Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Adolf Wahrmund (Translator), 6.31

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In diesem Augenblicke, wo sie im Angesicht der nahen
Gefahr von einander Abschied nehmen sollten, leuchtete ihnen die Größe
des Wagnisses mehr ein, als damals, als sieden Zug beschlossen.
Gleichwohl aber faßten sie wieder Muth beim Anblick der Macht, die
sich vor ihnen entfaltete, wenn sie die Fülle Alles Einzelnen
betrachteten. Die Fremden aber und der andere Hause waren gekommen,
um das, was so großartig und kaum glaublich erschienen war, mit
eigenen Augen verwirklicht zu sehen.

Denn zum ersten Male bis auf diese Zeit ging aus einer
einzigen Stadt und von Einer hellenischen Macht eine so kostspielige
und prachtvoll ausgerüstete Unternehmung aus. Zwar war an Zahl
der Schiffe und der Schwerbewaffneten auch diejenige nicht geringer,
welche unter PerikleS gegen EpidauroS und danach unter Hagnon
gegen Potidäa ging 2'); denn damals waren viertausend
Schwerbewaffnete von den Athenern und dreihundert Reiter und hundert
Dreiruderer, und von den LeSbiern und Ehiern fünfzig Fahrzeuge und
dazu noch viele andere Bundesgenossen mitgezogen; aber sie waren ¹
nur zu einem Unternehmen von kurzer Dauer und auch sonst nur mit ²
schwacher Rüstung ausgefahren. Dieser Zug aber war auf längere
Dauer berechnet und in beiderlei Hinsicht, mit Schiffen nämlich und
Landtruppen zugleich ausgerüstet, damit man sich nöthigen Falls
der Einen wie der Andern bedienen könne, und die Flotte war mit
großem Geldaufwand von Seiten der Schiffsherrn und des
Staates hergestellt worden. Aus dem Staatssäckel nämlich erhielt
Jeder von der Bemannung eine Drachme des TageS und der
Staat hatte die leeren Schiffe^) gestellt, sechzig Schnellsegler und
vierzig Lastschiffe für die Schwerbewaffneten^), und dazu die besten
Ruderer; die Schisssherrn aber gaben der Mannschaft aus der
obersten Ruderbank und den übrigen Ruderern zu der Staatslöhnung noch
eine Zulage aus Eigenem und brachten auch sonst kostbare
Schiffsbildei und andere Ausstattungsstücke an, und jeder Einzelne machte
die allergrößten Anstrengungen, damit sein Schiff sich durch Schönheit
und Schnelligkeit am meisten auszeichne. Bei derAushebung des ³⁴⁵⁶⁷⁸⁹
LandheereS aber war man auf das Gewissenhafteste zu Werk
gegangen 68), und in Bezug auf Waffen und Bekleidung des Körpers
wetteiferte man unter sich mit der größten Anstrengung. Dazu kam
noch unter den Einzelnen der Wettstreit in Ausführung der Dinge,
über die ein Jeder gesetzt war, und gegenüber den andern Hellenen
schien das Ganze mehr eine Schaustellung des Reichthums und der
Macht, als eine Kriegsrüstung gegen Feinde. Denn hätte Einer den
öffentlichen Staatsaufwand und die besonderen Ausgaben der
Mitschiffenden berechnet, wie viel nämlich der Staat bereits aufgewendet
hatte und was er jetzt den Feldherren mitgab, und was jeder
Einzelne für seine Person und jeder Schiffsherr für sein Schiff bereits
ausgegeben hatte und noch auszugeben gewillt war, ganz abgesehen
von dem, was natürlicher Weise außer dem öffentlichen Solde Jeder ¹⁰¹¹
an Reisegeld für einen so langdauernden Feldzug, oder was einzelne ¹²
Soldaten und Kaufleute zum Umsatz mitnahmen, so würde man
finden, daß zusammen gar viele Talente aus der Stadt gewandert
sind 29). Und dieser Kriegszug wurde nicht weniger berühmt durch
die staunenswerthe Kühnheit des Wagnisses und durch Glanz und
Pracht deS Schauspiels, als durch Ueberlegenheit an Truppenzahl
über die, gegen welche er gerichtet war, und dadurch, daß nie ein
Seezug auf so große Weite von der Heimat weg unternommen
worden war, und nie mit so großer Hoffnung auf bevorstehende
Vergrößerung der vorhandenen Macht.

History of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides. Adolf Wahrmund (Translator). Stuttgart. 1864.

Current edition First1KGreek

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs (German) (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Wahrmund, Adolf, translator. Stuttgart: Krais and Hoffmann, 1864.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Thucydides. Historiae, Vol 1-2. Jones, Henry Stuart, editor. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1910. (1942 printing).) — 6.31.1 focus

[1] καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ, ὡς ἤδη ἔμελλον μετὰ κινδύνων ἀλλήλους ἀπολιπεῖν, μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἐσῄει τὰ δεινὰ ἢ ὅτε ἐψηφίζοντο πλεῖν· ὅμως δὲ τῇ παρούσῃ ῥώμῃ, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἑκάστων ὧν ἑώρων, τῇ ὄψει ἀνεθάρσουν. οἱ δὲ ξένοι καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὄχλος κατὰ θέαν ἧκεν ὡς ἐπ’ ἀξιόχρεων καὶ ἄπιστον διάνοιαν. παρασκευὴ γὰρ αὕτη πρώτη ἐκπλεύσασα μιᾶς πόλεως δυνάμει Ἑλληνικῇ πολυτελεστάτη δὴ καὶ εὐπρεπεστάτη τῶν ἐς ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐγένετο.

[2] ἀριθμῷ δὲ νεῶν καὶ ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ἡ ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον μετὰ Περικλέους καὶ ἡ αὐτὴ ἐς Ποτείδαιαν μετὰ Ἅγνωνος οὐκ ἐλάσσων ἦν· τετράκις γὰρ χίλιοι ὁπλῖται αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τριακόσιοι ἱππῆς καὶ τριήρεις ἑκατόν, καὶ Λεσβίων καὶ Χίων πεντήκοντα, καὶ ξύμμαχοι ἔτι πολλοὶ ξυνέπλευσαν.

