Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Élie-Ami Bétant (Translator), 2.13

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Les Péloponésiens se rassemblaient encore à l’Isthme ou se mettaient en marche, lorsque Périclès fils de Xanthippos, un des dix généraux d’Athènes, prévoyant l’invasion, se douta qu'Archidamos, qui était son hôte, pourrait bien respecter ses domaines, soit de son chef pour lui être agréable, soit d’après l’ordre des Lacédémoniens pour le rendre suspect, comme lorsqu’ils avaient, à cause de lui, réclamé l’expulsion des sacrilèges. Il déclara donc aux Athéniens en pleine assemblée qu’Archidamos était son hôte, mais qu’il n’en devait résulter aucun détriment pour l’État; que, si les ennemis ne dévastaient pas ses terres et ses maisons comme celles des autres, il en faisait l’abandon au public, afin qu’à cet égard il n’y eût contre lui aucune prévention défavorable.

En même temps il renouvela, au sujet des affaires présentes, les conseils qu’il avait déjà donnés. Il leur recommanda de se préparer à la guerre ; de retirer tout ce qui était aux champs ; de ne pas sortir pour combattre, mais de se borner à la défense de la ville; de tourner tous leurs soins vers ce qui faisait leur force, c’est-à-dire vers la marine, et de tenir en bride leurs alliés, « qui, disait-il, sont la source de notre puissance par les subsides qu’ils nous fournissent; or, l’âme de la guerre, c’est l’intelligence et l’argent. » Il les exhorta d’ailleurs à avoir bonne espérance, puisque la ville percevait, année commune, six cents talents des tributs des alliés¹, non compris les autres revenus, et qu’elle avait en réserve dans l’acropole six mille talents d’argent monnayé, — il y en avait eu neuf mille sept cents, mais on en avait distrait une partie pour les propylées de l’acropole², pour les autres constructions et pour le siège de Potidéev — dans cette somme ne figuraient .pas l’or et l'argent non monnayés, provenant des offrandes publiques ou particulières, les vases sacrés employés aux pompes et aux jeux, les dépouilles des Mèdes³ et autres objets analogues, formant ensemble une valeur au moins de cinq cents talents. Il ajouta que les temples avaient des richesses considérables, dont on pourrait disposer; qu’enfin, pour dernière ressource, on prendrait les ornements d’or de la déesse, dont la statue, à ce qu’il leur fit connaître, étajt couverte de quarante talents d’or fin qui pouvait se détacher : mais après s’en être servi pour le salut de la patrie, il faudrait le remplacer intégralement⁴.

A ces motifs de confiance tirés de leurs richesses, Périclès joignit un tableau de leurs forces militaires. Il dit qu’ils avaient treize mille hoplites, indépendamment des seize mille placés dans les forts et le long des remparts. Tel était dans l’origine, à chaque invasion de l’ennemi, le nombre des hommes de garde; c’étaient les vieillards, les jeunes gens et les métèques astreints au service d’hoplites⁵. Le mur de Pha-lère avait trente-cinq stades jusqu’à l’enceinte de la ville, et la partie de cette enceinte que l’on gardait était de quarante-trois stades ; on laissait sans garde l’espace compris entre le long mur et celui de Phalère. Les longs murs allant au Pirée avaient quarante stades; celui du dehors était seul gardé⁶. L’enceinte totale du Pirée et de Munychie était de soixante stades; on n’en gardait que la moitié⁷. Périclès ajouta qu’on avait douze cents cavaliers, y compris les archers à cheval⁸, seize cents archers à pied et trois cents trirèmes en état de tenir la mer. Telles étaient,, sans en rien rabattre, les forces des Athéniens à l’époque de la première invasion des Péloponésiens et au début de cette guerre. Enfin Périclès, selon sa coutume, termina cette revue par diverses considérations propres à démontrer qu'on sortirait victorieux de la lutte.

History of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides. Élie-Ami Bétant (Translator). Paris. 1863.

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Current edition First1KGreek

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése (French) (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése. Bétant, Élie-Ami, translator. Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette, 1863.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Thucydides. Historiae, Vol 1-2. Jones, Henry Stuart, editor. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1910. (1942 printing).) — 2.13.1 focus

[1] ἔτι δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ξυλλεγομένων τε ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν καὶ ἐν ὁδῷ ὄντων, πρὶν ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν, Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου στρατηγὸς ὢν Ἀθηναίων δέκατος αὐτός, ὡς ἔγνω τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐσομένην, ὑποτοπήσας, ὅτι Ἀρχίδαμος αὐτῷ ξένος ὢν ἐτύγχανε, μὴ πολλάκις ἢ αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ βουλόμενος χαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀγροὺς αὐτοῦ παραλίπῃ καὶ μὴ δῃώσῃ, ἢ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων κελευσάντων ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ γένηται τοῦτο, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄγη ἐλαύνειν προεῖπον ἕνεκα ἐκείνου, προηγόρευε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὅτι Ἀρχίδαμος μέν οἱ ξένος εἴη, οὐ μέντοι ἐπὶ κακῷ γε τῆς πόλεως γένοιτο, τοὺς δὲ ἀγροὺς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ οἰκίας ἢν ἄρα μὴ δῃώσωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων, ἀφίησιν αὐτὰ δημόσια εἶναι καὶ μηδεμίαν οἱ ὑποψίαν κατὰ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι.

[2] παρῄνει δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν παρόντων ἅπερ καὶ πρότερον, παρασκευάζεσθαί τε ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐσκομίζεσθαι, ἔς τε μάχην μὴ ἐπεξιέναι, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐσελθόντας φυλάσσειν, καὶ τὸ ναυτικόν, ᾗπερ ἰσχύουσιν, ἐξαρτύεσθαι, τά τε τῶν ξυμμάχων διὰ χειρὸς ἔχειν, λέγων τὴν ἰσχὺν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τούτων εἶναι τῶν χρημάτων τῆς προσόδου, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ πολέμου γνώμῃ καὶ χρημάτων περιουσίᾳ κρατεῖσθαι.

