinung nach sei es Alkibiades, wie es in der Tat der Fall
war, weder um Oligarchie noch um Demokratie, sondern ledig­
lich darum zu tun, eine Änderung der bestehenden Verfassung
herbeizuführen und mit Hilfe seiner Freunde zurückgerufen zu
werden. Sie hier aber müßten vor allem zu verhüten suchen,
daß die bewaffnete Macht für Parteizwecke mißbraucht werde.
Auch der König werde wenig Neigung haben, jetzt, wo die
Peloponnesier auch schon zur See mit gleichen Kräften auf­
träten und eine Anzahl größerer Städte seines Reichs besetzt
hätten, sich durch Freundesdienste gegen die ihm doch ver­
dächtigen Athener Ungelegenheiten zu bereiten, während er in
der Lage sei, sich die Peloponnesier, die ihm niemals was zu­
leide getan, zu Freunden zu machen. Und wenn man den
Bundesgenossen, weil sie ja selbst der Demokratie längst über­
drüssig seien, die Einführung demokratischer Verfassungen
verheiße, so werde das nach seiner Überzeugung weder die
Abgefallenen bewegen, sich den Athenern wieder anzuschließen,
noch die ihnen Treugebliebenen fester an sie kitten; denn die
Knechtschaft, gleichviel ob unter Oligarchie oder Demokratie,
würde ihnen immer noch unwillkommener sein als die Freiheit,
sei sie ihnen nun unter dieser oder jener Verfassung zuteil
geworden. Von den sogenannten Edeln aber würden sie sich
nichts Besseres versprechen wie von den Demokraten; denn das
seien Geldschneider, die das Volk zum Bösen verführten, um
sich selbst die Taschen zu füllen. Auch würde es ihrer Meinung
nach, soviel an ihnen läge, nur noch mehr gewalttätige und
willkürliche Einrichtungen geben, während grade das Volk ihre
Zuflucht sei und sie in Schranken hielte. Und daß man in
den Bundesstaaten auf Grund früherer Erfahrungen die
Sache so ansähe, wisse er bestimmt. Noch alledem könne er
sich mit den Vorschlägen des Alkibiades und dem, was man ¹
hier gegenwärtig vorhabe, seinerseits nicht einverstanden er­
klären.

XLVIII. Ce projet fut d’abord agité dans l’armée et de là passa ensuite à la ville. Quelques personnes étant allées, de Samos, s’aboucher avec Alcibiade, il leur promit l’amitié de Tissaphernes d’abord, et ensuite celle du Roi lui-même, s’ils renonçaient à la démocratie, rien n’étant plus propre à gagner sa confiance. Les citoyens les plus puissants, ceux qui ont toujours le plus à souffrir ¹ , conçurent de grandes espérances de s’emparer chez eux du gouvernement et de triompher des ennemis extérieurs. De retour à Samos, ils groupèrent autour d’eux les hommes les plus propres à un coup de main, et se mirent à publier ouvertement ² parmi les soldats que le Roi serait pour eux et leur fournirait de l’argent, pourvu qu’Alcibiade rentrât et qu’on abolît la démocratie. La foule, quoique mécontente de ce qui se passait, se tint cependant en repos, flattée de l’espoir d’obtenir une solde du Roi.

Les chefs du mouvement oligarchique, après avoir communiqué au peuple leurs desseins, examinèrent à nouveau entre eux et avec la plupart de leurs partisans les propositions d’Alcibiade. Tous les trouvaient d’une exécution facile, et dignes de toute confiance. Mais Phrynicos, qui était encore général, critiquait sans restrictions : il croyait, — ce qui était exact, —qu’Alcibiade ne tenait pas plus à l’oligarchie qu’à la démocratie; qu’il ne cherchait qu’un moyen de renverser l’ordre établi, pour se faire rappeler par ses amis et rentrer à Athènes; qu’on devait, dès lors, éviter pardessus tout de se jeter dans les agitations politiques. Quant au Roi, il disait qu’il serait bien difficile, —surtout au moment où les Péloponnésiens avaient une mariné égale à celle d’Athènes, et possédaient des places importantes dans les pays de sa domination, de l’amener à se créer des embarras en s’unissant aux Athéniens dont il se défiait, quand il pouvait au contraire contracter amitié avec les Péloponnésiens qui ne lui avaient jamais fait aucun mal. A l’égard des villes alliées, auxquelles on promettait le gouvernement oligarchique, il était bien sûr, disait-il, que le renversement de la démocratie à Athènes ne déterminerait ni un retour de fidélité chez celles qui s’étaient soulevées, ni un plus grand attachement chez celles qui restaient soumises; car elles ne préféreraient pas la servitude, sous quelque régime que ce fût, oligarchique ou démo- cratique, à la liberté avec l’une ou l’autre de ces formes de gouvernement. Qu’elles réfléchiraient que ceux qu’on appelait les honnêtes gens ³ ne leur donneraient pas moins d’afiaires que le peuple, puisque c’étaient eux qui lui conseillaient le mal, lui fournissaient les moyens de le faire et en profitaient pour la plus grande part. Que leur domination, c’était la condamnation sans jugement, la mort plus inévitable, tandis qu’on trouvait dans le peuple un refuge pour soi-même, et un frein pour les grands. Qu’il savait, à n’en pas douter, que les villes, instruites par les faits eux-mêmes, pensaient comme lui à cet égard; que dès lors il repoussait complètement, pour sa part, et les propositions d’Alcibiade et les manoeuvres actuelles.