[3] ἀλλὰ ἐπί τε βραχεῖ πλῷ ὡρμήθησαν καὶ παρασκευῇ φαύλῃ, οὗτος δὲ ὁ στόλος ὡς χρόνιός τε ἐσόμενος καὶ κατ’ ἀμφότερα, οὗ ἂν δέῃ, καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα ἐξαρτυθείς, τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν μεγάλαις δαπάναις τῶν τε τριηράρχων καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκπονηθέν, τοῦ μὲν δημοσίου δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας τῷ ναύτῃ ἑκάστῳ διδόντος καὶ ναῦς παρασχόντος κενὰς ἑξήκοντα μὲν ταχείας, τεσσαράκοντα δὲ ὁπλιταγωγοὺς καὶ ὑπηρεσίας ταύταις τὰς κρατίστας, τῶν 〈δὲ〉 τριηράρχων ἐπιφοράς τε πρὸς τῷ ἐκ δημοσίου μισθῷ διδόντων τοῖς θρανίταις τῶν ναυτῶν καὶ ταῖς ὑπηρεσίαις καὶ τἆλλα σημείοις καὶ κατασκευαῖς πολυτελέσι χρησαμένων,καὶ ἐς τὰ μακρότατα προθυμηθέντος ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ὅπως αὐτῷ τινὶ εὐπρεπείᾳ τε ἡ ναῦς μάλιστα προέξει καὶ τῷ ταχυναυτεῖν, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν καταλόγοις τε χρηστοῖς ἐκκριθὲν καὶ ὅπλων καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα σκευῶν μεγάλῃ σπουδῇ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἁμιλληθέν.

[4] ξυνέβη δὲ πρός τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἅμα ἔριν γενέσθαι, ᾧ τις ἕκαστος προσετάχθη, καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ἐπίδειξιν μᾶλλον εἰκασθῆναι τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ ἐξουσίας ἢ ἐπὶ πολεμίους παρασκευήν.

[5] εἰ γάρ τις ἐλογίσατο τήν τε τῆς πόλεως ἀνάλωσιν δημοσίαν καὶ τῶν στρατευομένων τὴν ἰδίαν, τῆς μὲν πόλεως ὅσα τε ἤδη προετετελέκει καὶ ἃ ἔχοντας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀπέστελλε, τῶν δὲ ἰδιωτῶν ἅ τε περὶ τὸ σῶμά τις καὶ τριήραρχος ἐς τὴν ναῦν ἀνηλώκει καὶ ὅσα ἔτι ἔμελλεν ἀναλώσειν, χωρὶς δ’ ἃ εἰκὸς ἦν καὶ ἄνευ τοῦ ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου μισθοῦ πάντα τινὰ παρασκευάσασθαι ἐφόδιον ὡς ἐπὶ χρόνιον στρατείαν, καὶ ὅσα ἐπὶ μεταβολῇ τις ἢ στρατιώτης ἢ ἔμπορος ἔχων ἔπλει, πολλὰ ἂν τάλαντα ηὑρέθη ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὰ πάντα ἐξαγόμενα.

[6] καὶ ὁ στόλος οὐχ ἧσσον τόλμης τε θάμβει καὶ ὄψεως λαμπρότητι περιβόητος ἐγένετο ἢ στρατιᾶς πρὸς οὓς ἐπῇσαν ὑπερβολῇ, καὶ ὅτι μέγιστος ἤδη διάπλους ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας καὶ ἐπὶ μεγίστῃ ἐλπίδι τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἐπεχειρήθη.

Translations (9)

The History of the Grecian War Perseus (Thucydides. The English works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury. Hobbes, Thomas. translator. London: John Bohn, 1843.) — 6.31.1 focus

[1] For this preparation, being the first Grecian power that ever went out of Greece from one only city, was the most sumptuous and the most glorious of all that ever had been sent forth before it to that day. Nevertheless, for number of galleys and men of arms, that which went forth with Pericles to Epidaurus and that which Agnon carried with him to Potidaea was not inferior to it. For there went four thousand men of arms, three hundred horse, and one hundred galleys out of Athens itself, and out of Lesbos and Chios fifty galleys, besides many confederates that accompanied him in the voyage.

[2] But they went not far and were but meanly furnished. Whereas this fleet, as being to stay long abroad, was furnished for both kinds of service, in which of them soever it should have occasion to be employed, both with shipping and land-soldiers.

[3] For the shipping, it was elaborate with a great deal of cost, both of the captains of galleys and of the city. For the state allowed a drachma a day to every mariner; the empty galleys which they sent forth, being of nimble ones sixty and of such as carried their men of arms forty more, and the captains of galleys both put into them the most able servants, and besides the wages of the state, unto the [uppermost bank of oars, called the] Thranitae, and to the servants, gave somewhat of their own, and bestowed great cost otherwise every one upon his own galley, both in the badges and other rigging, each one striving to the utmost to have his galley, both in some ornament and also in swiftness, to exceed the rest. And for the land forces, they were levied with exceeding great choice, and every man endeavoured to excel his fellow in the bravery of his arms and utensils that belonged to his person.

[4] Insomuch as amongst themselves it begat quarrel about precedency, but amongst other Grecians, a conceit that it was an ostentation rather of their power and riches than a preparation against an enemy.

[5] For if a man enter into account of the expense, as well of the public as of private men that went the voyage, namely, of the public, what was spent already in the business, and what was to be given to the commanders to carry with them, and of private men, what every one had bestowed upon his person and every captain on his galley, besides what every one was likely, over and above his allowance from the state, to bestow on provision for so long a warfare, and what the merchant carried with him for traffic, he will find the whole sum carried out of the city to amount to a great many talents.

[6] And the fleet was no less noised amongst those against whom it was to go for the strange boldness of the attempt and gloriousness of the show than it was for the excessive report of their number, for the length of the voyage, and for that it was undertaken with so vast future hopes in respect of their present power.