[3] θαρσεῖν τε ἐκέλευε προσιόντων μὲν ἑξακοσίων ταλάντων ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ φόρου κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων τῇ πόλει ἄνευ τῆς ἄλλης προσόδου, ὑπαρχόντων δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει ἔτι τότε ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου ἑξακισχιλίων ταλάντων (τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα τριακοσίων ἀποδέοντα μύρια ἐγένετο, ἀφ’ ὧν ἔς τε τὰ προπύλαια τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τἆλλα οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἐς Ποτείδαιαν ἀπανηλώθη),

[4] χωρὶς δὲ χρυσίου ἀσήμου καὶ ἀργυρίου ἔν τε ἀναθήμασιν ἰδίοις καὶ δημοσίοις καὶ ὅσα ἱερὰ σκεύη περί τε τὰς πομπὰς καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ σκῦλα Μηδικὰ καὶ εἴ τι τοιουτότροπον, οὐκ ἐλάσσονος [ἦν] ἢ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων.

[5] ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἱερῶν προσετίθει χρήματα οὐκ ὀλίγα, οἷς χρήσεσθαι αὐτούς, καὶ ἢν πάνυ ἐξείργωνται πάντων, καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς θεοῦ τοῖς περικειμένοις χρυσίοις· ἀπέφαινε δ’ ἔχον τὸ ἄγαλμα τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα σταθμὸν χρυσίου ἀπέφθου, καὶ περιαιρετὸν εἶναι ἅπαν. χρησαμένους τε ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ ἔφη χρῆναι μὴ ἐλάσσω ἀντικαταστῆσαι πάλιν.

[6] χρήμασι μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἐθάρσυνεν αὐτούς, ὁπλίτας δὲ τρισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους εἶναι ἄνευ τῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις καὶ τῶν παρ’ ἔπαλξιν ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων.

[7] τοσοῦτοι γὰρ ἐφύλασσον τὸ πρῶτον ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι ἐσβάλοιεν, ἀπό τε τῶν πρεσβυτάτων καὶ τῶν νεωτάτων, καὶ μετοίκων ὅσοι ὁπλῖται ἦσαν. τοῦ τε γὰρ Φαληρικοῦ τείχους στάδιοι ἦσαν πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα πρὸς τὸν κύκλον τοῦ ἄστεως, καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κύκλου τὸ φυλασσόμενον τρεῖς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα (ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ ὃ καὶ ἀφύλακτον ἦν, τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ τε μακροῦ καὶ τοῦ Φαληρικοῦ), τὰ δὲ μακρὰ τείχη πρὸς τὸν Πειραιᾶ τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων, ὧν τὸ ἔξωθεν ἐτηρεῖτο· καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς ξὺν Μουνιχίᾳ ἑξήκοντα μὲν σταδίων ὁ ἅπας περίβολος, τὸ δ’ ἐν φυλακῇ ὂν ἥμισυ τούτου.

[8] ἱππέας δὲ ἀπέφαινε διακοσίους καὶ χιλίους ξὺν ἱπποτοξόταις, ἑξακοσίους δὲ καὶ χιλίους τοξότας, καὶ τριήρεις τὰς πλωίμους τριακοσίας.

[9] ταῦτα γὰρ ὑπῆρχεν Ἀθηναίοις καὶ οὐκ ἐλάσσω ἕκαστα τούτων, ὅτε ἡ ἐσβολὴ τὸ πρῶτον ἔμελλε Πελοποννησίων ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον καθίσταντο. ἔλεγε δὲ καὶ ἄλλα οἷάπερ εἰώθει Περικλῆς ἐς ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ περιέσεσθαι τῷ πολέμῳ.

Translations (10)

The History of the Grecian War Perseus (Thucydides. The English works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury. Hobbes, Thomas. translator. London: John Bohn, 1843.) — 2.13.1 focus

[1] Whilst the Peloponnesians were coming together in the isthmus, and when they were on their march before they brake into Attica, Pericles the son of 13antippus, who with nine others was general of the Athenians, when he saw they were about to break in, suspecting that Archidamus, either of private courtesy or by command of the Lacedaemonians to bring him into jealousy (as they had before for his sake commanded the excommunication), might oftentimes leave his lands untouched, told the Athenians beforehand in an assembly, that though Archidamus had been his guest, it was for no ill to the state; and howsoever, if the enemy did not waste his lands and houses as well as the rest, that then he gave them to the commonwealth, and therefore desired that for this he might not be suspected. Also he advised them concerning the business in hand the same things he had done before, that they should make preparations for the war and receive their goods into the city;

[2] that they should not go out to battle but come into the city and guard it; that they should also furnish out their navy, wherein consisted their power, and hold a careful hand over their confederates, telling them, how that in the money that came from these lay their strength, and that the victory in war consisted wholly in counsel and store of money.

[3] Farther he bade them be confident, in that there was yearly coming into the state from the confederates for tribute, besides other revenue, six hundred talents, and remaining yet then in the citadel six thousand talents of silver coin, (for the greatest sum there had been was ten thousand talents wanting three hundred, out of which was taken that which had been expended upon the gate-houses of the citadel and upon other buildings and for the charges of Potidaea)

[4] besides the uncoined gold and silver of private and public offerings, and all the dedicated vessels belonging to the shows and games, and the spoils of the Persian, and other things of that nature, which amounted to no less than five hundred talents.

[5] He added farther that much money might be had out of other temples without the city which they might use; and if they were barred the use of all these, they might yet use the ornaments of gold about the goddess herself; and said that the image had about it the weight of forty talents of most pure gold and which might all be taken off; but having made use of it for their safety, he said, they were to make restitution of the like quantity again. Thus he encouraged them touching matter of money.

[6] Men of arms, he said, they had thirteen thousand besides the sixteen thousand that were employed for the guard of the city and upon the walls. For so many at the first kept watch at the coming in of the enemy, young and old together and strangers that dwelt amongst them as many as could bear arms.

[7] For the length of the Phalerian wall to that part of the circumference of the wall of the city where it joined was thirtyfive furlongs, and that part of the circumference which was guarded (for some of it was not kept with a watch, namely, the part between the long wall and the Phalerian) was forty-three furlongs. And the length of the long walls down to Piraeus (of which there was a watch only on the outmost) was forty furlongs. And the whole compass of Piraeus together with Munychia was sixty furlongs, whereof that part that was watched was but half.

[8] He said farther, they had of horsemen, accounting archers on horseback, twelve hundred; and sixteen hundred archers;

[9] and of galleys fit for the sea, three hundred. All this and no less had the Athenians when the invasion of the Peloponnesians was first in hand and when the war began. These and other words spake Pericles, as he used to do, for demonstration that they were likely to outlast this war.