L’affaire fut d’abord agitée dans le camp, pois dans la ville. Quelques Athéniens étant venus de Samos pour s’aboucher avec Alcibiade, il se fit fort de leur concilier l’amitié de Tissapherne et ensuite celle du roi, pourvu qu’ils renonçassent à la démocratie, et qu’ainsi le roi pût avoir confiance en eux. Dès lors, les principaux citoyens, ceux qui supportent les plus lourdes charges, conçurent un grand espoir de se saisir de la direction des affaires et de triompher des ennemis. De retour à Samos, ils réunirent leurs affidés, se lièrent entre eux par serment, et déclarèrent sans détour à la foule que le roi serait l’ami des Athéniens et leur fournirait des subsides sitôt qu’Alcibiade aurait été rappelé et la démocratie abolie.

Bien qu’au premier moment la multitude ne vît pas de bon œil ces menées, la perspective des subsides fournis par le roi la fit tenir tranquille. Les chefs du parti oligarchique, après avoir communiqué au peuple leur projet, examinèrent entre eux et avec le reste des conjurés les propositions d’Alcibiade. Elles leur parurent à tous avantageuses et sûres. Le seul Phryni-’ clios, alors général, les-repoussa complètement. A l’entendre,— et e’était la vérité,—Alcibiade ne tenait pas plus à l’oligarchie qu'à la démocratie; il ne cherchait qu’un moyen de renverser l^ordre établi dans la ville, afin de s’y faire rappeler par ses amis; or on devait avant tout prévenir les dissensions. Quant au roi, il n’était pas de son intérêt, au moment où les Pélopo-nésiens étaient devenus sur mer les égaux des Athéniens et occupaient dans ses États des places importantes, de segïréer des embarras en s’unissant aux Athéniens dont il se défiait, au lieu des Péloponésiens dont il n’avait point à se plaindre. A l’égard des villes alliées auxquelles on promettait l’oligarchie parce que Athènes cesserait d’être gouvernée démocratiquement, il savait bien, disait-il, que ce ne serait ni un motif de soumission pour les cités révoltées, ni un gage de fidélité pour celles qui leur restaient ; car plutôt que d’être esclaves de l'oligarchie ou de la démocratie, elles aimeraient mieux être libres, n’importe sous lequel de ces deux gouvernements; elles se diraient sans aucun doute que ceux qu'on appelait les honnêtes gens ¹ ne leur susciteraient pas moins d’ennuis que la démocratie, puisque c’étaient eux qui commettaient toutes les exactions, et causaient au peuple mille vexations dont ils tiraient bénéfice ; que s’assujettir à eux, c’était vouloir le régime des condamnations arbitraires et des exécutions violentes, au lieu que le peuple était un refuge ouvert à tous et un frein aux excès .du petit nombre. Phrynichos prétendait savoir pertinemment que les villes s’étaient formé cette opinion par expérience ; aussi repoussait-il à la fois les offres d’Alcibiade et l’ensemble du projet.

[1] This movement began first in the camp and from there spread to the city of Athens. Then certain men crossed over from Samos and had a conference with Alcibiades, and when he held out to them that he would first make Tissaphernes a friend and then the King also, if there were not a democracy —for so the King would have more confidence in them—the influential citizens, who are apt to bear the heaviest burdens, had great hopes for themselves personally that they would get the government into their own hands and prevail over the enemy as well.