History of the Peloponnesian War Perseus (Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Crawley, Richard, translator. London and Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd.; New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1914.) — 6.31.1 focus

[1] Indeed, at this moment, when they were now upon the point of parting from one another, the danger came more home to them than when they voted for the expedition; although the strength of the armament, and the profuse provision which they remarked in every department, was a sight that could not but comfort them. As for the foreigners and the rest of the crowd, they simply went to see a sight worth looking at and passing all belief.
Indeed this armament that first sailed out was by far the most costly and splendid Hellenic force that had ever been sent out by a single city up to that time.

[2] In mere number of ships and heavy infantry that against Epidaurus under Pericles, and the same when going against Potidaea under Hagnon, was not inferior; containing as it did four thousand Athenian heavy infantry, three hundred horse, and one hundred galleys accompanied by fifty Lesbian and Chian vessels and many allies besides.

[3] But these were sent upon a short voyage and with a scanty equipment. The present expedition was formed in contemplation of a long term of service by land and sea alike, and was furnished with ships and troops so as to be ready for either as required. The fleet had been elaborately equipped at great cost to the captains and the state; the treasury giving a drachma a day to each seaman, and providing empty ships, sixty men of war and forty transports, and manning these with the best crews obtainable; while the captains gave a bounty in addition to the pay from the treasury to the thranitae and crews generally, besides spending lavishly upon figure-heads and equipments, and one and all making the utmost exertions to enable their own ships to excel in beauty and fast sailing. Meanwhile the land forces had been picked from the best muster-rolls, and vied with each other in paying great attention to their arms and personal accoutrements.

[4] From this resulted not only a rivalry among themselves in their different departments, but an idea among the rest of the Hellenes that it was more a display of power and resources than an armament against an enemy.

[5] For if any one had counted up the public expenditure of the state, and the private outlay of individuals—that is to say, the sums which the state had already spent upon the expedition and was sending out in the hands of the generals, and those which individuals had expended upon their personal outfit, or as captains of galleys had laid out and were still to lay out upon their vessels; and if he had added to this the journey money which each was likely to have provided himself with, independently of the pay from the treasury, for a voyage of such length, and what the soldiers or traders took with them for the purpose of exchange—it would have been found that many talents in all were being taken out of the city.

[6] Indeed the expedition became not less famous for its wonderful boldness and for the splendour of its appearance, than for its overwhelming strength as compared with the peoples against whom it was directed, and for the fact that this was the longest passage from home hitherto attempted, and the most ambitious in its objects considering the resources of those who undertook it.

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Braun, Theodor, translator. Leipzig: Insel-Verlag, 1917.) — 6.31 focus

In diesem Augenblick, wo sie angesichts der bevorstehenden
Gefahren Abschied nahmen, trat ihnen der furchtbare Ernst
der Sache weit lebhafter vor die Seele als damals, wo sie
für den Zug stimmten. Aber beim Anblick der sich hier vor
ihren Augen entfaltenden gewaltigen Rüstung faßten sie dann
doch wieder guten Mut. Die Fremden und die Massen waren
mit hinausgezogen, um sich das großartige Schauspiel des
Auszugs zu einer so außerordentlichen Unternehmung anzu
sehen. Denn eine so kostspielige und prächtige Flotte war
bis dahin noch nie von einer einzigen griechischen Stadt
ausgerüstet und in See geschickt. Allerdings war die Flotte,
mit welcher Perikles nach Epidauros und nachher Hagnon
nach Potidäa ging, an Zahl der Schiffe und Hopliten ebenso
groß; denn damals hatten viertausend Hopliten, dreihundert
Reiter und hundert Trieren aus Athen selbst, fünfzig Trieren
aus Lesbos und Chios und außerdem zahlreiche Bundesgenossen
die Fahrt mitgemacht. Damals aber hatte es sich nur um
kürzere Fahrten gehandelt, und die Ausrüstung war dürftig
gewesen. Diesmal aber galt es eine Unternehmung auf längere
Zeit, bei der man sich für alle Fälle sowohl mit Schiffen wie
mit Landtruppen versehen hatte. Die Flotte war mit großen
Kosten, teils durch die Trierarchen, teils von Staats wegen aus
gerüstet. Der Staat zahlte der Mannschaft an Bord täglich
je eine Drachme und stellte die leeren Schiffe, sechzig Kriegs
schiffe und vierzig Transportschiffe für die Truppen, nebst
den eigentlichen Seeleuten, die Trierarchen aber gaben den
Ruderknechten der obersten Bank und den Seeleuten Zulagen
zu ihrem Solde aus der Staatskasse und statteten ihre Schiffe
auch sonst noch durch kostbare Abzeichen und Einrichtungen
aus, wobei einer den anderen zu überbieten suchte, damit
sein Schiff sich durch Schönheit und Schnelligkeit hervortäte.
Das Landheer aber bestand aus ausgesuchten Leuten, die es
durch Bewaffnung und schmucke Erscheinung einander zuvor
zutun suchten. So kam es, daß die Sache nicht nur unter
ihnen selbst zugleich zu einem Wettstreit wurde, indem jeder
seines Orts Ehre einlegen wollte, sondern auch nach außen
den Eindruck machte, als handle es sich nicht sowohl um
einen Feldzug in Feindes Land als darum, den Griechen die
Macht und den Reichtum Athens vor Augen zu führen. Wollte
man berechnen, was der Staat und die einzelnen Teilnehmer
des ZugeS dafür aufgewandt, - der Staat, was er schon aus
gelegt und den Feldherren mitgegeben, die einzelnen, was sie
für ihre Person, die Trierarchen für ihre Schiffe schon aus
gegeben hatten oder noch weiter ausgeben wollten, außerdem
was natürlich jeder zu eigenem Bedarf für einen längeren
Feldzug außer seinem staatlichen Solde als Reisegeld mit
nahm, auch was mancher Soldat oder mitreisende Handels
mann zum Umsatz bei sich führte, - so würde man ifnden,
daß es alles in allem viele, viele Talente waren, die damals
auS der Stadt hinauswanderten. Auch wurde dieser Auszug
durch das Staunenswerte des Unterfangens und das pracht-
volle Schauspiel, daS er bot, nicht minder berühmt wie durch
die Überlegenheit der Heeresmacht über den Feind, gegen
den es ging; war doch noch niemals eine Fahrt in weite
Ferne mit einer tsolzeren Flotte und mit größeren Hoffnungen
auf neue Erweiterung der athenischen Macht unternommen
worden.