History of the Peloponnesian War Perseus (Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Crawley, Richard, translator. London and Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd.; New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1914.) — 2.13.1 focus

[1] While the Peloponnesians were still mustering at the Isthmus, or on the march before they invaded Attica , Pericles, son of 13anthippus, one of the ten generals of the Athenians, finding that the invasion was to take place, conceived the idea that Archidamus, who happened to be his friend, might possibly pass by his estate without ravaging it. This he might do, either from a personal wish to oblige him, or acting under instructions from Lacedaemon for the purpose of creating a prejudice against him, as had been before attempted in the demand for the expulsion of the accursed family. He accordingly took the precaution of announcing to the Athenians in the assembly that, although Archidamus was his friend, yet this friendship should not extend to the detriment of the state, and that in case the enemy should make his houses and lands an exception to the rest and not pillage them, he at once gave them up to be public property, so that they should not bring him into suspicion.

[2] He also gave the citizens some advice on their present affairs in the same strain as before. They were to prepare for the war, and to carry in their property from the country. They were not to go out to battle, but to come into the city and guard it, and get ready their fleet, in which their real strength lay. They were also to keep a tight rein on their allies—the strength of Athens being derived from the money brought in by their payments, and success in war depending principally upon conduct and capital.

[3] Here they had no reason to despond. Apart from other sources of income, an average revenue of six hundred talents of silver was drawn from the tribute of the allies; and there were still six thousand talents of coined silver in the Acropolis, out of nine thousand seven hundred that had once been there, from which the money had been taken for the porch of the Acropolis, the other public buildings, and for Potidaea .

[4] This did not include the uncoined gold and silver in public and private offerings, the sacred vessels for the processions and games, the Median spoils, and similar resources to the amount of five hundred talents.

[5] To this he added the treasures of the other temples. These were by no means inconsiderable, and might fairly be used. Nay, if they were ever absolutely driven to it, they might take even the gold ornaments of Athena herself; for the statue contained forty talents of pure gold and it was all removable. This might be used for self-preservation, and must every penny of it be restored.

[6] Such was their financial position—surely a satisfactory one. Then they had an army of thirteen thousand heavy infantry, besides sixteen thousand more in the garrisons and on home duty at Athens .

[7] This was at first the number of men on guard in the event of an invasion: it was composed of the oldest and youngest levies and the resident aliens who had heavy armor. The Phaleric wall ran for four miles, before it joined that round the city; and of this last nearly five had a guard, although part of it was left without one, viz. that between the Long Wall and the Phaleric. Then there were the Long Walls to Piraeus , a distance of some four miles and a half, the outer of which was manned. Lastly, the circumference of Piraeus with Munychia was nearly seven miles and a half; only half of this, however, was guarded.

[8] Pericles also showed them that they had twelve hundred horse including mounted archers, with sixteen hundred archers unmounted, and three hundred galleys fit for service.

[9] Such were the resources of Athens in the different departments when the Peloponnesian invasion was impending and hostilities were being commenced. Pericles also urged his usual arguments for expecting a favorable issue to the war.

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Wahrmund, Adolf, translator. Stuttgart: Krais and Hoffmann, 1864.) — 2.13 focus

Früher schon, da sich die Peloponnesier gegen den Jsthmos
zusammenzogen und auf dem Marsche dahin begriffen waren, und
bevor sie noch attischen Boden betreten hatten, war es dein Perikles,
des Xanthippos Sohn, der selbzehnt Feldherr der Athener war, als
er sah, daß der Einfall bevorstehe, in den Sinn gekommen, ob nicht
vielleicht Archidamos, weil er sein Gastsreund sei, entweder ans
Bewegung seiner freundlichen Gesinnung seine eigenen Landgüter
verschonen und nicht verwüsten möchte, oder auch ans Befehl der
Lakedämunter, um gegen ihn Verdacht zu erregen, wie sie ja auch vorher
schon seinetwegen die Sühnung des Fluches verlangt hatten. Darum
erklärte er den Athenern in der Volksversammlung: daß Archidamos
ihm Gastsreund sei, solle der Stadt nicht zum Schaden gereichen;
wenn die Feinde seine Aecker und Häuser nicht wie die andern
verwüsten würden, so trete er sie dem Gemeinwesen ab, und es dürfe
hieraus ihm keine Verdächtigung erwahcsen. Für die jetzigen Umstände
aber ermähnte er sie, wie auch früher, sich zum Kriege zu rüsten nnd
vom Lande Alles in die Stadt zu schaffen. Eine Schlacht außerhalb
der Mauern sollten sie nicht annehmen, sondern sich in die Stadt
ziehen nnd diese bewachen, auch die Flotte rüsten, in welcher ihre Stärke
gelegen sei. Die Angelegenheiten der Bundesgenossen dürften sie nicht
aus der Hand lassen, denn aus den Stenerbeiträgen dieser, sagte er,
fließe ihre Kraft, und die Hauptsache im Kriege werde durch Klugheit
ind einen gefüllten Beutel entschieden. Im Uebrigen hieß er sie gutes
Muthes sein, denn es gingen ja der Stadt in der Regel jährlich 600
Talente sgegen 900,000 Thlr.^j Steuern von den Bundesgenossen
ein, ungerechnet die andern Einkünfte; überdies lagen damals aus der
Burg noch 6000 Talente ^gegen 9 Millionen^ gemünzten Silbers; —
als dieser Schatz den höchsten Betrag erreichte, fehlten an 10,000
Talenten nur dreihundert ^er belief sich also aus 10,550,000 Thlr.^j;
davon waren aber die Kosten der Säulenhallen an der Burg und
anderer Bauwerke, wie auch die der Unternehmung wegen Potidäa?
bestritten worden. Außerdem, sagte er, habe auch der Vorrath an un-
gemünztem Gold und Silber, die Weihgeschenke von Privatleuten und
von Staats wegen, dann die heiligen Gerätschaften, wie sie bei
Festzügen nnd Wettkämpfer, gebraucht werden, und was an medifchen Beute-
stücken und sonst dergleichen vorhanden sei, einen Werth von nicht
weniger als 500 Talenten. Dazu nahm er noch den nicht unansehnlichen
Goldwerth von andern Heiligthümern, deren sie sich bedienen dürsten, ¹
wie ja auch, wenn sie ganz und gar zum Aeuhersten gedrängt würden,
. des Goldschmuckes an der Bildsäule der Göttin. Er zeigte, daß dies
Bild 40 Talente des reinsten Goldes lnahezu 800,000 Thlr., das
Goldtalent zu 19,328 Thlrn.) an sich habe, und daß Alles zum
Herabnehmen eingerichtet sei. Hätte man sich desselben aber zur eigenen
Rettung bedient, sagte er, so müsse man es dann auch wieder in
ungeschmälertem Werthe ersetzen. So hob er ihren Muth durch Darlegung der
vorhandenen Geldmittel. An Schwerbewaffneten, sagte er, hätten sie
13,000, ungerechnet die Besatzungen in den Festungen und die 16,000
Mann, die längs der Mnuerzinnen vertheilt seien; — denn so viele
waren Anfangs als Besatzung der Stadt in Verwendung, als die
Feinde einfielen, genommen aus den Aeltesten, Jüngsten uud
Beisitzern, soviele deren Schwerbewaffnete waren. Die Länge der
phalerischen Mauer nämlich bis zum Gürtel der Stadtmauern betrug 35
Stadien'"), und der Theil der Stadtringmaner, welcher besetzt
gehalten wurde, war 43 Stadien lang; dein ein Stück, — das zwischen
der langen und der phalerischen Mauer nämlich, — blieb unbesetzt.
Von den langen Mauern nach dem Piräeus, welche 40 Stadien maßen,
wurde die äußere Seite bewacht. Der ganze Umfang des Piräeus,
Munychia mitgerechnet, betrug 60 Stadien, und was davon besetzt war,
machte ungefähr die Hälfte aus. Die Reiterei gab er auf 1200 Mann
an, eingerechnet die berittenen Bogenschützen, — die Bogenschützen zu
Fuße auf 1600, und an seetüchtigen Dreiruderern hätten sie drei
Hundert. Das Alles besaßen die Athener, und in keinem Stück weniger, —
zur Zeit, als der erste Einfall der Peloponnesier bevorstand und sie
gerüstet waren, den Kampf auszunehmen. Aber auch noch Anderes
brachte Perikles vor, wie man es eben von ihm zu hören gewohnt
war, um zu beweisen, daß sie den Krieg sieghaft überdauern würden.