[2] So they went to Samos and set about combining in a conspiracy such men as were suitable, at the same time saying openly to the people that the King would be a friend to them and would furnish money if Alcibiades were restored and they were not ruled by a democracy. The multitude, even if at the moment it was somewhat dissatisfied with the scheme, none the less kept quiet because the prospect of pay from the King seemed easy of attainment;

[3] while those who were trying to establish the oligarchy, as soon as they had made their designs known to the people, once more took up the proposals of Alcibiades for consideration among themselves and the majority of the members of the political clubs. And to most of these the proposals appeared practicable and trustworthy;

[4] Phrynichus, however, who was still general, did not find them at all satisfactory, but was of opinion that Alcibiades had really no more desire for an oligarchy than for a democracy, and had no other object in view than in some manner, by bringing about in the state a change from its present order, to secure his own return at the invitation of his party associates. The Athenians, however, in the opinion of Phrynichus, must make it their chief concern to avoid being rent with factions. Neither was it in the interest of the King, he said, now that the Peloponnesians were at home on the sea quite as much as the Athenians and held possession of cities in his empire which were not the smallest, to attach himself to the Athenians, whom he did not trust, and thus involve himself in trouble, when it was possible to make friends of the Peloponnesians, from whom he had suffered no harm.

[5] As for the allied cities, to which forsooth they would promise an oligarchical form of government for the reason that they themselves would not be under a democracy, he said that he knew well that neither those which had revolted from the Athenians would be any more likely to come back into the alliance nor would those which still remained allies be more staunch; for they would not want to be slaves with either an oligarchy or a democracy in preference to being free with whichever form they might perchance have such freedom.

[6] And as to those who were called “the good and true” men, ¹ he said that the allies believed that they would bring them no less trouble than the popular party, being as they were providers ² and proposers to the people of evil projects from which they themselves got the most benefit. Indeed, so far as it rested with these men, they, the allies, would be put to death not only without trial but by methods even more violent, whereas the people were a refuge to themselves and a check upon the oligarchs.

[7] This understanding of the matter, he asserted, the allied cities had gained from the facts themselves, and he was quite sure that this was their opinion. Therefore, to himself at least not one of the schemes that were being advocated by Alcibiades at the present time was satisfactory.

[1] This design therefore was first mooted in the camp, and thence spread to the city. Accordingly, certain individuals went over from Samos, and had an interview with Alcibiades; and when he held out that he would first make Tissaphernes their friend, and then the king, in case they were not under a democratical government, (for so the king would place greater reliance on them,) the aristocratical party amongst the citizens, who also suffered most at present, entertained many hopes of getting the government into their own hands, as well as of gaining the victory over the enemy.

[2] Accordingly they went to Samos, and united in a club such men as favoured their views, openly representing to the people at large that the king would be their friend, and supply them with money, if Alcibiades were restored, and they were not governed by a democracy.

[3] The multitude, though annoyed to a certain extent by these negotiations, remained quiet because of their abundant hopes of pay from the king; while those who were for establishing the oligarchy, after they had communicated their designs to the mass of the people, again considered the proposals of Alcibiades ¹ amongst themselves and the greater part of their associates. To the rest, then, they appeared advantageous and worthy of their confidence;

[4] but Phrynichus, who was still general, was not at all pleased with them, but thought that Alcibiades (as was really the case) had no more desire for an oligarchy than for a democracy, or considered any thing else but how, by bringing the state to change its present constitution, he might obtain his recall by the invitation of his associates. he said,

[5]

[6]

[7]

[1] Haec autem res in castris prius agitata est, et hinc postea in urbem est propagata. Et nonnulli ex Samo trajicientes in colloquium cum Alcibiade venerunt, qui quum hanc spem ostenderet, se primum quidem Tissaphernis, deinde vero regis etiam amicitiam iis conciliatarum, ei non populari imperio uterentur (sic enim regem magis confisurum), civitatis principes magnam spem concipiebant, fore, ut et ad se ipsos, qui malis maxime premerentur, reipublicae administrationem transferrent, et hostes superarent.

[2] Et Samum reversi homines idoneos sibi conciliantes conjurationem conflabant et apud multitudinem propalam dicebant, regem sibi amicum fore, et pecuniam praebiturum, si Alcibiades restitueretur, et popularis status tolleretur.

[3] Et vulgus quidem, quamquam in praesentia aegre ferebat ea, quae agebantur, ob paratam tamen stipendii regii spem quiescebat; illi vero, qui paucorum imperium constituere cupiebant, postquam rem cum multitudine communicarunt, rursus etiam inter se ipsos et majorem sodalium partem illa Alcibiadis promissa expendebant.