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponèse First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése, Vol. 1-2. Zévort, Marie Charles, translator. Paris: Charpentier, 1852.) — 6.31 focus

XXXI. C’était en effet, la première fois qu’on vît sortir d’une seule ville les armements les plus splendides, la plus magnifique expédition que la Grèce eût fournie jusqu’alors. Sans doute, pour le nombre des vaisseaux et des hoplites, l’expédition dirigée contre Épidaure par Périclès, et ensuite contre Potidée par Hagnon, ne le cédait en rien; car elle comptait quatre mille hoplites et trois cents cavaliers athéniens, cent galères d'Athènes, cinquante de Lesbos et de Chio, sans parler d’une multitude d’alliés quiy prirent part. Mais alors la traversée devait être courte; l’appareil était médiocre : ici, au contraire, l’expédition était organisée en prévision d’une longue guerre, abondamment pourvue, pour parer à toute éventualité, et d’armements maritimes et de forces de terre. La flotte avait été équipée à grands frais par les triérarques et par la ville : l’État payait une drachme par jour à chaque matelot, et fournissait des vaisseaux vides, à savoir : soixante bâtiments légers¹ et quarante pour le transport des hoplites; il les pourvoyait des meilleurs équipages de matelots. ² Les triérarques donnaient aux thranites et aux matelots³ un supplément à la solde payée par le trésor. Leurs bâtiments étaient décorés de sculptures et emménagés avec luxe; chacun d’eux s’ingéniait à l’envi pour que son navire se distinguât par quelque caractère d’élégance et par la supériorité do sa marche. L’armée de terre, avait été choisie sur les rôles d’élite : la beauté des armes et des vêlements y était l’objet d’une ardente rivalité; entre eux c’était une émulation incessante à bien remplir l’emploi confié à chacun; et on eût dit plutôt un étalage de force et de puissance à la face du reste de la Grèce qu’un armement contre les ennemis. En effet, si on calculait les dépenses du trésor public et celles particulières à chaque homme de l’expédition : pour l’État, ce qu’il avait déjà dépensé et ce qu’il donnait aux généraux qu’il envoyait; pour les particuliers, les sommes déjà consacrées à l’équipement, à la construction des vaisseaux par les triérarques, et celles dont ils devaient avoir besoin encore; la réserve que chacun, en partant pour une longue expédition, devait vraisemblablement emporter pour le voyage, indépendamment de la solde qu’il recevait du trésor; ce que les soldats et les marchands emportaient pour les achats, on trouverait qu’en somme bien des talents sortirent de la ville. Cette expédition ne fut pas moins fameuse par son incroyable audace et l’éclatant spectacle qu’elle présenta, que par la supériorité de l’armée relativement aux peuples qu’on allait attaquer; c’était d’ailleurs la navigation la plus loin- ⁴ taine entreprise jusque-là, et jamais plus vastes espérances n’avaient été conçues d’ajouter un brillant avenir aux prospérités présentes.

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése. Bétant, Élie-Ami, translator. Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette, 1863.) — 6.31 focus

Jamais armée grecque si superbe et si magnifiquement équipée n’était sortie d’un même port. Pour le nombre des vaisseaux et des hoplites, celle qui alla à Épidaure avec Périclès et ensuite à Potidée avec Hagnon n’était point inférieure ¹ ; car elle comptait quatre mille hoplites, quatre cents cavaliers, cent trirèmes d’Athènes, cinquante de Lesbos et de Chios, sans parler des autres alliés; mais elle n’avait qu’une courte traversée à faire et son équipement laissait beaucoup h désirer. Ici au contraire l’expédition devait être de longue durée, et il fallait qu’elle pût agir au besoin sur terre et sur mer. La flotte avait été armée à grands frais par l’État et par les trié-rarques.L’État donnait une drachme par jour à chaque matelot²; il fournissait les vaisseaux, soixante hâtiments légers, quarante pour le transport des hoplites, avec des équipages de choix. Les triérarques allouaient un supplément de solde aux matelots dits thranites ³ et aux autres rameurs ; ils avaient orné leurs navires de riches emblèmes et de toute sorte d’embellissements ; chacun d’eux avait fait les plus grands sacrifices pour que son bâtiment se distinguât par son élégance et par la rapidité de sa marche. L’infanterie avait été recrutée d’après des rôles soigneusement dressés⁴; les soldats avaient rivalisé entre eux pour la beauté des vêtements et des armes ; en un mot, chacun avait fait les derniers efforts pour briller à la place qui lui était assignée. On eût dit une démonstration de force et de puissance pour éblouir la Grèce, plutôt qu’un armement dirigé contre des ennemis. Si l’on additionne ce que l’État et les particuliers avaient déboursé pour cette expédition, l’État par ses avances et par les sommes fournies aux généraux partants, les particuliers par les frais des soldats pour leur équipement et des triérarques pour leurs navires ; si l’on y joint tout l’argent que chacun, indépendamment de la solda publique, devait se procurer pour un voyage de long cours, enfin celui que les soldats et les marchands emportaient pour trafiquer, on se fera une idée de l’énorme quantité de numéraire qui sortait alors d’Athènes. L’expédition n’était pas moins remarquable par sa prodigieuse hardiesse et par l’éclat de son appareil, que par la disproportion de ses forces avec son but avoué. L’immense étendue du trajet ajoutait encore à la grandeur d’une entreprise qui offrait la perspective illimitée d’un splendide avenir.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides, Vol. 1-4. Smith, Charles Foster, translator. London and Cambridge, MA: Heinemann and Harvard University Press, 1919-1923.) — 6.31.1 focus

[1] For this first armament that sailed for Sicily was the costliest and most splendid, belonging to a single city and with a purely Hellenic force, that had ever up to that time set sail. In number of ships, however, and of hoplites the expedition against Epidaurus under Pericles, and the same one afterwards under Hagnon against Potidaea, was not inferior; for in that voyage four thousand Athenian hoplites and three hundred knights and one hundred triremes had participated, and from Lesbos and Chios fifty triremes, and allied troops besides in large numbers.