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Braun, Theodor, translator. Leipzig: Insel-Verlag, 1917.) — 2.13 focus

Schon während die Peloponnesier sich auf dem Isthmus
sammelten und auf ihrem Marsche noch nicht nach Attika ge
langt waren, vermutete Perikles, Xanthippos' Sohn, damals
selbzehnter Feldherr in Athen, als er den Einfall kommen sah,
daß Archidamos, als sein Gastfreund, aus persönlicher Freund
schaft seine Besitzungen außerhalb der Stadt schonen und viel-
leicht nicht mit verwüsten würde, oder daß wohl gar die Lake
dämonier ihm Befehl dazu erteilen könnten, um Mißtrauen
gegen ihn zu erregen, wie sie ja auch schon vorher seinetwegen
die Sühne des Frevels verlangt hatten. Er erklärte deshalb
den Athenern in der Volksversammlung, wenn Archidamos
auch sein Gastfreund sei, so solle das seinen Mitbürgern nicht
zum Schaden gereichen, und falls etwa die Feinde seine Häuser
und Felder nicht ebenso verwüsten würden wie die übrigen,
so trete er sie, um nicht in Verdacht zu kommen, hiermit der
Stadt zu Eigentum ab. Wie früher riet er ihnen auch jetzt
wieder, sich auf den Krieg einzurichten, vom Lande alles in
die Stadt zu schaffen und sich draußen auf keine Schlacht ein
zulassen, sondern sich auf die Verteidigung der Stadt zu be
schränken, namentlich aber die Flotte, worin denn doch ihre
Stärke bestehe, in guten Stand zu setzen. Die Bundesgenossen
müßten sie in der Hand behalten, denn deren Steuern seien
das Rückgrat ihrer Macht, da im Kriege das meiste auf Klug
heit und Geld ankomme. Übrigens brauchten sie sich keine
Sorgen zu machen; denn abgesehen von sonstigen Einkünften
nähme die Stadt allein aus Steuern der Bundesgenossen alle
Jahre durchschnittlich sechshundert Talente ein, und außerdem
befänden sich im Schatze auf der Burg sechstausend Talente
geprägtes Silber. - Der höchste Betrag war neuntausendsieben
hundert Talente gewesen, davon aber waren Auslagen für die
Propyläen und andere Bauten betsritten. - Dazu kämen an
ungeprägtem Gold und Silber, an öffentlichen und Privat
weihgeschenken und an dem, was an heiligen Geräten für fest
liche Aufzüge und Spiele, an Perserbeute und dergleichen vor
handen sei, mindestens fünfhundert Talente. Nötigenfalls könne
man auch noch auf recht ansehnliche Schätze in den übrigen
Tempeln und, wenn alle Stricke reißen sollten, auf das goldene
Gewand der Göttin greifen, an deren Standbilde, wie er ihnen
nachwies, sich vierzig Talente reines Gold befänden, das alles
abgenommen werden könne, später freilich, wenn man sich dessen
in der Not bediene, voll ersetzt werden müsse. Auf diese Weise
suchte er sie über die Zulänglichkeit ihrer Geldmittel zu be-
ruhigen. Ihre Streitkräfte anlangend, rechnete er ihnen vor,
sie hätten dreizehntausend Mann schweres Fußvolk ohne die
Besatzungen in den festen Plätzen und die sechzehntausend zur
Bewachung der Mauern. So viel aus den ältesten und jüngsten
Jahrgängen und den Schutzverwandten entnommene Hopliten
waren nämlich gleich anfangs für den Fall eines feindlichen
Angriffs zum Dienst auf den Mauern bestimmt. Die Länge
der phalerischen Mauer bis an die Ringmauer der Stadt betrug
fünfunddreißig Stadien und die der Ringmauer selbst, soweit
sie besetzt wurde, dreiundvierzig Stadien; denn ein Teil, das
Stück zwischen der langen und der phalerischen Mauer, wurde
nicht besetzt. Die langen Mauern nach dem Peiraieus, von
denen jedoch nur die äußere besetzt wurde, waren vierzig Stadien
lang. Die Mauer um den Peiraieus mit Einschluß von Muny
chia war im ganzen sechzig Stadien lang, und etwa die Hälfte
davon wurde besetzt. An Reiterei, gab er weiter an, hätten
sie mit Einschluß der reitenden Bogenschützen zwölfhundert
Mann, Bogenschützen zu Fuß sechzehnhundert, an Kriegsschiffen
aber dreihundert seetüchtige Trieren. So viel und von allem
mindestens so viel hatten die Athener damals in der Tat, als
der erste Einfall der Peloponnesier bevorstand und sie in den
Krieg gingen. Aber auch sonst sagte ihnen Perikles, wie bei
jeder Gelegenheit, auch diesmal noch alles mögliche, um ihnen
zu beweisen, daß sie den Krieg siegreich bestehen würden.