[4] Et ceteris quidem haec factu facilia et fide digna videbantur; Phryni-cho autem, qui adhuc erat dux, nihil horum placebat, sed et Alcibiades (id quod res erat) nihilo magis pauoorum dominatum quam popularem statum affectare ei videbatur, nec aliud quicquam spectare, nisi qua ratione, immutata praesenti civitatis disciplina, a sodalibus arcessitus reverti posset, sibi vero hoc praecipue prospiciendum esse, ne inter se dissiderent; et regi non sane facile factu esse, quum Peloponnesii jam aeque in mari versarentur, et urbes tenerent non minimas in illius imperio, Atheniensibus se adjungere , quibus diffideret, et ita negotia habere, quum ei liceret amicitiam cum Peloponnesiis inire, a quibus nullo maleficio affectus esset.

[5] Quod autem attineret ad socias civitates , quibus jam promisissent paucorum imperium, quod ne ipsi quidem amplius populari statu essent usuri, dicebat, se probe scire, non ideo magis nec illas, quae defecissent, in suam potestatem redituras, nec illas, quae sibi superes-sent, constantiores futuras; non enim hunc eos animum'habituros, ut sub paucorum dominatu aut in populari statu servitutem pati potius vellent, quum in ulrocunque statu libertate frui,

[6] et eos, qui honesti bonique viri vocentur, videri illis non minus negotii, quam ipsum popularem statum, sibi exhibituros, quum duces et auctores plebi essent maleficiorum ex quibus ipsi pleraque commoda consequerentur; et quantum quidem in illorum potestate esset, se et indicta causa et crudelius morte mulctatum iri, popularem vero statum suum esse perfugium, et illorum moderatorem.

[7] Atque haec civitates ipsa experientia edoctas ita existimare, sibi ipsi plane compertum esse. Nequaquam igitur sibi quidem quicquam eorum, quae et in praesentia ab Alcibiade gerantur, placere.

La cosa fu primamente agitata negli accampamenti di Samo , e di dlì poi in città. E siccome alcuni da Samo erano andati a trovare Alcibiade e si erano sentiti promettere da lui che prima di tutto renderebbe amico di Atene Tissaferne (se abolissero lo stato popolare), e quindi anche il re che allora meglio si fiderebbe, cosi essendo essi i più potenti tra9 cittadini ed anche i più travagliati , si levavano a grandi speranze di potersi recare in mano le redini della Repubblica , e di abbattere la parte contraria. E tornati a Samo si unirono in cospirazione colle persone loro aderenti, e spargevano apertamente nel volgo che il re sarebbe loro amico e somministrerebbe i denari, se Alcibiade fosse rimesso in patria , e si abolisse la democrazia. La moltitudine benché di presente sentisse un po’ male quelle pratiche, nondimeno per la molta speranza che il re darebbe gli stipendii, stavasi quieta. Ma quei che cospiravano a stabilir l’oligarchia dopo aver conferito ciò colla moltitudine , di nuovo tra loro e colla maggior parte degli amici stavano esaminando le proposizioni di Alcibiade ; le quali tuttoché agli altri sembrassero facili e sincere, non andavano punto a genio di Frinico che era tuttora il generale. Anzi egli opinava, come infatti era vero, che Alcibiade nulla più si curasse dell’ oligarchia che della democrazia ; e che non altro cercasse che il modo (qual che si fosse) di mutare l’attual reggimento della città per esser richiamato in patria dagli amici. Però badassero bene di non suscitar discordie. Diceva inoltre che mentre i Peloponnesi occupavano il mare non meno che gli Ateniesi, e possedevano città non dispregevoli negli stali del re, a questo non tornerebbe conto comperar briglie per udirsi con Atene della quale non si fidava, quando poteva farsi amico il Peloponneso dal quale non aveva sofferto alcun male. Quanto alle città confederate (alle quali avean promessa l’oligarchia mentre essi pure abolirebbero il governo popolare) veder lui chiaro, proseguiva , che le già ribellate non per questo piegherebbero maggiormente alla parte d’Atene, e quelle che tuttora stanno all’obbedienza, non diverrebbero più ferme nell1 amicizia. Perciocché o coll’oligarchia, o colla democrazia, elle non vorranno chinare il capo sotto il giogo, innanzichè aver libertà; qual che si sia il governo che lor possa toccare. Aggiugneva poi che anche quelli i quali hanno nome di uomini probi andranno convinti che gli ottimati di quelle città daranno loro delle molestie non meno che il popolo, essendo essi operatori e apportatori al popolo stesso di mali, dai quali sperano ricavar per sé grandi vantaggi ; e che avendo costoro in mano il governo, i cittadini saranno esposti a morti violente e senza processo ; laddove il popolo suol essere il refugio di questi, ed il moderatore di quelli. E finiva con dire che quanto a sè era sicuro che le città istruite dai fatti la penserebbero in questo modo, e che però nulla piacevagli di ciò che presentemente si trattava da Alcibiade.