[2] But they had set off for a short voyage with a poor equipment; whereas this expedition, as one likely to be of long duration, was fitted out for both kinds of service, according as there might be need of either, with ships and also with land-forces.

[3] The fleet was built up at great expense on the part both of the trierarchs and of the city: the state giving a drachma per day for each sailor and furnishing sixty empty¹ warships and forty transports, with crews to man them of the very best; the triearchs giving bounties to the thranitae² or uppermost bench of the sailors in addition to the pay from the state, and using, besides, figure-heads and equipments that were very expensive; for each one strove to the utmost that his own ship should excel all others both in fine appearance and in swiftness of sailing. The land-forces were picked out of the best lists, and there was keen rivalry among the men in the matter of arms and personal equipment.

[4] And so it came about that among themselves there was emulation, wherever each was assigned to duty, and the whole thing seemed more like a display of wealth and power before the rest of the Hellenes than an undertaking against enemies.

[5] For if one had reckoned the public expenditure on the part of the state and the private outlay of those who made the expedition—on the part of the city, both what it had already advanced and what it was sending in the hands of the generals, and on the part of private individuals whatever a man had expended on his own person or, if trierarch, on his ship, and what they were going to spend still, and, besides, the money we may suppose that everyone, even apart from the pay he received from the state, provided for himself as travelling expenses, counting upon an expedition of long duration, and all the articles for barter and sale merchant or soldier took with him on the voyage—it would have been found that many talents in all were taken from the city.

[6] And the fame of the armament was noised abroad, not less because of amazement at its boldness and the splendour of the spectacle than on account of its overwhelming force as compared with those whom they were going against; and also because it was the longest voyage from home as yet attempted and undertaken with the highest hopes for the future as compared with their present resources.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides. The history of the Peloponnesian War, Volume 1-2. Dale, Henry, translator. London: Heinemann and Henry G. Bohn, 1851-1852.) — 6.31.1 focus

[1] This armament which ¹ first sailed out, going from a single city, and consisting of a Grecian force, was the most costly and splendid of all up to that time. Yet in number of ships and of heavy—armed, that against Epidaurus under Pericles, and the same when going against Potidaea under Hagnon, was not inferior to this: for there were in it four thousand heavy-armed of the Athenians themselves, three hundred horse, and a hundred triremes, with fifty of the Lesbians and Chians, while many allies besides joined in the expedition.

[2] But they were despatched on a short voyage and with scanty preparation: whereas this expedition started with the expectation of its being a long one, and was equipped for both kinds of service, whichever might be required, with ships and land forces at the same time. The fleet was elaborately fitted out, at great expense both on the part of the captains and of the state.

[3] For the treasury gave a drachma a day to each seaman, and furnished empty vessels, sixty fast sailers and forty transports; while the captains provided the best crews for them, and gave gratuities in addition to the pay from the treasury, to the ² thranitae, and to the petty officers; and made use besides of expensive ensigns and equipments; each one of them being in the highest degree desirous that his own ship should excel most in beauty and fast sailing. The land forces, on the other hand, were selected from the best muster-rolls, and vied with each other in great attention to their arms and personal accoutrements. The consequence was, that there was at once a rivalry amongst themselves, in the arm of the service to which they were severally appointed; and that with the rest of the Greeks it was imagined to be a display of power and resources, rather than an armament raised against an enemy.

[4] For if any one had reckoned the public expenditure of the state, and the private outlay of individuals; with regard to the state, what sums it had already spent upon it, and what it was sending out in the hands of the generals;

[5] and with regard to individuals, what each had laid out on his personal equipment, and, in the case of a captain, on his ship, with what he was likely to lay out still; and, moreover, what it was probable that every one had provided, independently of his pay from the treasury, towards the expenses of a voyage expected to be so long; and what each soldier or trader took with him for the purpose of exchange; [if all these sums, I say, had been calculated,] it would have been found that many talents in all were being taken out of the city. And the expedition was no less celebrated through men's astonishment at its boldness, and the splendour of its appearance, than for the superiority of the armament, compared with those whom they were going to attack;

[6] and from the fact of its being the longest passage from their own country that had hitherto been undertaken, and with the greatest hope of future advantages in comparison with their present means.

Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci First1KGreek (Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci. Haase, Friedrich, translator. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1869.) — 6.31.1 focus

[1] Et in praesentia quum alii alios cum periculis jam mutuo relicturi essent, timores tunc in mentem iis magis veniebant, quam quum hanc expeditionem decernebant; verumtameu in praesenti potentia propter multitudinem rerum singularum, quas cernebant, visu animos recolligebant. Peregrini vero et cetera multitudo ad spectaculum aderat ut ad rem visu dignam et opinione nujorem. Hic enim apparatus, qui primus ex una civitate cum Graecorum copiis profectus est, sumptuosissimus atque magnificentissimus omnium usque ad illam diem fuit.

[2] Nam navium et gravis armaturae militum numero et ille apparatus, qui cum Pericle in agrum Epidaurium, et iUe, qui cum Hagnooe ad Potidaeam missus est, non erat inferior; quattuor enim ex ipsis Atheniensibus millia militum gravis armaturae et trecenti equites et centum triremes, et Lesbiorum atque Chiorum quinquaginta, et'praeterea multi socii cum illi» profecti erant.

[3] Sed in brevem expeditionem et cum tenui apparatu solverant; sed haec expeditio, quippe quod diuturna futura esset, utraque ratione, utra opus ei fuisset, et navibus simul et peditatu, erat instructa; et classis quidem magnis trierarchorum et reipublicae sumptibus erat laboriose parata, quum respublica quidem singulas drachmas singulis nautis quotidie daret, et naves inanes sexaginta veloces, quadraginta ad gravis armaturae milites vehendos suppeditasse!, trierarchi vero praes tantissimos ministros his et praeter publicum stipendium etiam extraordinarium adderent illis nautis, qui thranitae vocantur, et ministris, et ceteris etiam in rebus signis et artificiis sumptuosis naves instruxissent, et eorum unusquisque summum studium ad hoc adhibuisset, ut sua navis inter ceteras et aliquo decore et celeritate longe praestaret; peditatus vero conscriptos erat delectu accuratissime habito, et magno studio inter se certaverant armorum et vestitus elegantia.