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponèse First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése, Vol. 1-2. Zévort, Marie Charles, translator. Paris: Charpentier, 1852.) — 2.13 focus

XIII. Les Péloponnésiens, rassemblés sur l’isthme, venaient de se mettre en marche et n’avaient pas encore pénétré dans l’Attique. Périclès, qui commandait les Athéniens avec neuf autres généraux, étant uni à Archidamus par les liens de l’hospitalité, soupçonna, lorsqu’il vit que l'invasion allait avoir lieu, qu’Archidamus pourrait bien épargner et préserver du ravage la plus grande partie de ses terres, soit par un sentiment personnel de bienveillance, soit que les Lacédémoniens lui en eussent donné l’ordre afin de rendre Périclès sus- pect, comme ils avaient déjà cherché à le compromettre en demandant l’expulsion des sacriléges. Pour prévenir tout soupçon, il déclara aux Athéniens, dans l’assemblée, qu’Archidamus était son hôte, mais qu’il ne pouvait en résulter aucun préjudice pour la république ; que si les ennemis ne ravageaient pas ses terres et ses maisons de campagne, comme celles des autres, il en faisait l’abandon à l’État ; qu’il ne devait par conséquent y avoir là aucun motif de soupçon contre lui. En même temps il insista, en vue des circonstances présentes, sur les conseils qu'il leur avait donnés précédemment : se préparer à la guerre ; transporter à Athènes ce qui était à la campagne ; ne pas sortir pour combattre ; s’enfermer, au contraire, dans la ville et la garder ; mettre en état la flotte qui faisait leur force ; enfin, avoir toujours les alliés sous leur main ; car, disait-il, c’est d’eux que dépend la puissance de la république, grâce au tribut qu’ils payent, et, à la guerre, c’est la prudence et l’abondance d’argent qui, en général, assurent la supériorité. Comme motif de confiance, il leur dit que le tribut¹ payé à la république par les alliés s’élevait en moyenne à six cents ta- lents², sans compter (es autres revenus³, et qu’il restait encore actuellement à l’acropole six mille talents d’argent monnayé. (Le maximum avait été de neuf mille sept cents talents, dont une partie avait été employée aux propylées de l’acropole⁴, à d’autres constructions et au siége de Potidée.) Il ne comprenait pas dans cette somme l’or et l’argent non monnayés, résultant des offrandes privées et publiques, les vases sacrés affectés aux cérémonies et aux jeux, les dépouilles des Mèdes⁵, et d’autres richesses du même genre qui n’allaient pas à moins de cinq cents talents. Il énuméra aussi les richesses des autres temples, qui étaient assez considérables, et dont ils pourraient se servir, y compris même les ornements d’or qui couvraient la statue de la déesse, si toutes les autres ressources faisaient défaut. Il établit qu’il y avait là quarante talents pesant d’or pur, et que la totalité pouvait se détacher. Cependant il ajoutait que, si l’on en faisait usage pour le salut public, il faudrait plus tard le remplacer par un poids égal.

Après les motifs de confiance tirés de leurs richesses, il passa à l’énumération des troupes : il y avait treize mille hoplites, non compris seize mille hommes dans les forts ou à la garde des murs. Car tel était à l’origine, lors de l'invasion des ennemis, le nombre des hommes préposés à la garde ; ces derniers hoplites étaient des vieillards, des jeunes gens, ou des métèques. L’étendue du mur de Phalère jusqu’à l’enceinte de la ville était de trente-cinq stades⁶, et la partie gardée de cette dernière enceinte, de quarante-trois ; une portion n’était pas gardée, celle qui s’étend entre le long mur et la muraille de Phalère⁷. Les longs murs , jusqu'au Pirée, avaient quarante stades ; on ne gardait que le mur extérieur⁸. Enfin, l’enceinte du Pirée, y compris Munychie, formait en tout soixante stades ; la moitié seulement était gardée. Périclès établit aussi qu’il y avait douze cents cavaliers, en comptant les archers à cheval, seize cents archers à pied, et trois cents trirèmes en état de tenir la mer.

Telles étaient les ressources des Athéniens, — et le reste en proportion, — à l’époque où les Péloponnésiens se disposèrent à envahir l’Attique et où la guerre fut déclarée. Périclès ajouta encore d’autres réflexions, suivant sa coutume, pour leur prouver qu’ils auraient l'avantage dans la guerre.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides, Vol. 1-4. Smith, Charles Foster, translator. London and Cambridge, MA: Heinemann and Harvard University Press, 1919-1923.) — 2.13.1 focus

[1] While the Peloponnesian forces were still collecting at the Isthmus and while they were on the march but had not yet invaded Attica, Pericles son of Xanthippus, who was one of the ten Athenian generals, when he realised that the invasion would be made, conceived a suspicion that perhaps Archidamus, who happened to be a guest-friend of his, might pass by his fields and not lay them waste, doing this either on his own initiative, in the desire to do him a personal favour, or at the bidding of the Lacedaemonians with a view to creating a prejudice against him, just as it was on his account that they had called upon the Athenians to drive out the pollution.¹ So he announced to the Athenians in their assembly that while Archidamus was indeed a guest-friend of his, this relationship had certainly not been entered upon for the detriment of the state; and that in case the enemy might not lay waste his fields and houses like the rest, he now gave them up to be public property, and asked that no suspicion should arise against himself on that account.

[2] And he gave them the same advice as before² about the present situation: that they should prepare for the war, should bring in their property from the fields, and should not go out to meet the enemy in battle, but should come into the city and there act on the defensive; that they should equip their fleet, in which their strength lay, and keep a firm hand upon their allies, explaining that the Athenian power depended on revenue of money received from the allies, and that, as a general rule, victories in war were won by abundance of money as well as by wise policy.