[4] Contigit autem, ut simul et illi inter se certarent de eo, quod cuique erat negotii assignatum, et apud ceteros Graecos hoc potati» potius ac magnarum opum ostentatio videretur, quam adversus hostem apparatus.

[5] Si quis enim rationem iniisset et sumptuum, quos civitas publice et unusquisque militum privatim fecerat, tum ea, quae civitas jam ante erogaverat, tum ea, quae imperatoribus, quos mittebat, secum abspor-tanda dederat, lum etiam ea, quae'unusquisque privatorum in corporis cultum, et trierarchus in suam navem impenderat, aut quae praeterea erat in posterum impensurus, et se-paratim ea, quae verisimile erat unumquemque praeter publicum stipendium praeparasse viatici causa, quippe quod ad diuturnam militiam iturus esset, item quaecunque vel miles vel mercator negotiationis gratia secum tulit, is profecto permultorum talentorum summam ex urbe tunc exportatam esse comperisset.

[6] Atque haec expeditio non minus ob admirandam audaciam et spectaculi splendorem celebris erat, quam ob exercitus magnitudinem illis superiorem , adversus quos proficiscebantur; praeterea quod haec navigatio ab agro domestico longissime et rerum adipiscendarum proposita spe longe maxima pro praesentibus opibus tunc suscepta esset.

La storia di Tucidide First1KGreek (Thucydides. Della storia di Tucidide volgarizzata libri otto. Anonymous translator. Florence: Tipografia Galileiana, 1835.) — 6.31 focus

E fu allora appunto che dovendo darsi lo scambievole addio, col pensiero dei pericoli provarono raccapriccio maggiore che quando decretarono la spedizione. Contuttociò osservando particolarmente la grandezza degli apparati, ripigliavano cuore alla vista delle presenti forze.

I forestieri poi e l’altra turba vi andò per godere di uno spettacolo quanto sublime , altrettanto maggiore d’ogni pensiero. Infatti quest’armata di soldatesca greca la prima a mettersi in mare da una città sola, fu sontuosissima e magnificentissima oltre ogni altra fino a quel tempo. Bene è vero che per il numero delle navi e delle milizie greche non fu ad essa inferiore quella che con Pericle andò ad Epidauro, e poi con Agnone a Potidea : poiché vi sì unirono quattromila soldati gravi, e trecento cavalli, e cento triremi degli Ateniesi, e cinquanta di quelle de’ Lesbii e Chii, cou più molti confederati. Ma quelli si mossero a breve navigazione e con piccolo equipaggio : dove questo stuolo che dovea durare del tempo, e servire per terra e per mare (qual che si fosse il bisogno) era completamente fornito di navi e di truppe da sbarco. La flotta fu messa all’ordine con grandi spese de’trierarchi e della Repubblica. Il Comune dava una dramma il giorno per marinaro, e somministrava le navi vuote, sessanta leggere, quaranta per il trasporto de' soldati gravi, ed ottime barche a servigio di questi. I trierarchi oltre al soldo del Comuue davano un aumento di paga ai marinari traniti, o vogliaci dire remiganti da poppa, ed a quelli delle barche ; ed usavano anche nel resto di assise ed acconciamenti di gran pregio , e ciascuno studiavasi sommamente che la sua nave primeggiasse di gran lunga o per qualche bella fregiatura o per velocità. I soldati poi da sbarco erano stati scelti con ottime leve, e gareggiavano tra loro con gran cura della bellezza delle armi e delle altre cose che riguardavano la persona. A ciò aggiuguevasi ancora gran competerai scambievolmente negli uffici assegnati a ciascuno, di qualità che pareva quella piuttosto una mostra di potenza e di forza a petto agli altri Greci, che un apparecchio contro a' nemici. Ed in vero se alcuno vorrà computare la pubbliche spese della città e quelle private dei soldati ; cioè quanto alla città le spese già fatte di prima e l’equipaggio con che spediva i generali \ quanto ai particolari. quel che ognuno aveva speso per la sua persona , e i trierarchi per la propria nave, e quel che erano ancora per ispendere ; e di più ciò che oltre al soldo del Comime ciascuno naturalmente si procurava pel viatico, trattandosi dì lunga spedizione, e ciò che ogni soldato o altro navigante portava seco per farue commercio ; troverà molti talenti in tutti essersi portati fuori di patria. Cosi questa armata più che per la maggioranza dell’esercito, a confronto de’ nemici contro i quali audava, fu famigerata per lo stupendo ardimento e per la splendida comparsa , ed eziaudio perchè quello era il tragitto più lontano dal proprio paese, ed intrapreso con speranza troppo grande delle cose avvenire, avuto riguardo alle forze presenti.

Notes on the current edition

History of the Peloponnesian War

1. 51) Vergl. II, 56 und 58.

2. 415
v.
Chr.

3. 52) Vergl. Anm. II. Buch III.

4. 53) Sonst gewöhnlich nur drei Obolen. (Die Drachme hat K Obolen. l OboloS
l Sgr. Is/4 Pf.) Der Komiker Theopomp (kollin IX, K4) sagt: mit zwei Obolen
Sold ernährte der Soldat eine Frau, mit 4 Obolen befände er sich vollends glücklich.

5. 54) Der Staat lieferte den Rumpf des Schiffes, Sold und Verpflegung. Der
SchiffSherr (Trierarch) hatte das Takelwerk u. dgl. zu beschaffen.

6. 55) Die Dreirudrer (Trieren) sind von zweierlei Art, entweder schnelle,
eigentliche Kriegsschiffe, oder Soldatenfchifse. hier Lastschiffe für Schwerbewaffnete
genannt. Die letzteren sind mit Landtruppen überfüllt, welche zum Uebersetzen
eingenommen werden, und deßhalb undehülslich, daher sie nur im Nothfall und dann
schlechter fochten. Auf vierzig solchen Fahrzeugen werden Slvv Schwerbewaffnete übergesetzt,
welche mit ihren Dienern über 25V Mann aus ein Schiff, ohne die Rudermannschast,
ausmachen. Selten sind die Schwerbewaffneten in einem solchen Fall zugleich die
Ruderer. Böckh, Staatshaushalt der Athener I, S. 386 f.

7. 56) Die Bemannung der schnellen Trieren besteht t) aus den Soldaten, welche zur
Vertheidigung derselben bestimmt sind (Epibaten) und 2) aus den Matrosen. Diese sind
entweder beim Steuer. Segeln, Tauwerk. Pumpen n. dgl. beschäftigt, oder sie sind
eigentliche Ruderer. Die aus der obersten der drei Ruderbänke sitzenden, welche also
die längsten Ruder und die schwerste Arbeit hatten, hießen Thraniten, die aus der
mittleren Zygiten, auf der unteren Thalamiten.

8. 57) Abbildungen von Göttern, Herden, Thieren u. dgl., gleichsam Wappen der
Schiffe, nach denen sie benannt wurden. (Kr.)

9. 415
v.
Chr.

10. 58) Dies war nicht immer der Fall. Bei AristophaneS, Ritter 1369 ff., wo in
dieser Beziehung Besserung versprochen wird, heißt es:
Wie Einer auf der Kriegerlist' einmal
Notirt ist, also bleibt'S, trotz aller Gönner;
Kein Iota soll daran geändert werden.
und Frieden N79 ff.:
.... die gottverwünschten Rottenherrn —
— Kaum zu HauS dann eingetroffen, thun sie Nicht? als Scheußliche»,
Schreiben uns in ihre Rotten, löschen uns hinwiederum,
Schreiben wieder, löschen wieder. »Morgen wird in's Feld gerückt.-
Keine Zehrung kauft der Nachbar, nicht geworden hält er sich;
Plötzlich vor PandionS Säule tretend, ließt der arme Schelm
Seinen Namen, und läuft entsetzt, mit Essigblicken, hin und her.
Also thun sie uns dem Landvolk; minder schlimm dem Städtervolk —
Doch sie sollen Rechenschaft noch. will'S ein Gott, ablegen mir!
D. h. die Aushebung der Dienstplfichtigen geschah nach Gunst; der bestochene Rotten-
Herr (Tariarch) gab diesen frei. schrieb jenen auf. löschte den AuSgehobenm wieder u.f. w.
Viele wußten daher nicht genau, ob sie zum Kriegsdienst ausgehoden waren oder nicht.
Die Namen derjenigen, die wirklich eintreten sollten, waren auf Säulen geschrieben,
deren zwölf in Athen waren. Mancher, der frei zu sein glaubte, oder glücklich durch-
-gekommen, fand nun zufällig, als schon die Zeit da war, wo ausgerückt werben sollte,
seinen Namen auf einer solchen Säule. Zu diesem Schreck kam nun die
Nothwendigseit, sofort sich marschfertig zu machen. Minckwitz zu Ar.

11. Auch die Schiffsherrn betrogen gelegentlich den Staat; sie verstopften einige
Ruderlöcher in dem vom Staat gelieferten SchiffSrumpf, sparten also die Auslagen für die
Ruder und steckten den StaatSsold für die ausgefallenen Ruderer selbst ein. Aristoph.
Frieden V. 1228 ff.

12. 415 v.
Chr.

Commentary

Commentary on Thucydides: Book 6 (Thucydides, Book VI. Marchant, Edgar C., editor. London: Macmillan and Company, 1909.) focus

τὸ πρὸς βορέαν τοῦ κύκλου τεῖχος —either ‘a wall to wards the north of the fort,’ or ‘the wall north of the fort.’ It is not clear whether τὸ πρὸς β. agrees with τεῖχος or not. Thuc. distinguishes κύκλος from ἀποτείχισμα.

αἰεί —with παρέβαλλον.

βραχύτατον —the distance from the κύκλος to Trogilus ( ἐπὶ τὴν ἐτέραν θάλασσαν) would be about a mile and a half, and the same from the κύκλος to the harbour.

ἐγίγνετο = ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι, Schol.

ὑποτειχίζειν —‘build an intercepting wall’; cf. ὑπομόσαι . ἀποκλῄσεις γίγνεσθαι—ἀποκλῄσεις is subject of ( ἔμελλον). The plur. may allude to the fact that, as the A. were building two walls, Syr. would be shut in in two directions.

ἐπιβοηθοῖεν —sc. οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. ‘If they sent to prevent them while they were building.’

ἀντιπέμπειν αὐτοῖς —sc. ἐδόκει ἄμεινον εἶναι. At καὶ φθάνειν ἄν the passage is continued in O.O.

τὰς ἐφόδους —either ‘attacks’ on the wall which would be ‘checked’ by a stockade, or else the ‘approaches’ which would be ‘occupied’ before the wall itself was built. In either case the sense is the same: the σταυροί are to protect the builders, and are a temporary shelter.

ἀπὸ τῆς ς. πόλεως —from some point in the wall of Temenites.

κάτωθεν τοῦ κύκλου —‘south of the fort.’ The reasons for the choice were—(1) the A. would be prevented from reaching the Great Harbour, (2) the north was unsuitable, because the A. fleet was at Thapsus, and a counterwork there would be exposed on two sides to an attack, (3) the A. were busy at the north, and their attention was withdrawn from the south. (Leake, Arnold, Grote, Holm, and Classen place the wall at the south. But Göller, Dunbar, Didot, and Stahl place it north of the κύκλος, rendering κάτωθεν ‘on lower ground than.’ But (1) c. 100, 2 κατέφνγον ἐς τὸ προτείχισμα τὸ περὶ τὃν Τεμενίτην is against this. (2) If the wall was north of the κύκλος, why did the A. leave off building at the north wall after destroying the counterwork? They would have pressed on in that direction to prevent the Syr. from repeating their attempt to traverse the north wall. But if the Syr. built south, between the κύκλος and κρημνός, Nicias had a good reason for building at once across this space, instead of continuing on the northern wall. (3) As κάτωθεν can mean ‘south of,’ it is unlikely that Thuc. would have used it to describe a wall north of the κύκλος, as such a description would certainly mislead.)

ἐγκάρσιον —at right angles to the A. wall.

τοῦ τεμένους — i.e. in the Temenites, for which see c. 75, 1.

πύργους ξυλίνους —probably on the south side of the wall.