[3] And he bade them be of good courage, as on an average six hundred talents³ of tribute were coming in yearly from the allies to the city, not counting the other sources⁴ of revenue, and there were at this time still on hand in the Acropolis six thousand talents⁵ of coined silver (the maximum amount had been nine thousand seven hundred talents, from which expenditures had been made for the construction of the Propylaea⁶ of the Acropolis and other buildings,⁷ as well as for the operations at Potidaea).

[4] Besides, there was uncoined gold and silver in public and private dedications, and all the sacred vessels used in the processions and games, and the Persian spoils and other treasures of like nature, worth not less than five hundred talents.⁸

[5] And he estimated, besides, the large amount of treasure to be found in the other temples. All this would be available for their use, and, if they should be absolutely cut off from all other resources, they might use even the gold plates with which the statue of the goddess herself was overlaid.⁹ The statue, as he pointed out to them, contained forty talents' weight of pure gold, and it was all removable.¹⁰

[6] This treasure they might use for selfpreservation, but they must replace as much as they took. As to their resources in money, then, he thus sought to encourage them;

[7] and as to heavv-armed infantry, he told them that there were thirteen thousand, not counting the sixteen thousand men who garrisoned the forts and manned the city walls. For this was the number engaged in garrison duty at first, when the enemy were invading Attica, and they were composed of the oldest and the youngest¹¹ citizens and of such metics as were heavily armed. For the length of the Phalerian wall was thirty-five stadia to the circuit-wall of the city, and the portion of the circuit-wall itself which was guarded was fortythree stadia (a portion being left unguarded, that between the Long Wall and the Phalerian); and the Long Walls to the Peiraeus were forty stadia in extent, of which only the outside one was guarded; and the whole circuit of the Peiraeus including Munichia was sixty stadia, half of it being under guard.

[8] The cavalry, Pericles pointed out, numbered twelve hundred, including mounted archers, the bow-men sixteen hundred, and the triremes that were seaworthy three hundred.

[9] For these were the forces, and not less than these in each branch, which the Athenians had on hand when the first invasion of the Peloponnesians was impending and they found themselves involved in the war. And Pericles used still other arguments, as was his wont, to prove that they would be victorious in the war.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides. The history of the Peloponnesian War, Volume 1-2. Dale, Henry, translator. London: Heinemann and Henry G. Bohn, 1851-1852.) — 2.13.1 focus

[1] While the Peloponnesians were still assembling at the Isthmus, and were on their march, before they invaded Attica, Pericles, son of Xanthippus, who was general of the Athenians with nine colleagues, when he found that the invasion would take place, suspected that either Archidamus, because he happened to be his friend, might frequently pass over his lands, and not ravage them, from a personal wish to oblige him; or that this might be done at the command of the Lacedaemonians for the purpose of raising a slander against him —as it was also with reference to him that they had charged them to drive out the accursed; and therefore he publicly declared to the Athenians in the assembly, that though Archidamus was his friend, he had not been admitted into his friendship for any harm to the state; should, then, the enemy not lay waste his lands and houses, like those of the rest, he gave them up to be public property, and that no suspicion might arise against him on these grounds.

[2] He gave them advice also on their present affairs, the same as he had before given; namely, to prepare for the war, and bring in their property from the country, and not go out against them to battle, but to come in and guard the city, and get ready their fleet, in which they were so strong, and keep the allies tight in hand; reminding them that their main strength was derived from the returns of the money paid by these, and that most of the advantages in war were gained by counsel and abundance of money.

[3] And [on this head] he told them to be of good courage, as the state had, on an average, six hundred talents coming in yearly as tribute from the allies, not reckoning its other sources of income; while there were still at that time in the Acropolis 6000 talents of coined silver;

[4] (for the greatest sum there had ever been was 9700 talents, from which had been taken what was spent on the propylaea of the citadel, and the other buildings, and on Potidaea;) and besides, of uncoined gold and silver in private and public offerings, and all the sacred utensils for the processions and games, and the Median spoils, and every thing else of the kind, there was not less than 500 talents.

[5] Moreover, he added the treasures in the ¹ other temples, to no small amount, which they would use; and, in case of their being absolutely excluded from all resources, even the golden appendages of the goddess herself; explaining to them that the statue contained 40 talents of pure gold, and that it was all removable; and after using it for their preservation they must, he said, restore it to the same amount.

[6] With regard to money, then, he thus encouraged them. And as for heavy-armed troops, he told them that they had thirteen thousand, besides those in garrisons and ² on the ramparts to the number of sixteen thousand.

[7] For this was the number that kept guard at first, whenever the enemy made an incursion, drawn from the oldest and the youngest, and such of the resident aliens as were heavyarmed. For of the Phaleric wall there were five and thirty stades to the circuit of the city wall; and of that circuit itself the guarded part was three and forty stades; a certain part of it being unguarded, viz. that between ³ the long wall and the Phaleric. There were also the long walls to the Piraeus, a distance of forty states, of which the outer one was manned; while the whole circumference of Piraeus with Munychia was sixty stades, though the guarded part was only half that extent. Of cavalry, again, he showed them that they had twelve hundred, including mounted bowmen;

[8] with sixteen hundred bowmen [on foot], and three hundred triremes fit for service.

[9] These resources, and no fewer than these in their several kinds, had the Athenians, when the invasion of the Peloponnesians was first going to be made, and when they were setting to the war. Other statements also did Pericles make to them, as he was accustomed, to prove that they would have the superiority in the war.

Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci First1KGreek (Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci. Haase, Friedrich, translator. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1869.) — 2.13.1 focus

[1] Dum autem Peloponnesiorum copiae in Isthmum adhuc coguntur et in ipso itinere sunt, antequam in Atticam irrumperent, Pericles,Xanthippi filius, Atheniensium dux decimus ipse, ut cognovit, irruptionem lactum iri, suspicatus fore, ut Archidamus, qui ipsius erat hospes, aut ipse privatim sibi gratificans suos agros praeteriret et non vastaret, aut etiam Lacedaemoniorum jussu, ad invidiam sibi conflandam, hoc fieret, quemadmodum etiam piacula tolli ante jusserant ipsius causa, praedixit Atheniensibus in concione, sibi hospitem esse Archidamum, non fore tamen id malo reipuhlic«e; se vero agros villasque suas, si non, ut ceterorum, ab hostibus vastarentur, velle rei-publicae esse; neve eo nomine se in ullam suspicionem vocarent.