αἱ δὲ νῆες κτλ —this explains on the one hand how it was that the Syr. were not open to attack from the harbour, on the other why the A. were able to get provisions in spite of the Syr. counterwork and possession of the harbour.

ὅσα τε ἐσταυρώθη καὶ ᾠκοδομήθη — i.e. the ὑποτείχισμα consisted partly of palisading and partly of stone-work. The exact relations between the σταύρωμα and οἰκοδόμημα cannot be determined. Thuc. himself is not clear, for he speaks presently of φύλακα τοῦ οἰκοδήματος, and farther on alludes to part of the same people as οἱ ἐν τῷ σταυρώματι φυλάσσοντες. Observe that τε is misplaced.

μάχωνται —sc. οἱ Συρακόσιοι. τὴν καθ) αὑτούς—at the north.

τούς τε ὀχετοὺς . . διέφθειραν —the elaborate aqueducts of Syr., of which there are many remains, were partly open, partly underground.

ποτοῦ ὕδατος —belongs to ὀχετούς, but is attracted into the rel. clause.

τούς τε ἄλλους — i.e. those of the φυλή who were not ἐν τῷ σταυρώματι φυλάσσοντες.

ἐξαπιναίως —this and ἐξαπίνης, for ἐξαίφνης and αἰφνιδίως, are Ionic. For

εἰ ἐπιβοηθοῖεν see Index s. εἰ.

ἡ δὲ . . τὸ παρὰ τὴν πυλίδα —while a body of 300 picked men was making for the ὑποτείχισμα, or that portion of it that consisted only of palisading, a division of the army marched to another σταύρωμα—viz. ‘that by the postern gate’; but whether this πυλίς was in the walls of the city or in the ὑποτείχισμα is not stated. On the one hand there may well have been a gate in the ὑποτείχισμα to admit from one side to the other, and this may be one of the ἔφοδοι alluded to in c. 99, 2. But the 300 picked men would be sufficient to attack this, and it ought to be some gate through which help might come to those at the counterwork. Hence most probably it is a gate in the wall of Temenites, south of the point where the counterwork sprang from the wall; so that one division of the A. army marched north, the other south of the ὑποτείχισμα.

τὸ σταύρωμα —sc. τοῦ ὑποτειχίσματος. CavallariHolm seem to identify this wrongly with τὸ σταύρωμα τὸ παρὰ τἡν πυλίδα .

τὸ προτείχισμα —see c. 75, 1. The Syr. probably rushed through the πυλίς, and the pursuers ran in after them, accompanied by some of the division that was marching on the σταύρωμα there. Among these last were some Argives (§ 3), who, being hoplites (c. 43, 2), were not among the ἐκλεκτοί of § 1.

τὴν . . ὑποτείχισιν = τὁ οἰκοδόμημα of § 1. On

διεφόρησαν see c. 91, 7

ἐτείχιζον τὸν κρημνόν —‘they proceeded to build a wall on the cliff,’ not ‘built a wall along the cliff,’ as Classen. This is the short piece of wall that ran from the κύκλος to the Portella del Fusco, and is more accurately described in § 3 as τὸ πρὸς τὸν κρημνόν. (Arnold, Grote, and Freeman understand ‘they fortified a point on the cliff,’ and assume that Nicias subsequently filled in the space between this new fort and the κύκλος with a wall which Thuc. does not mention. They increase the difficulty by placing the κύκλος too far north. Lupus, Stahl, and Fr. Muller read < ἐς> τὸν κρημνόν, but this is not necessary when the κύκλος is rightly placed, the distance now built being so short that the wall ‘ to the cliff’ can be fairly called a wall ‘ on the cliff.’)

ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἕλους —Lysimeleia, now Pantanelli.

τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν depends on ταύτῃ.

διὰ τοῦ ὁμαλοῦ —a lower level than Epipolae, but not so low as the marsh.

αὖθις —again they built out westward, and made another effort to prevent the A. from reaching the harbour, but this time on the lowest level. Probably the palisade and ditch were not completed.

τὸ πρὸς τὸν κρημνόν —see on § 2.

ἐκ τῆς Θάψου — it was a mistake to abandon Thapsus altogether.

περὶ ὄρθρον —cf. IV. 110 νυκτὸς ἔτι καὶ περὶ ὄρθρον. Phrynichus says ὄρθρος ἐστιν ἡ ὥρα τῆς νυκτὸς καθ) ἣν ἀλεκτρύονες ἄδουσιν. ἄρχεται δὲ ἐνάτης ὥρας καὶ τελευτᾷ εἰς διαγελῶσαν ἡμέραν .

καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἕλους —Classen takes this with διαβαδίσαντες, so that ᾗ πηλῶδες . . ἐπιθέντες is parenthetical; whereas Krüger joins it with ἐπιθέντες, which makes an awkward expression. Stahl renders ‘in fact over the marsh,’ apparently regarding it as an explanation of ἐς τὸ ὁμαλόν: but τὸ ὁμαλόν and τὸ ἕλος are different levels. Classen is probably right.

τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας —the Syr. line was facing towards the north, so that the right wing made for the city, the left ran along the left bank of the Anapus to the bridge by which the Helorine road crossed it (the Syr. had restored it since the incident mentioned in c. 66, 2); they hoped to reach Polichna, which was in the hands of the Syr.

οἱ . . λογάδες —see c. 100, 1.

ἦσαν γὰρ κτλ —this gives the reason for what follows, not for what preeedes.

αὐτοῖς =the Syr.

ξυνεφοβήθη —‘was also put to confusion,’ like the 300. Observe the correction φυλή for φυλακή of the MSS. In Xen. Hel. IV. 2 , 19 there is a false variant, φυλακαί for φυλαί.

Λάμαχος —see Intr. p. xiv.

ἑαυτῶν —the plur. is often so used where one general among several is mentioned.

εὐθὺς κατὰ τάχος — an instance of the tendency to multiply words, esp. adverbs, in order to obtain emphasis— e.g. πόθεν οἰκόθεν· αὐτοῦ ἐκεῖ. The same tendency is seen in Latin, esp. in comedy.

Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 6.31

Adolf Wahrmund (Translator)

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