[2] Quod autem ad res praesentes attinebat, eadem, quae et ante suadebat, ut se ad bellum pararent, et omnem supellectilem ex agris in urbem comportarent, neque ad proelium egrederentur, sed urbem ingressi tuerentur; et classem, qua pollebant, instruerent, et sociorum res manu tenerent, docens potentiam ipsorum sitam esse in vectigalibus , quae a sociis pendebantur, et plerasque belli partes consilio et pecuniarum copia obtineri.

[3] Eosque confidere jubebat, tum quod propemodum sexcenta talenta quotannis a sociis pro tributo reipublicae penderentur, praeter alios proventus; tum etiam, quod vel tunc sex millia talentorum argenti signati in arce adhuc essent (nam maxima summa fuerant decem millia talentorum, trecentis minus, unde pars in arcis propylaea et alia aedificia et in Potidaeatn erae insumpta),

[4] praeterea iero auri et argenti non signati quum in privatis, tum in publicis donariis, et sacra vasa, quotquot vel pompis vel certaminibus serviebant, et Medica spolia, et si quid aliud hujusmodi erat, non minoris [erant], quam quingentorifcn talentorum.

[5] Praeterea addebat etiam ex aliis templis non exiguas pecunias, qnibos eos usuros esse, et, si harum omnium usu omnino prohiberentur, aureis etiam ornamentis, quibus ipsius deae simulacrum circumdatum erat; confirmabat autem illud simulacrum babere auri purissimi pondus quadraginta talentorum, totumque eximi posse. Et, si salutis causa usi fuissent, dicebat oportere non minus auri pondus restituere.

[6] Pecuniis igitur hoc modo eos confidere jubebat; praeterea militum gravis armaturae esse tredecim millia praeter illos, qui in praesidiis et in propugnaculis erant sexdecim millia.

[7] Tot enim initio excubabant, ubi hostes irruptionem facerent, ex senioribus et junioribus, et inquilinorum qnotquot erant gravis armaturae. Nam et Phalerici muri longitudo erat triginta et quinque stadiorum usque ad urbis ambitum, et ipsius ambitus ea pars, quae custodiebatur, erat trium et quadraginta stadiorum; erat autem etiam aliqua ejus pars, quae nullis custodiis servabatur, inter longum murum et Phalericum media. Longi vero muri ad Piraeeum usque quadraginta stadiorum longitudinem habebant, quorum exterior pars custodiebatur; et ipsius Piraeei una cum Munychia universus ambitus erat sexagmta stadiorum; pars autem, quae custodiebatur, hujus erat dimidium.

[8] Equites vero demonstrabat esse mille et ducentos cum equestribus sagittariis, praeterea mille et sexcentos sagittarios, et trecentas expeditas triremes.

[9] Haec enim et non pauciora horum singula Atheniensibus suppetebant, quum Peloponnesii primum irruptionem erant facturi, et bellum suscipiebant. Alia quoque recensebat, quemadmodum consueverat Pericles , ut cives bello superiores fore demonstraret.

Vier Staatsreden aus Thucydides First1KGreek (Thucydides. Vier Staatsreden aus Thucydides. Gürsching, Heinrich, translator. Augsburg: Wirth, 1856.) — 2.35.1 focus

[1] Wenn es bisher bei den Rednern an dieser Stätte fast allgemeiner Brauch geworden, den Mann zu rühmen, der mit der Bestattung diese Rede verband, weil an dem Grabe gefallener Krieger ein ehrendes Wort sich zieme, so würde ich es für hinreichend gehalten haben, dass man Helden der That mit einer festlichen Handlung ehre, — wie das denn der Staat durch die Bestattung gethan hat, deren Zeugen ihr so eben gewesen — und würde die Verherrlichung so vieler Männer nicht einem Einzelnen und der zufälligen Wirkung seines Vortrags anheimgegeben haben.

La storia di Tucidide First1KGreek (Thucydides. Della storia di Tucidide volgarizzata libri otto. Anonymous translator. Florence: Tipografia Galileiana, 1835.) — 2.13 focus

Ma intanto che i Pelopoimesi si andavano adunando sull5 istmo ed erano in cammino , prima che assaltassero l’Attica, Pericle di Xantippo , uno dei dieci capitani ateniesi, persuaso che l’invasione sarebbe accaduta , venne in sospetto che Archidamo suo ospite lascerebbe intatte, c non gli guasterebbe le possessioni ; sia che volesse così gratificarlo di propria volontà ; sia che potesse ciò accadere pei conforti dei Lacedemoni che bramavano screditarlo, e che, mirando a lui, avevano intimato si purgasse la contaminazione. Laonde divulgò nell’ adunanza degli Ateniesi , essere Archidamo suo ospite, ma ciò non dover causare alcun detrimento alla Repubblica ; e se le sue terre e ville non fossero guastate dai nemici come quelle degli altri , ei I9 rilasciava in mano del popolo, acciò non vi fosse alcun argomento di sospetto contro di lui. Ed anche adesso li confortava come per l’innanzi a prepararsi alla guerra, a trasportare in città quel che era in campagna; non far sortite contro i nemici, ma ridursi in città e guardarla ; metterò compiutamente in ordine la flotta, loro forza principale, e tenere in pugno gli alleati. Dimostrava, su i tributi di questi esser fondata la loro potenza, e ordinariamente l’intelligenza e la copia del denaro procacciare superiorità in guerra : li esortava a rincorarsi, atteso che la città, senza contare le altre entrate, aveva d’ordinario la rendita di seicento talenti l’anno per tributo degli alleati , e vi restavano anche presentemente nella rocca seimila talenti d’argento coniato, essendo la maggior somma stata di novemila settecento, dai quali erano state levate le spese per gli antiporti della rocca, per altre fabbriche e per Potidea. Okre di che, di argento e d’oro non coniato, tra privati e pubblici voti, tra tutto il resto del va-

Orìginal from sellarne per le sacre pompe e pei pubblici giuochi, e tra spoglie dei Medi e cose di simil fatta, non vi era meno di cinquecento talenti. Aggiungeva di più, le grandi ricchezze degli altri templi, delle quali si servirebbero ; e qualora fossero affatto impediti dall9 usar tutte queste, gli aurei ornamenti posti intorno al simulacro di Minerva stessa , il quale aveva il peso di quaranta talenti d’oro purgatissimo che tutto poteva spiccarsi ¿’attorno. Avvertiva nondimeno, che quantunque l' avrebbono impiegato per la pubblica salvezza , conveniva poi rimettervelo di peso non inferiore. Cosi li rincorava quanto al denaro. Per ciò che riguarda l' esercito, mostrava esservi tredicimila soldati di armatura grave, senza gli altri sedicimila delle guarnigioni e degli spaldi : tanti appunto, tolti dai più vecchi e dai più giovani con tutti gli inquilini armati alla grave , erano quelli che vi stavano di guardia sino da principio , quando i Lacedemoni erano per assaltare l’Attica. Imperciocché di trentacinque stadii erano le mura di Falera sino al recinto della città , del qual recinto la parte guernita è di quarantatrè , restando senza presidio la porzione che è di mezzo tra le mura faleree e le lunghe. Queste poi sino al Pireo erano di quaranta stadii, e tutte guardate dalla parte esterna. L'intero circuito del Pireo , compresovi Munichia , era di sessanta stadii, ma solo la metà guarnita. Di cavalleria poi mostrava esservi mille dugento , contando gli arcieri a cavallo ; seicento arcieri a piedi, è trecento triremi buone a navigare. Tale e non minore era l' apparecchio che di ciascuna cosa avevano gli Ateniesi, quando i Peloponnesi erano da prima per assaltar VAttica , e quando si misero in guerra. Altre dichiarazioni andava facendo Pericle al suo solito , tendenti tutte a dimostrare che in questa guerra sarebbono vincitori.

Notes on the current edition

History of the Peloponnesian War

Environ trois millions trois cent mille francs. La somme du tribut fixée par Aristide était de quatre cent soixante talents (I, xcvi). Le surplus provenait de l’adjonction de nouveaux alliés, des subsides consentis en remplacement des prestations militaires, enfin de l’aggravation de tribut imposée aux alliés révoltés et soumis.

La construction des Propylées coûta seule deux mille douze talents; celle du Parthénon mille. Ajoutez-y l’Odéon, le temple de Gérés à Eleusis, et une foule d’autres édifices moins considérables. Le siège de Potidée coûta aux Athéniens deux mille talents. (Voyez liv. II, Oh. LXX.)

Entre autres, le trône à pieds d’argent massif qui avait appartenu à Xerxès, et le cimeterre de Mardonius.

Le talent pesant équivalait à trente-deux kilogrammes. La statue de Minerve, œuvre de Phidias et placée dans le Parthénon, avait trente-sept pieds de haut. Le buste} les bras et les pieds étaient d’ivoire; le vêtement et les armes étaient d’or. — Sur les emprunts temporaires faits aux temples par les États, voyez Γιν. I, ch.cxxi, note 1.

Les jeunes Athéniens, avant d’être incorporés dans la milice régulière, devaient faire pendant deux ans, sous le nom de péripoles, un service de garnison dans les places fortes sur les frontières de l’At-tique. (IV, lxvii, note 1, et VIII, xcn, noté 1.)—Pour ce qui est des métèques et de leur service militaire, voyez liv. I, ch. cxljii, note 1.

Le bras occidental des longs murs, appelé aussi le mur extérieur, et dans la direction duquel venaient les Péloponésiens. Le bras oriental, qui était couvert par l’Ilissus et par les pentes de l’Hymette, se trouvait d’ailleurs protégé par les fortifications du Phalère.

La partie qui bordait la mer n’avait pas besoin de défense.

Les archers à cheval, Thraces ou Scythes, étaient une sorte de gendarmerie que les Athéniens entretenaient pour faire la police. Leur quartier était sur l’agora et s’appelait la tente des Scythes.

Commentary

Commentary on Thucydides Book 2 (Thucydides, Book II. Marchant, Edgar C., editor. London: Macmillan and Company, 1891.) focus

Κατὰ μίαν —‘in a single line,’ one ship behind the other.

ἐν χρῷ — i.e. as near as possible. Cf. ad vivum resecare.

δόκησιν —c. 35, 2.

ἐμβαλεῖν —fut. Cl. quotes IV. 55 δόκησίς τι πράξειν. προείρητο ... ὑπὸ—the construction is due to αὐτοῖς.

Εἰώθει —sc. αὐτὸ from ὅπερ, cf. c. 4, 5.

ὁπόταν — cf. c. 11, 6.

τότε — i.e. when the wind threw them into confusion.

γίγνεσθαι —might be ἔσεσθαι—‘quod enim fit non est, sed erit.’ Sta. Cf. IV. 24 ἤλπιζον .. χειρώσεσθαι, καὶ ἤδη σφῶν ἰσχυρὰ τὰ πράγματα γίγνεσθαι.

Κατῄει —c. 25, 4.

ὑπ’ ἀμφοτέρων —with προσκει‐ μένων.

βοῇ τε —the τε adds the third fact. For the disturbance, cf. Eur. Hec. 607 ναυτική τ’ ἀναρχία | κρείσσων πυρός. ἀναφέρειν—owing to the stiff breeze and heavy sea they could not clear the water.

ἀλκὴν —‘resistance,’ robur. So Herod., common in poets and found frequently in Xen. as Ages. 10, 1; but not found in any other Attic prose.

Δύμην —W. of Achaea; the exact site doubtful.

Μολύκρειον —a small town near Antirrhium.

Πο‐ σειδῶνι —cf. Aristoph. Eq. 561 ὦ Γεραίστιε (Poseidon, from Geraestus, the site of a temple) παῖ Κρόνου, Φορμίωνί τε φίλτατ’ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων τε θεῶν Ἀθηναίοις, referring to Poseidon's victories, and to the success at Pylus.

Ῥίῳ —cf. c. 86, 2; called also τὸ Ἀντίρριον, now Kastro Roumelias, 11/4 mile from the Rhium on the opposite coast. See L. and S. s.v. ῥίον .

Κυλλήνην —opposite Zacynthus, and a port of im- portance, of which there are no remains.

Λευκάδος — Cnemus was left at Oeniadae. Thence he had crossed to Leucas.

Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 2.13

Élie-Ami Bétant (Translator)

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